History of Plymouth Plantation (corrected spelling)

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REYNOLOi. r-iTTORlCAL
GENEALOGY COLLECTION

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 1833 00083 6004

HISTORY

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

BY

WILLIAM BRADFORD,

THE SECOND COVETIXOK OV THE COLOXY.

NOW FIRST PRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT.

BOSTON:

PUBLISHED FOR THE

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

1856.

1T86314

fx

\ p Bradford, William, 158S-1657.

* 8447 'History of Plymouth plantation. By William Brad-

t yi ^ orc l ■•• ^ ow fi rs ^ printed from the original manuscript,

for the Massachusetts historical society. Published at
; the charge of the Appleton fund. Boston, Little, Brown

J and company, 1S56.

{ xix, ill, 476 p., 1 I. 25°™.

? Covers ycaTs 1608-1646.

Ed. by Charles Deanc.
| Reissue of the greater part of v. 3 of the 4th series of Proceedings of

the Massachusetts historical society. Bradford's ms., which had been used
! 0HCLrCA*o' b>' Hutchinson, Prince and other early historians of Mass., disappeared at
> the time of the British evacuation of Boston in 1776. It was discovered

j in 1S55 in the Fulham library of the Bishop of London.

) 1. Mas sachu setts — Hist. — Colonial period. 2. Pilgrim fathers. I. Deane,

CharIeTTigl3-18S9, ed.

! 59649 • . (^

1-12062

Library of Congress ' F68.B79

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2010 with funding from

Allen County Public Library Genealogy Center

http://www.archive.org/details/historyofplymoutOOinbrad

EDITORIAL PREFACE.

The History of Plymouth Plantation by tVilliam Brad-
ford, the second Governor of the colony, after having
remained in manuscript for more than two hundred
years, 'is now given to the public in this present form.

It is evident that Governor Bradford early formed the
plan of writing a history of this colony; and this doubt-
less led to the careful preservation by him of the valuable
materials which officially came into his possession pre-
viously to the time when the work was commenced.
One evidence of this is seen in his Letter-Book, which
contained an invaluable collection of letters and other
public papers, chronologically arranged, afterwards free-
ly used by him in preparing his History. In a note ap-
pended to one of these papers, alluding to the necessi-
tous condition of the colony in 1625 and 1626, he says:
" It was God's marvellous providence that w r e w r ere ever
able to wade through things, as will better appear if God
give me life and opportunity to handle them more partic-
ularly in another treatise more at large, as I desire and
purpose, (if God permit,) with many other things, in a
better order."

It is well known to all students of our early annals,
that Governor Bradford wrote, and left at his decease,
a History of this colony; and that this, which was never
published, w T as freely used by Morton in compiling his

IV EDITORIAL PREFACE.

Memorial, first published in 1669; and subsequently by
Prince and Hutchinson. In the Preface to the first
volume of his Annals, 1736, Prince cites, as one of his
manuscript authorities, " Governor Bradford's History of
Plymouth People and Colony, from 1602 to the end of
1646, in 270 pages, with some account, at the end, of the
increase of those who came over with him, from 1620 to
1650., and all in his own handwriting." Governor Hutch-
inson, in his second volume, first published in 1767, is
one of the last, if not the very last, who has made use of
this manuscript. Prom that time nothing, until recently,
has been heard of this volume. Whila in the possession
of Prince, who died in 1758, it was deposited in the New
England Library, in the tower of the Old South Church,
where he kept his choice historical treasures, and where
it may have reposed at the time of the siege of Boston,
when that church was used for a riding-school by the
British soldiers. Among these treasures was Governor
Bradford's Letter-Book. This was carried to Nova Scotia,
and a large portion of it destroyed ; but the remainder
was rescued from a grocer's shop in Halifax some time .
afterwards, by James Clark, Esq., a Corresponding Mem-
ber of this Society, and Avas printed in the third volume
of its Collections. It was supposed that Bradford's His-
* tory shared the fate of other documents that were at that
time, destroyed or carried away. It had long been given
•up as lost.

The late Dr. Young was attracted by a narrative in the
handwriting of Secretary Morton, in the Records of the
First Church at Plymouth, which, on comparing it with
the extracts in Hutchinson and Prince, he recognized as a
portion of the History of Governor Bradford. This por-
tion, the most of which had been previously printed by
Hazard as a work of Morton, and which comes down only
to the year 1620, Dr. Young published in the Chronicles
of the Pilgrims, in 18-11.

EDITORIAL PREFACE* V

Thus matters stood until about a year since as regards
this long-lost manuscript On the 17th day of February,
1855, the Hev. John S. Barry, who was at that time en-
gaged in writing the first volume of his Histoiy of Mas-
sachusetts, since published, called upon me, and stated
that he believed he had made an important discovery; it
being no less than Governor Bradford's manuscript His-
tory. He then took from his pocket a duodecimo vol-
ume, entitled " A History of the Protestant Episcopal
Church in America, by Samuel, Lord Bishop of Oxford.
Second edition. London, 18-16," — which a few days be-
fore had been lent to him by a friend, — and pointed out
certain passages in the text, which any one familiar with
them would at once recognize as the language of Brad-
ford, as cited by Morion and Prince ; but which the au-
thor of the volume, in his foot-notes, referred to a " MS.
History of the Plantation of Plymouth, &c, in the Ful-
ham Library." There were other passages in the vol-
ume, not recognized as having before been printed, which
were referred to the same source. I fully concurred with
Mr, Barry in the opinion that this Fulham manuscript
could be no other than Bradford's History, either the
original or a copy, — the whole or a part ; and that
measures should at once be taken to cause an examina-
tion of it to be made.*

Enjoying the privilege of an occasional correspondence
with the Rev. Joseph Hunter, one of the Vice-Presidents
of the Society of Antiquaries of London, and a Correspond-
ing Member of our Society, — who has taken a great in-
terest in the early history of the Pilgrims, and has made
valuable contributions thereto, — with the concurrence of
Mr. Barry, I addressed him a note on the very day above
named, calling his attention to the extracts, and the ref-

* Mr. Barry stated to me, at the same time, that he had called the attention of
our mutual friend, Dr. N. B. ShurtlefF, to these references ; and that he concurred
in his views respecting them.

d

VI ^EDITORIAL PREFACE.

erence made by the Bishop of Oxford, and requesting of
him the favor to ascertain what this Fnlham manuscript
was ; and, if it proved what we hoped it was, to have a
copy taken for publication in the Collections of this So-
ciety, the next volume of which would come principally
under my charge, as chairman of the Publishing Com-
mittee. This note, in which was enclosed an original
letter of Governor Bradford, as a means of verification
of the manuscript, was sent by the steamer of the 21st
of February from New York.

Mr. Hunter immediately responded to the call made
upon him, and the result may be seen in the following
letters. .

To Charles Deaxe, Esq., Boston.

30 Torrington Square, March 12, 1855.

Dear Sir, —

Not having the honor of being acquainted with the
Bishop of London, I applied to the Bishop of Oxford
immediately on the receipt of your letter, who assured me
that he was confident the Bishop of London would allow
me to make the examination you had requested, and who
very kindly undertook to introduce the subject himself to
his Lordship.

This cleared the way, and I addressed a letter to the
Bishop of London, explaining to his Lordship what it was
that the Massachusetts Historical Society had applied to
me to perform for them, (or rather what I was requested
to do on behalf of the Society,) namely, to ascertain
whether the Fulham manuscript were indeed Bradford's
original, in his own handwriting, and, more generally,
what is the true nature and character of the manuscript.

To this I received an immediate reply on Friday last,
in which the Bishop assures me that every facility shall
be afforded me for the examination of the manuscript,
and that he will bring it to town when first he goes to

EDITORIAL PREFACE. VII

Fulham, and give me notice accordingly. You are prob-
ably aware that Fulham is several miles distant from
London.*

I thought it right at the same time to apprise his Lord-
ship that the granting this favor might possibly draw on
another request, namely, that he would permit an exact
copy to be made of it, for the purpose of being introduced
among the Transactions of the Society. Should this re-
quest be presented to him, it will impose more inconven-
ience upon the Bishop than the mere inspection and com-
parison, which I could do in a single morning, unless he
should be disposed to intrust the manuscript to my care,
when I should find no difficulty, or very little, in having
a transcript made of it. If, after the report which I shall
make of it, a transcript shall be called for, I think there
ought to be a formal application from the Council of the
Society, expressing this their desire to the Bishop, which
I would undertake to present to him.

I shall be in daily expectation of hearing that the man-
uscript has been brought to London House, though I can
easily excuse any delay, conceiving that at this season of
the year, when Parliament is sitting and there is so much
other public business requiring his attention, the visits of
the Bishop to Fulham may not be very frequent.
I am, dear Sir, your very faithful servant,

Joseph Hunter.

To Charles Deane, Esq.

30 Torrington SquaTe, March 19, IS55.

Deak Sir, —
The Bishop of London, with his accustomed prompti-

* The village of Fulham is situated on the banks of the Thames, at a distance
•of four miles from Hyde-Park Corner. The manor of Fulham belonged to the
see of London a considerable time before the Conquest, and lias since been in
the uninterrupted possession of the Bishops of London, except during the inter-
regnum in the seventeenth century ; the manor-house, or palace, being thrir
principal summer residence. The library, Mr. Hunter writes, is a very valuable
one. The room is fortv-eight feet in length, and contains many of the portraits
of the Bishops of London, beginning with Tunstall. See a full and interest-
ing description of Fulham in Ly son's Environs of London, 2d cd., II. 2iM-270,

Vlll EDITORIAL TltEFACE.

tude, brought the manuscript to town in the course of last
week, and on Friday I had the opportunity of inspecting
it at his Lordship's house in St. James's Square.

But his Lordship added much to this favor, by assuring
me that I was at perfect liberty to take it home, and to
make whatever extracts from it I pleased, or to copy the
whole. So that all difficulties of that kind are removed,
and the Society is perfectly at liberty to have a copy made
for its use, from which they may print, if they think it
expedient to do so.

There is not the slightest doubt that the manuscript is
Governor Bradford's own autograph. Not only is there
a sufficient degree of correspondence between the hand-
writing of the manuscript and that of the letter which
you transmitted to me, but there is the attestation of one
of the family, written in 1705, stating that it was given
by the Governor to his son, Major William Bradford, and
by him to Ms son, Major John Bradford. There is also,
in the handwriting of Prince, a memorandum, dated June
4, .1728, showing how he obtained it from Major John
Bradford. It also appears to have been in the New Eng-
land Library. And finally, the written pages are 270, the
number named by Prince, and subsequently by Dr. Young,
as the number of pages in the long-lost volume

Jt now remains for the Historical Society to determine
whether they will have a fair and exact copy made of it.
I have spoken to a gentleman who would undertake to do
it, and who would execute it in a scholar-like and busi-
ness-like manner. I cannot undertake to do much myself
in the labor of transcribing or correcting, though I should
have no objection to giving a little attention and super-
vison as the work is in progress

As it seems to be your wish that no time should be
lost, and as I should myself be glad to be relieved from
the care of so precious a volume, and to restore it to the
Bishop's library, it would be well if instructions were

EDITORIAL PREFACE. IX

given in your next communication respecting the form
in which' you would wish the copy to be made ; that is,
whether with the contractions as used by Bradford, and
his own orthography, or reduced to modern orthography,
as is done by Dr. Young in the part which he has printed.
It would be expedient to copy the original so far as to
write on. only one side of the leaf, as there are a few ad-
ditions on some of the opposite pages, and also a few
notes in the handwriting of Prince, which it might be
well to preserve, distinguishing them, of course, from
the work of Bradford.

I return the letter of Governor Bradford in this en-
velope;

I am, dear Sir, your very faithful servant,

Joseph HuntePv.

These letters were received in the early part of April,
and, without waiting for any formal action of the Histori-
cal Society, which would have caused delay, a reply was
immediately made and forwarded by the steamer of the
11 tli of that month, with directions to have an exact copy
of "the manuscript made as soon as practicable; adequate
funds being at once placed at the disposal of Mr. Hunter
for that purpose.

The copy of the manuscript was completed on the
1*0 tli of July, and it was received at Boston on the 3d
of August. A note of Mr. Hunter was received at the
same time, under date of July 14th, 1855^ in which he
says : —

" The transcriber has done his work in a very satisfac-
tory manner, preserving all the peculiarities of Bradford's
writing, and the copy is, I think, as perfect a representa-
tion of the original as could w r ell be made. I have
perused the copy, turning often to the original when I
thought there might be some error, and there has hardly
been an instance in which I did not find it exact. There

X EDITORIAL PREFACE.

are cases not a few in which yon may think that what
Bradford has written is not correctly represented; but
you would find, I may venture to say, in all cases, that
it is Bradford himself who has not expressed his mean-
ing with sufficient precision. I made the collation with
much attention ; and in the course of it I added, what
I think ought to be preserved, the paging of the origi-
nal, in which you will perceive some irregularity.

" Everything has been copied except the Hebrew quo-
tations from the Old Testament Scriptures, and a Collec-
tion of Hebrew Roots ; and you will perceive that every-
thing which is not Bradford's is distinguished from his ;
but scarcely any hand has obtruded except Prince's.

" The volume is a folio of twelve inches by seven and
a half. The backs of white parchment, soiled, and in no
good condition. There has been some scribbling on the
cover, now scarcely legible. It was done by some mem-
ber of Bradford's family, before they had allowed the vol-
ume to pass out of their hands. In this scribbling the
name of Mercy Bradford* is to be traced.

" I inclose a fac-simile of the manuscript in this letter.
The verses on Mrs. Bradford are pasted inside the cover. f
I shall not return the manuscript immediately, so that
if you wish reference to be made to it On any particular
point, it can be done."

The gratification of receiving the copy of this venerable
relic was second only to that which would be experienced
by a sight of the original. The following memorandum,
referred to by Mr. Hunter in his letter of March 19th,
is written upon one of the blank leaves at the commence-
ment of the volume.

" This book was rit by goefner William Bradford, and
gifen to his son mager William Bradford, and by him
to his son mager John Bradford, rit by me Samuel Brad-
ford, Mach 20, 1705."

* Daughter of Governor Bradford. f See Appendix, page 460.

EDITORIAL PREFACE. xi

The following note by Prince, written upon another
leaf, also referred to by Mr, Hunter, will be read with
equal interest.

" Tuesday, June 4. 1758.

"N, 33. Calling at Major John Bradford's at Kingston
near Plimouth, son of Major W m Bradford formerly Dep
Gov r of Plimouth Colony, who was eldest son of "\Y m .
Bradford, Esq. their 2 d Gov r & author of this History; —
y e s d Major John Bradford gave me several Manuscript
Ocfavoes w c He assured me were written with his said
Grandfather Gov r Bradfords own Hand. He also gave
me a little Pencil Book wrote with a Blew-lead Pencil
by his s d Father y e Dep Gov r . And lie also told me y l
He had sent & only lent his s d Grandfather Gov r Brad-
ford's History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand
also, to Judg Sewall ; and desired me to get it of Him
or find it out, & take out of it what I think proper for
my New England Chronology ; w c I accordingly ob-
tained, and This is y e s d History ; w c I find wrote in y e
same Hand-writing as y c Octavo Manuscripts above s d .

" Thomas Prince.

" I also mentioned to him my Desire of lodging this His-
tory in y c New England library of Prints & Manuscripts,
w c I had been then collecting for 23 years, to w c He sig-
nified his willingness — only y l He might have y e Perusal
of it while he lived.

" T. Prince."

Prince's book-plate, which many of his volumes that
belonged to the NeAV England Library contain, is pasted
on this leaf.

A few words may be said as to the plan adopted in
printing this volume. The orthography of the original, as
represented by the copy, has been scrupulously preserved.
In a few instances, an obvious error of inadvertence has
been corrected, but the word as it stood in the manu-

XU EDITORIAL PREFACE.

script — unless the change was of too trifling a nature to
be thus indicated — has been placed at the bottom of the
page. But such slight changes even have rarely been
made, as the purpose has been to reproduce a copy of
the original, even to the retaining of some apparent slips
of the author. The peculiarity of the time as Jo the use
of the letters u and v, in spelling, was not preserved by
the transcriber, and in that regard modern usage has pre-
vailed ; Mr. Hunter, when written to respecting it, saying
he thought it quite unnecessary to attend scrupulously to
these. Occasionally, throughout the manuscript, an al-
teration was found to have been made in a word after it
was first written. For instance, the word such is usually
written shuck, but very frequently a pen has been drawn
down through the second letter, reducing it to modern
orthography. This is the case with a few other words.
In some instances the correction of the spelling of a word
is indicated by placing a letter over the word as originally
written. Whether these changes were made by the au-
thor, or by another ancient hand, I cannot determine
without an inspection of the original. In such instances,
the word has been printed to conform to the correction.
Many passages in the volume are underscored, and it
was designed to print such in italics ; and this method
.was proceeded in till, arriving at the middle of the vol-
ume, this peculiarity existed to such an extent that it
was perceived it would essentially mar the appearance of
the book to represent it in type. Some question also ex-
isted as to whether the underscoring might not be the
work of Prince, some of whose notes refer to these
marked passages. The italics were therefore abandoned.

There was a great want of uniformity in the author s
punctuation, and also in his use of capitals ; and in that
regard I have taken the liberty in printing to bring them
into conformity with modern usage.

The original manuscript was written on one side only

EDITORIAL PREFACE. X1U

of the leaf. On the reverse or blank pages Bradford
sometimes wrote long passages, some of which were in-
advertently omitted by him in the narrative, and after-
wards supplied. Others were intended as notes to illus-
trate the text. The most of Prince's notes, which are not
numerous, were written on these reverse pages; and in
printing them, his abbreviated words have been spelled
out at length, and the orthography generally made to
conform to modern usage. And this remark will also ap-
ply to the language of all early writers cited in the notes
of the editor. The orthography of Bradford in his His-
tory is preserved in his notes, as well as in the body of
the work. Where a word appears in the text in brackets,
it will be understood to have been supplied by the editor,
.unless otherwise indicated. The paging of the original
manuscript has been preserved in brackets throughout
the book. The running-title of the volume has been
adopted from the only title of Bradford, on the first page,
with the addition of the word " History."

In this volume, in the body of the work as well as in
the notes, everything is from Bradford's pen, unless other-
wise indicated. Prince's notes simply bear his name in
italics. The few notes which I have made in the capacity
of editor are signed " Ed."

Where references are made to Morton's Memorial, and
other early tracts, the first editions are intended, unless
other editions are named.

The chronology of this History is in old style, the dis-
tinction between which and the present mode of computa-
tion is too well known to historical readers to need ex-
planation here.

The very interesting list of passengers of the Mayflower,
with an account of their families, which is at the end of
the manuscript, is here placed in the Appendix.

In a note of Mr. Hunter, cited above, he says that
everything in the volume had been copied, except some
e

XIV EDITORIAL PREFACE.

Hebrew quotations, &c. In a previous letter he had
stated, that in the same volume with the History, though
forming no part of it, " is a rather long piece, being
Hebrew Roots, with English explanations " ; that it is
in the handwriting of Governor Bradford, and shows his
attention to these studies. It appears that there are eight
pages of these exercises, including extracts from the He-
brew Scriptures, to which Bradford has prefixed the fol-
lowing: —

" Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a longing
desire to see, with my owne eyes, somthing of that most
ancient language, and holy tongue, in which the Law and
oracles of God were write ; and in which God, and angels,
spake to the holy patriarks of old time ; and what names
v/eye given to things, from the creation. And though I
caiiot attaine to much herein, yet I am refreshed to have
seen some glimpse hereof (as Moyses saw the land of
Canan a fair of). My aime and desire is, to see how the
words and phrases lye in the holy texte ; and to discerne
somewhat of the same, for my owne contente."

It will be perceived that Morton, in compiling his
Memorial, was chiefly indebted to this History for his
materials, down to the year 1647. Much of it is a mere
abridgment of this ; and many passages of great histori-
cal interest were wholly omitted by him. Much valuable
correspondence that took place just before the embarka-
tion from Holland, and afterwards in England before the
Mayflower sailed, was passed over by him in silence. He
also omitted the whole history of the connection between
the planters and adventurers ; and also that portion
which narrates so minutely and graphically the struggles
which the undertakers subsequently passed through for
so many years. Morton copied some portions of this
History omitted in the Memorial into the Church Rec-
ords, beyond even what Dr. Young has published ; but
it appears not to have been within his plan to embrace

EDITORIAL PREFACE. XV

many subjects of the first importance in the history of
the colony.

Prince made a judicious use of this volume; but from
the limited nature of his work he was necessarily re-
stricted to extracts here and there, more or less brief,
on those subjects which to him were of the greatest in-
terest. Besides, the second volume of his Annals was
abruptly terminated by his death, and comes down only
to August, 1633.

Hubbard evidently made use of this volume in pre-
paring his History of New England; and from a few pas-
sages in Mather's Magnalia, it seems certain that he also
had seen this work.

In the Appendix to the second volume of his History
of Massachusetts, Hutchinson gives " a summary of the
affairs" of Plymouth colony, taken chiefly from Brad-
ford's manuscript. It was necessarily brief, as his " prin-
cipal object was the Massachusetts colony"; and this was
written because, as he says, " some of my friends of the
colony of New Plymouth took it unkindly because I said
no more of their affairs in the first part of the History."

The opportunities which Governor Bradford enjoyed
for writing the history of this colony, were superior, in
many respects, to those of any other person. Prom
1621 to 1657, the year of his death, he had but five
years' release from the office of chief magistrate. Al-
though this would seem to afford him little leisure for
writing, yet he thereby acquired an entire familiarity
with every subject of a public nature in any way con-
nected with the colony. This, taken in connection with
the high character which he has always enjoyed, has
caused this work to be regarded as of the first authority,
and as entitled to take precedence of everything else
relating to the history of the Pilgrims.

It will be seen, on page 6, that our author commenced
writing this History in 1630 ; and on page i4i, it will be

XVI EDITORIAL PREFACE.

observed that the. concluding portion, left evidently un-
finished, was written in 1G50.

For what is known of the early life of Bradford Ave are
indebted to Cotton Mather ; and as some of his statements
concerning him have recently received abundant confir-
mation from the researches of Mr. Hunter, there will
be a greater readiness to accept the whole sketch as au-
thentic. Mather may have obtained the most of his in-
formation from some writings of Bradford, now lost, or
by oral communication with members of the Bradford
family; more likely the former. We read in the Magna-
lia, that Bradford was born in " an obscure village called
Ansterfield." No such place can be found in any part of
England, but through the successful researches of Mr.
Hunter it is ascertained that what is printed Ansterfield
should be Affsterfield, a village in Yorkshire, a short dis-
tance from Scrooby, the residence of Brewster and the
location of ]iobinson 1 s church, in the adjoining county/*
Alluding to the suffering witnesses to the truth which
sprang up in Yorkshire during the reign of Queen Eliza-
beth, Mather proceeds: —

" Among those devout people was our William Bradford,
who was born anno 1588, in an obscure village called
Ansterfield,^ where the people were as' unacquainted with
the Bible, as the Jews do seem to have been with part of
it in the days of Josiah ; a most ignorant and licentious
people, and like unto their priest. Here, and in some
other places, he had a comfortable inheritance left him
of his honest parents, who died while he was yet a child,
and cast him on the education, first of his grandparents,
and then of his uncles, who devoted him, like his ances-
tors, unto the affairs of husbandry. Soon and long sick-
ness kept him, as he would afterwards thankfully say,
from the vanities of youth, and made him the fitter for

* Sec page 411 of this volume. f Austerfield.

EDITORIAL PREFACE. XV11

what he was afterwards to undergo. When he was about
a dozen years old* the reading of the Scriptures began to
cause great impressions upon him; and those impres-
sions were much assisted and improved, when he came
to enjoy Mr. Richard Clifton's illuminating ministry,
not far from his abode ; he was then also further be-
friended, by being brought into the company and fellow-
ship of such as were then called professors ; though the
young man that brought him into it, did after become a
profane and wicked apostate. Nor could the wrath of
his uncles, nor the scoff of his neighbors, now turned
upon him, as one of the Puritans, divert -him from his
pious inclinations."

At last he formed a resolution " to withdraw from the
communion of the parish-assemblies, and engage with
some society of the faithful, that should keep close unto
the written word of God, as the rule of their worship";
which he zealously adhered to. In course of time, he,
with the church with which he was connected, removed
into Holland. Bradford,* at that time, was about eighteen
years of age. He was one of those imprisoned at Boston,
in Lincolnshire ; and when, subsequently, he with others
succeeded in reaching Zealand, he was arrested, as having
fled from England. The magistrates, however, released
him on learning the cause of his emigration, and he joined
his friends at Amsterdam. While there, he served "a
Frenchman at the working of silks." On becoming of
age, he converted his estate in England into money, and
set up for himself. This, of course, was after the removal
to Leyden. He subsequently bore his part in the hazard-
ous enterprise of removing to New England, with a por-
tion of Mr. Robinson's church.

Mr. Hunter says that " Austerfield is an ancient village,
consisting then, as it does now, of a few houses inhabited
by persons engaged in the occupation of husbandry, and
a small chapel of a very early age." On consulting the

XV111 EDITORIAL PREFACE.

Register of that place, Mr. Hunter finds that Bradford
was born March 19th, 1589-90. His father's name was
William, and his mother's name was Alice Hanson. They
were married June 21st, 1584. The father was buried
July loth, 1591, when his son, the future Governor, was
but a year and a half old. The grandfather, who also
bore the same Christian name, was buried January 10th,
1595-6, when our William was about six years of age ;
so that he was then probably cast on the care of his
uncles, of whom there were two, Thomas and Robert
Bradford. For full information concerning the family
and some of their contemporaries, see Mr. Hunter's
Founders of New Plymouth.

Mather thus concludes his notice of our author: —
"He was a person for study as well as action; and
hence, notwithstanding the difficulties through which he
passed in his youth,. he attained unto a notable skill in
languages; the Dutch tongue was become almost as ver-
nacular to him as the English ; the French tongue he
could also manage; the Latin and the Greek he had mas-
tered; but the Hebrew he most of all studied, because,
he said, he would see with his own eyes the ancient ora-
cles of God in their native beauty. He was also well
skilled in history, in antiquity, and in philosophy; and
for theology, he became so versed in it, that he was an
irrefragable disputant against the errors, especially those
of Anabaptism, which with trouble he saw risino- in his
colony; wherefore he wrote some significant things for
the confutation of those errors. But the crown of all was
his holy, prayerful, watchful, and fruitful walk with God,
wherein he was very exemplary.

"At length he fell into an indisposition of body, which
rendered him unhealthy for a whole winter; and as the
spring advanced, his health yet more declined; yet he felt
himself not what he counted sick, till one day, in the
night after which the God of heaven so filled ins mind

EDITORIAL PREFACE. XIX

with ineffable consolations, that he seemed little short of
Paul, rapt up unto the unutterable entertainments of
Paradise. The next morning he told his friends, that the
good Spirit of God had given him a pledge of his happi-
ness in another world, and the first-fruits of his eternal
glory: and on the day following he died, May 9, 1657,
in the sixty-ninth year of his age, lamented by all the
colonies of New England, as a common blessing and
father to them all."

The first wife of Governor Bradford, Dorothy May, was
drowned at Cape Cod harbor, December 7th, 1620. On
the 14th of August, 1623, he was married again, to Alice,
the widow of Edward Southworth. She arrived at Ply-
mouth in the Anne, about a fortnight before. There is a
tradition that an early attachment existed between this
lady and Governor Bradford, which was not favored by
her parents. For an account of his children, see Appen-
dix I. of this volume, and Russell's Guide to Plymouth,
pages 237, 238.

In conclusion, it would be a satisfaction to know by
whose agency the original manuscript of this History was
transferred from the New England Library in Boston to
the Fulham Library in England. There was no faithful
Prince to make a record of 'this. It is uncertain how
long the volume has reposed at Fulham. The Bishop of
Oxford, in a note to me on this point, writes : " I should
suppose for a very long period. I discovered it for myself
in searching for original documents for my History of the
American Episcopal Church."

CHARLES DEANE.

Boston, April 10, 1S5G.

<u K '%^« «... « S jj <o jj

3'^

6

*

3? ^

S*§

£

Of Plimoth Plantation.*

And first of y e occasion and indusments ther unto ; the
which that I may truly unfoulcl, I must begine at y e very
roote & rise of y e same. The which I shall endevor to
manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler regard unto y c
simple trueth in all things, at least as near as my slender
judgmente can attaine the same.

1. Chapter.

It is well knowne unto y c godly and judicious, how ever
since y c first breaking out of y e lighte of y e gospell in our
Honourable Xation of England, (which was y e first of im-
• tions whom y c Lord adorned ther with, affter y l grosse
-darknes of popery which had covered & overspred y°
Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions ever since,
Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued against the
Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or other. Some
times by bloody death and cruell torments ; other whiles
imprisonments, banishments, & other hard usages ; as
being loath his kingdom should goe downe, the trueth
prevaile, and y e churches of God reverte to their anciente
puritie, and recover their primative order, libertie. &
bewtie. But when he could not prevaile by these means,

* No other title to the manuscript, — Ed.

i

2 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.

against the niaine trueths of y° gospell, but that they
began to take rootling in many places, being watered
with y c blooud of y e martircs, and blessed from heaven
with a gracious encrcasc ; he then begane to take him to
his anciente strategemes, used of old against the first
Christians. That when by y D bloody & barbarous perse-
cutions of y e Heathen Emperours, he could hot stoppe
& subuerte the course of y° gospell, but that it speedily
overspred with a woundcrfull celeritie the then best
known parts of y e world, he then begane to sow errours,
heresies, and wounderfull disscntions amongst y e profes-
sours them selves, (working upon their pride & am-
bition; with other corrupte passions incidente to all mor-
tal] men, yea to y° saints them selves in some measure,)
by which wofull effects followed ; as not only bitter con-
tentions, & hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible
confusions, but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby
to foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many un-
proffitable cannons & decrees, which have since been as
snares to many poore & peaceable souls even to this
day. So as in y c anciente times, the persecutions [2] by y a
heathen & their Emperours, was not greater then of the
Christians one against other ; the Arians & other their
complices against y e orthodoxc & true Christians. As
Avitneseth Socrates in his 2. booke* His words are these ;
The violence truly (saith he) was no less then that of ould
'practised towards y e Christians when they -were compelled
8? drawnc to sacrifice to idolcs ; for many endured sundrie
lands of torment e, often rackings, §• dismembering of their
joynts ; confiscating of titer goods ; some bereaved of their
native soyle ; others departed this life under y e hands of y e
tormentor; and some died in banishmete, §* never saw titer
cuntrie againc, fyc.

The like mcthode Satan hath seemed to hold in these

* Lib. 2. chap. 22.

CHAP, I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 3

later times, since y e trueth begane to springe & spread
after y e great defection made by Antichrist, y l man of
sine.

For to let pass y e infinite examples in sunclrie nations
and severall places of y e world, and instance in our ownc,
when as y l old serpente could not prevaile by those firic
flames & other his cruell tragedies, which he by his
instruments put in ure every wher in y e days of queene
Mary & before, he then begane an other kind of warre,
& went more closly to worke ; not only to oppuggen, but
even to ruinate & destroy y e kingdom of Christ, by more
secrete & subtile means, by kindling y e flames of conten-
tion and sowing y c seeds of discorde & bitter enmitie
amongst y e profressors & seeming reformed them selves.
For when he could not prevaile by y e former . means
against y e principall doctrins of faith, he bente his force
against, ye holy discipline & outward regimente of y c
kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should
be conserved, & true pietie maintained amongest the
saints & people of God.

Mr. Foxe* recordeth* how y l besids those worthy mar-
tires & confessors -which were burned in queene Marys
days & otherwise tormented, Many {both studicnts §
others) Jflcd out of y e land, to y e number of "800. Ami be-
came several! congregations. At Wesell, Frankford, Bassill,
jblmden, Markpurge, Strausbontgh^ Sf Geneva,fyc. Amongst
whom (but cspecialy those at Frankford) begane y l bit-
ter warr of contention & persecutio aboute y e ceremonies,
& servise-booke, and other popish and antichristian stufle,
the plague cf England to this day, which are like y e high-
plases in Israeli, w ch the prophets cried out against. &
were their mine ; [3] which y e better parte sought, accord-
ing to y e puritie of y e gospell, to roote out and utterly to.
abandon. And the other parte (under veiled pretences)

* Acts & Mon: pag. 1587. editi : 2. f Marburg, Strasburg. — Ed.

4 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.

for their ouwn ends & advancements, sought as stifly to
continue, nmintaine, & defend. As appeareth by y c dis-
course therof published in printe, An ; 1575; a booke y l

deserves better to be knowne and considred * I

]

The one side laboured to have y e right worship of God
& discipline of Christ established in y e church, according-
to y e simplicitie of y c gospcll, without the mixture of mens *
inventions, and to have & to be ruled by y e laws of Gods
word, dispensed in those offices, & by those officers of Pas-
tors, Teachers, & Elders, &c. according to y e Script urs.
The other partie, though under many colours & pretences,
endevored to have y e episcopall dignitie (affter y e popish
mailer) with their large power & jurisdiction still retained;
with all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies, togcather with
all such livings, revenues, & subordinate officers, with other
such means as formerly upheld their antichristian great-
nes, and enabled them with lordly & tyranous power to
persecute y e poorc servants of God. This contention was
so great, as neither y e honour of God, the commone per-
secution, nor y e mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies

. of y e Lord in those places, could prevaile with those thus
episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all means to
disturbe y e peace of this poor persecuted church, even so
farr as to charge (very unjustly, & ungodlily, yet prelate-
like) some of their checfe opposcrs, with rebellion &

t hightreason against y e Emperour, & other such crimes.*]"
And this contetion dyed not with qucene Mary, nor was
left beyonde y e seas, but at her death these people return-
ing into England under gracious quecne Elizabeth, many
of them being preferred to bishopricks & other promo-
tions, according to their aimes and desires, that inveterate
hatered against y e holy discipline of Christ in his church

* This book is entitled, " A BriefT printed in London within a few years,

discours off the troubles begonne at — Ed.

Franckford in Germany Anno Domini f See Anderson's Annals of the Eng-

1554," &c. It is an esteemed work lish Bible, II. 300, 310 ; McCrie's Life

of original authority, and has been re- of Knox, Period IV. — Ed.

CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 5

hath continued to this clay. In sorauch that for fear [4] it
should prevcile, all plotts & devices have been used to
keepe it out, incensing y e queene & state against it as
dangerous for y e comon wealth ; and that it was most
needfull y l y c fundamentall poynts of Religion should be
preached in those ignorante & superstitious times ; and
to wiiie y e . weake & ignorante, they might retaine diverse
harmles ceremoneis ; and though it were to be wished y l
diverse things were reformed, yet this was not a season
for it. And many the like, to stop y e mouthes of y e more
godly, to bring them over to yeeld to one ceremoney after
another, and one corruption after another; by these wyles
begyleing some & corrupting others till at length they
beganc to persecute all y e zealous professors in y e land
(though they knew little what this discipline mente) botli
by word & deed, if they would not submitte to their cere-
monies, & become slaves to them & their popish trash,
which have no ground in y e word of God, but are relikes
of y l man of sine. And the more y e light of y e gospell
grew, y e more y ey urged their subscriptions to these cor-
ruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their former pre-
tences & fair colures) they whose eyes God had not justly
blinded might easily see wherto these things tended.
And to cast contempte the more upon y e sincere servants
of God, they opprobriously & most injuriously gave
unto, & imposed upon them, that name of Puritans,*
which [it] is said the Novatians out of prid did assume &
take unto themselves.-)* And lamentable it is to see y e
effects which have followed. Eeligion hath been dis-
graced, the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many
exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in prisones & other-
ways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced,
ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased, & the papists
encouraged to hope againe for a day.

* See Prince's Annals, I. 215. — Ed. j Eus : lib : 6 * cha P' 42 '

6 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.

Tliis made that holy man Mr. Perkins * crie out in his
exhortation to repentance, Upon Zeph. 2. Religion (saith
he) hath been amongst us this 35. years ; but the more it is
published, the more it is contemned §* reproaclied of many,
fyc. Thus not j)rophanes nor wiclccdncs, but Religion it
selfe is a byword, a mokingstock, Sf a matter of reproach ;
so that in England at this day the man or woman y- begines
to jwofes Religion, §* to serve God, must resolve with him
selfe to sustaine [5] mocks <§* injueries even as though he
lived amongst y c enimies of Religion. And this coiiione
experience hath confirmed & made too apparente.

A late observation^ as it were by the way, worthy to be

Notcd.^

Full litle did I thinke, y l the downfall of y e Bishops, with their
courts, cannons, & ceremonies, ccc. had been so neare, when I
first begane these scribled writings (which was aboute y° year
1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure afterward), or that

I should have lived to have scene or heard of y e same; but it
is y e Lords doing, and ought to be marvelous in our eyes ! Every
plantc which mine heavenly father hath not planted (saith our.
Saviour) shall be rooted up. Mat: 15. 13.f I have snared the,
and thou art taken, O Babell (Bishops), and thou wast not
aware ; thou art found, and also caught, because thou hast
striven against the Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs
strive against y e truth, against y c servants of God ; what, &
against the Lord him selfe ? Doe they provoke the Lord to
anger? Are they stronger than he? 1. Cor: 10, 22. No, no,
they have mete with their match. Behold, I come unto y e , O
proud man, saith the Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is come,
even the time that I will visite the. Jer: 50. 31. May not the

* Pag. 421. [William Perkins's by the passing events in England. —

II Godly and learned exposition of Ed.

Christ's Sermon in ihe Mount," one % All these and subsequent passages

vol., fol., IG13. — Ed.] are quoted from the Geneva version of

f A note of the author at this place, the Bible, which was held in high es-

written subsequent to this portion of limation by our Puritan fathers. —

the narrative, on the reverse pages of Ed.
his History, and naturally suggested

, HAl », i.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 7

people of God now say (and these pore people among y c
ivM), The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes ; come, let
u- declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer: 51.10.
Lr t all flesh be still before the Lord ; for he is raised up out of
his holy place. Zach : 2. 13.

In this case, these poore people may say (among y e thousands
of lsrall), When the Lord brougt againe the captivile of Zion, tee
were lilce them thai dreame. Psa: 126. 1. The Lord hath done
grcate things for lis, ivherofwe rejoyce. v. 3. They thai soiv in
t<arcs, shall reap in joye. They tucnte weeping, and carried
precious scede, but they shall relume with joye, and bring their
t heaves. tv5, 6.

Doe you not now see y e fruits of your labours,' O all yee ser-
vants of y c Lord that have suffered for his truth, and have been
faithful! witnescs of y e same, and yee litle handfull amongst
y f rest, y° least amongest y c thousands of lsrall ? You have not
only had a seedc time, but many of you have seene y e joyefull
harvest; should you not then rejoyse, yea, and againe rejoyce,
and say Hallelu-iah, salvation, and gloric, and honour, and
power, be to y b Lord our God ; for true and righteous are his
judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2.

But thou wilte aske what is y e mater? What is done?
Why, art thou a stranger in lsrall, that thou shouldest not
know what is done? xVre not those Jebusites overcome that
have vexed the people of lsrall so long, even holding Jerusalem
till Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so many
aifes ; and now begane to scome that any David should meadle
with them ; they begane to fortifie their tower, as that of the
<«!d Habelonians; but those proud Anakimes are throwne downc,
and their glory laid in y e dust. The tiranous bishops are
ejected, their courts dissolved, their cannons forceless, their ser-
vice cashcired, their ceremonies uselese and despised ; their plots
for popery prevented, and all their superstitions discarded &
returned to Roome from whence they came, and y e monuments
of idclatric rooted out of y c land. And the proud and profane
mi porters, and cruell defenders of these (as bloody papists &
wicked athists, and their malignante consorts) marvelously
over throwne. And are not these greate things ? Who can
deney it ?

But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on y c
white horse, who is caled faithful], & true, and judgeth and

8 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.

fighteth righteously, Rev: 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in
blood, and his name was caled the word of God, v. 13. for he
shall' rule them with a rode of iron; for it is he that treadeth
the winepress of the feireenes and wrath of God almighty. And
he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writcn,
The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16.

Hallelu-iah.
Anno Dom : 1646.

But that I may come more near my intendmente ; when
as by the travcll & diligence of some godly & zealous
preachers, & Gods blessing on their labours, as in other
places of y e land, so in y e North parts*, many became in-
lightened by y e word of God, and had their ignorance &
sins discovered unto them, and begane by his grace to
rcfonne their lives, and make conscience of their wayes,
the worke of God was no sooner manifest in them ? but
presently they were both scoffed and scorned by y e pro-
phane multitude, and y e minsters urged with y 6 yoak of
subscription, or els must be silenced; and y e poore people
were so vexed with apparators, & pursuants, & y e comis-
sarie courts, as truly their affliction was not smale; which,
notwithstanding, they bore sundrie years with much pa-
tience, till they were occasioned (by y e continuance & en-
crease of these troubls, and other means which y e Lord
raised up in those days) to see further into things by the
light of y e word of God. How not only these base and
beggerly ceremonies were unlawfull, but also that y e
lordly & tiranous power of y e prelats ought not to be
submitted unto ; which thus, contrary to the freedome of
the gospell, would load & burden mens consciences,
and by their compulsive power make a prophane mixture
of persons & things in y e worship of God. And that
their offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c. were unlaw-
full and antichristian ; being such as have no warrante
in y e word of God ; but the same y l were used in poperie,
& still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth

1 f)02 - 1606 ?] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 9

in liis Dutch comtaries.* At y e coming of king James f
into England ; The new Icing (saith he) found their estab-
lished y e reformed religion, according to y e reformed religion
of king Edward y c 6. Retaining, or keeping still y e spirit-
ual state ofy e Bishops, §y. after y* ould maner, much vary-
iiitj «$* differing from y e reformed churches in Scotland,
France, Sf 'if Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, fyc. whose
reformation is cut, or shapen much nerer y e first Christian
churches, as it ivas used in y e Apostles times.%

[6] So many therfore of these proffessors as saw y e evill
of these things, in tlies parts, and whose harts y e Lord
liad touclied Av th heavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke
of tliis yoakc of antichristian bondage, and as y e Lords
free ])eople, joyned them selves (by a covenant of the
Lord) into a church estate, in y e felowship of y e gospell,
to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made
known unto them, according to their best endeaours,
whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them.
And that it cost them something this ensewing historie
will declare.

These people became. 2, distincte bodys or churches,
& in regarde of distance of place did congregate sever-
ally; for they were of sundrie townes & vilages, some
in Xotingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and some of
Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one
of these churches (besids others of note) was Mr, John
.Smith, a man of able gifts, & a good preacher, who after-

* Em: Meter: lib: 25. col. 119. with a Puritan Devil, which he feared

iKmamiel Van Meteren, the author of would not leave him to his grave. And

a History of the Low Countries. — Ed.] that he would hazard his crowne, but

t In February, 1604-5, King James, he would suppress those malicious

in council, bitterly inveighed° against Spirits." — Peck's Desiderata Curiosa,

the Puritans, declaring "that the re- Lib. V. p. 44. — Ed.

>o!t in the Low Countries, which had J The reformed churches shapen

lasted ever since he was borne, and much neerer y e primitive patterne thai

whereof lie never expected to see an England, for they cashered y e Bishops

end, began first by petition for matters w^ al their courts, cannons, and cer-

<•! Kelinion ; and so did all the troubles emoneis, at the first ; and left them

h* Scotland. That his mother and he, amongst ye popish tr . . to w ch they

'* r om their cradles, had been haunted pertained.

2

10 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.

wards was chosen their pastor.* But these afterwards
falling into some errours in y e Low Countries, ther (for y c
most 'part) buried them selves, & their names.

But in this other church f (w dl must be y e subjecte of
our discourse) besids other worthy men, was M r . Richard
Clifton, a grave & revered preacher, who by his paines
and dilligens had done much good, and under God had
ben a means of y e conversion of many. And also that
famous and worthy man M. r . John Robinson, who after-
wards was their pastor for many years, till y e Lord tooke
him away by death. Also M r . "William Brewster a rev-
erent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of y e
church and lived with them till old age.

But after these things they could not long continue in
any peaceable condition, but were hunted & persecuted
on 'every side, so as their former afflictions were but as
flea-bitings in comparison of these which now came upon
them. For some were taken & clapt up in prison,
others had their houses besett & watcht night and day,
& hardly escaped their hands ; and y e most were faine
to flie & leave their howses & habitations, and the means
of their livelehood. Yet these & many other sharper
things which affterward .befell them, were no other then
they looked for, and therfore were y e better prepared to
bear them by y e assistance of Gods grace & spirite.
Yet seeing them selves thus molested, [7] and that ther was
no hope of their continuance ther, by a joynte consente
they resolved to goe into y e Low-Countries, wher they
heard was freedome of Religion for all men ; as also how
sundrie from London, & other parts of y e land, had been
exiled and persecuted for y e same cause, & were gone
thither, and lived at Amsterdam, & in other places of
y e land. So affter they had continued togeither aboute a

* This church was at Gainsborough. New Plymouth, pp. 7, 2G, 27, London,

See Founders of New PJymouth, 2d 1819. A tract by Rev. Joseph Hunter,

ed., p. 89. — Ed. F. A.S., invaluable to the student of

f Located in the village of Scrooby, Pilgrim history. — Ed.
Nottinghamshire. See Founders of

1606-1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 11

year,* and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place
or other, exercising the worship of God amongst them
selves, notwithstanding all y e dilligence & malice of their
adversaries, they seeing they could no longer' continue
in y l condition, they resolved to get over into Hollad as
they could ; which was in y e year 1607. & 1608. ; of
which more at large in y e next chap. * •

2. Chap.

Of their departure into Holland and their troubls titer
ahoutC) With some of y e many difficulties they found and
mete withall.

An°. 1608.

Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and
countrie, their lands & livings, and all their freinds &
famillier acquaintance, it was much, and thought mar-
velous by many. But to goe into a countrie they knew
not (but by hearsay), wher they must learne a new lan-
guage, and get their livings they knew not how, it being
a dear place, & subjecte to y e misseries of warr, it was
by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case
intolerable, & a misserie worse then death. Espetially
seeing they were not aquainted with trads nor traffiquc,
(by which y l countrie doth subsiste,) but had only been
used to a plaine countrie life, & y e inocente trade of hus-
bandrey. But these things did not dismay them (though
they did some times trouble them) for their desires were
sett on y e ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances ; but
they rested on his providence, & knew whom they had
belceved. Yet [8] this was not all, for though they could
not stay, yet were y e not suffered to goe, but y e ports &
havens were shut against them, so as they were fainc to

* As a "distinct church"? See Morton's Memorial, p. I; Prince, 1.
p. 9. Theirs/ joining "into a church 4, 5 ; Founders of New Plymouth, 2d
estate" may have been in 1G02. See ed., p. 89. — Ed.

1

12 HISTOltY OF [CHAP. II.

seeke secrete means of conveance, & to bribe & fee y e
mariners, & give exterordinarie rates for their passages.
And yet were they often times betrayed (many of them),
and both they & their goods intercepted & surprised,
and thcrby put to great trouble & charge, of which I will
give an instance or tow, & omittc the rest.

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get
passage at Boston in Lincolin-shire, and for that end had
hired a shipe wholy to them selves, & made agreement
with the maister to be ready at a certainc dav, and take
them and their goods in, at a convenientc place, wher they
accordingly would all attende in readines*. So after long
waiting, & large expences, though he kepte not day with
them, yet he came at length & tooke them in, in y e night.
But .when he had them & their goods abord, he betrayed
them, haveing before hand complotted with y e serchers &
other officers so to doe ; who tooke them, and put them
into open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them, searching
them to their shirts for money, yea even y c women furcler
then became modestic ; and then caricd them back into
y° towne, & made them a spectackle & wonder to y e mul-
titude, which came flocking on all sids to behould them.
Being thus first, by the 'chatchpoule officers, rifled, &
, stripte of their money, books, and much other goods, they
were presented to y e magestrates, and messengers sente to
informe y° lords of y e Counsell of them ; and so they were
coihited to ward. Indeed y G magestrats used them cour-
teously, and shewed them what favour they could ; but
could not deliver them, till order came from y c Counsell-
table. But y a issue was that after a months imprison-
mente, y° greatest parte were dismiste, & sent to y e places
from whence they came ; but 7. of y e principal!* were still
kept in prison, and bound over to y e Assises.!

* Elder Brewster was one of these, the year 1G0S, must be understood as

See^notice of him under the year 1613. having been made before the close of

— Ed. the preceding- year. See concluding

t This first attempt " to get over part of last chapter. — Ed.
into Holland/' though related under

1G0S.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 13

The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made
by some of these & others, to get over at an other place.
And it so fell out, that they light of a Dutchman at Hull,
having a ship of his owne belonging to Zealand ; they
made agreemente with him, and acquainted [9] him with
their condition, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him,
then in y e former of their owne nation. He bad them not
fear, for he would doe well enough. He was by appoint-
ment to take them in betweene Grimsbe & Hull, wher
was a large coinone a good way distante from any townc.
Now aganst the prefixed time, the women & children,
with y° goods, were sent to y e place in a small barke,
which they had hired for y l end ; and y e men were to
meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they were
ther a clay before y e shipe came, & y e sea being rough,
and y e women very sicke, prevailed with y e seamen to put
into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on ground at low-
water. The nexte morning y e shipe came, but they were
fast, & could not stir till aboute noone. In y e mean time,
y c shipe maister, perceiveing how y e matter was, sente his
boate to be getting y e men abord whom he saw ready,
walking aboute y e shore. But after y e first boat full was
gott abord, & she was ready to goe for more, the m r espied
a greate company, both horse & foote, with bills, & gunes,
& other weapons ; for y e countrie was raised to take them.
Y c Dutch-man seeing y l , swore his countries oath, " sacre-
mcnte," and having y e wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed
sayles, & away. But y e poore men which were gott abord,
were in great distress for their wives and children, which
they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their
helps ; and them selves also, not having a cloath to shiftc
them with, more then they had on their baks, & some
scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord y e
harkc. It drew tears from their eyes, and any thing they
had they would have given to have been a shore againc ;
but all in vaine, ther was no remedy, they must thus

14 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II.

sadly part And afterward endured a fearfull storme at
sea, beinjr 14. davs or more before y ey arived at their porte,
in 7. wherof they neither saw son, moone, nor stars, Cs:
were driven near y e coast of Norway ; the mariners them
selves often despairing of life ; and once with shriks &
cries gave over all, as if y e ship had been foundred in y e
sea, & they sinking without recoverie. But when mans
hope & helpe wholy failed, y e Lords power & mercie ap-
peared in ther recoverie ; for y e ship rose againe, & gave
y e mariners courage againe to manage her. And if modes-
tie woud suffer me, I might declare with what fervente [10]
prayres they cried unto y e Lord in this great distres, (es-
petialy some of them,) even without any great distraction,
when y* water rane into their mouthes & ears ; & the
mariners cried out, We sinke, we sinke ; they cried (if not
with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of de-
vine faith), Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst
save; with shuch other expressions as I will forbeare.
Upon which y e ship did not only recover, but shortly after
y e violence of y e storme begane to abate, and y e Lord filed
their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every one
canot understand, and in y e end brought them to their
desired Haven, wher y e people came flockeing admiring
their deliverance, the storme having ben so longe & sore,
in which much hurt had been don, as y e masters freinds
velated unto him in their con^rattulations.

But to returne to y e others wher we left. The rest of
y c men y l were in greatest danger, made shift to escape
away before y e troope could surprise them; those only
staying y l best might, to be assistante unto y e women.
But pitifull it was to see y e heavie case of these poore
women in this distress ; what weeping & crying on every
side, some for their husbands, that were caried away in
y e ship as is before related ; others not knowing what
should become of them, & their litle ones ; others againe
melted in teares, seeing their poore litle ones hanging

1G08.1 PLYMOUTH TLANTATION. 15

aboute them, crying for feare, and quaking with could.
Beni" thus- aprehended, they were hurried from one place
to another, and from one justice to another, till in y° ende
they knew not what to doe with them ; for to imprison
so many women & innocent children for no other cause
(many of them) but that they must goe with their hus-
bands, seized to be unreasonable and all would crie out
of them ; and to send them home againe was as difficult,
for they aledged, as y e trueth was, they had no homes to
goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of
their houses & livings. To be shorte, after they had been
thus turmoyled a good while, and conveyed from one con-
stable to' another, they were glad to be ridd of them in
y* end upon any termes ; for all were wearied & tired
with them. Though in y e mean time they (poore soules)
indured miserie enough; and thus in y e end necessitie
forste a way for them.

But f I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte
y e rest, though I might relate many other notable passages
and troubles which they endured & underwente in these
their wanderings & travells both at land & sea; but I hast
to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte y e fruite that
came hearby, for by these so-publick troubls, in so many
eminente places, their cause became famouss, & occasioned
many to looke into y e same; and their godly cariage &
Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression
in the minds of many. And though -some few shrunk at
these first conflicts & sharp beginings, (as it was no mar-
veil,) yet many more came on with fresh courage, & great-
ly animated others. And in y e end, notwithstanding all
tiiese stormes of oppossition, they all gatt over at length,
some at one time & some at an other, and some in one
place & some in an other, and mette togeather againe
according to their desires, with no small rejoycing.

16 HISTORY OF [CHAI\ III.

The 3. Chap.

Of their setting in Iloland, §• their maner of living, §•
entertainmente ther.

Being now come into y e Low Countries, they saw many
goodly & fortified cities, strongly walled and garded with .
troopes of armed men. Also they heard a strange & un-
couth language, and beheld y e diffcrente maners & cus-
tumes of y e people, with their strange fashons and attires ;
all so farre differing from y l of their plaine countrie vil-
lages (wherin they were bred, & had so longe lived) as it
seemed they were come into a new world. But these
were not y e things they much looked on, or long tooke
up their thoughts ; for they had other work in hand, &
an other kind of warr to wage & maintaine. For though
they saw faire & bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance
of all sorts of welth & riches, yet it was not longe before
they saw the grime & grisly face of povertie coming upon
them like an armed man, with whom they must bukle
& incounter, and from whom they could not flye ; but
they were armed with faith & patience against him, and
all his encounters ; and though they were sometimes
foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and- got y e
victorie.

Now when M r . Ilobinson, lM r . Brewster, & other princi-
pal! members were come over, (for they were of y e last, &
stayed to help y e weakest over before them,) such things
were [12] thought on as were necessarie for their setling
and best ordering of y e church affairs. And when they had
lived at Amsterdam aboute a year, M r . Ilobinson, their
pastor, and some others of best discerning, seeing how
M r . John Smith and his companie was allrcady fallen in to
contention with y e church y l was ther before them, & no
means they could use would doe any good to cure y e same,
and also that y e flames of contention were like to breake

1(509-1620.] rLYMOUTH plantation. 17

out in y l anciente church* it selfe (as affterwards lamen-
tably came to pass) ; which things they prudently fore-
seeing, thought it was best to remove, before they were
any way engaged with y e same ; though they well knew
it would be much to y c prejudice of their outward estats,
both at prcsente & in licklyhood in y c future ; as indeed
it proved to be.

Their remoovall to Lei/den.

For these & some other reasons they removed to Ley-
den, a fair & bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation,
but made more famous by y e universitie wherwith it is
adorned, in which of late had been so many learned men.
But wanting that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes,
it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living
& estats. But being now hear pitchet they fell to such
trads & imployments as they best could ; valewing peace
& their spirituall comforte above any other riches what-
soever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente
& comfortcable living, but with hard and continuall labor.

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they contin-
ued many years in a comfortable condition, injoying much
sweete & delightefull societie & spirituall comforte to-
gether in y e wayes of God, under y c able- ministrie, and
prudente governmente of M r . John Bobinson, & M r . "Wil-
Katn Brewster, who was an assistante unto him in y e place
of an Elder, unto which he was now called & chosen by
the church. So as they grew in knowledge & other gifts
& graces of y e spirite of God, & lived togeather in peace,
& love, and holines ; and many came unto them from
diverse parts of England, so as they grew a great congre-
gation. And if at any time any differences arose, or of-
fences broak [13] out (as it cannot be, but some time tlier

* The church of which Johnson and tract entitled " The Prophane Schismc

Ainsworth were pastor and teacher, of the Brownists or Separatists," 1012.

s *-e Young's Chronicles of the Pil- — Ed.
prims, pp. 24, 445, 448. See also a

3

18 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.

will, even amongst y e best of men) they were ever so mete
with, and nipt in y e head betims, or otherwise so well
composed, as still love, peace, and communion was con-
tinued ; or els y e church purged of those that were incura-
ble & incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no
other means would serve, which seldom came to pass.
Yea such was y e inutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that
this worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him,
that it might be said of them as it once was of y l fa-
mouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,* and y e people of
Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted
more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such
a pastor. His love was greate towards them, and his
care was all ways bente for their best good, both for soule
and.body; for besids his singuler abilities in devine things
(wherin he excelled), he was also very able to give direc-
tions in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers & inconven-
iences ; by w ch means he was very helpfull to their out-
ward estats, & so was every way as a commone father
unto them. And none did more offend him then those
that were close and cleaving to them selves, and retired
from y e commoe good ; as also such as would be stiffe &
riged in matters of outward order, and invey against y e
evills of others, and yet be* rcmisse in them selves, and
not so carefull to express a vertuous conversation. They
in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, &
had him in precious estimation, as his worth & wisdom
did deserve ; and though they esteemed him highly whilst
he lived & laboured amongst them, yet much more after
his death,! when they came to feele y e wante of his help,
and saw (by woefull experience) what a treasure they had
lost, to y° greefe of their harts, and wounding of their
sowls ; yea such a loss as they saw could not be repaired ;

* Gouklcn booke, &c. [The Golden f Mr. Robinson died at Leyden,

Book of Marcus Aurelius -was first March 1st, 1624-5. Sec notice of his

printed in English in 1534. See Dib- death under the year 1G20. — Ed.
din's Typog. Antiq., III. 289. — Ed,]

1G09-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 19

for it was as hard for them to find such another leader
and feeder in all respects, as for y c Taborits to find an-
other Ziska * And though they did not call themselves
orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet they had
cause as much to lamente, in another regard, their present
condition, and after usage. But to returne ; I know not
but it may be spoken to y c honour of God, & without preju-
dice [14] to any, that such was y e true pietie, y e humble
zeale, & fervent love, of this people (whilst they thus lived
together) towards God and his waies, and y e single harted-
nes & sinceir affection one towards another, that they
came as near y e primative patterne of y c first churches, as
any other church of these later times have done, accord-
ing to their ranke & qualitie.

But seeing it is not my porpose to treat of y e severall
passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in
y° Low Countries, (which might worthily require a large
treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to shew y e begining
of this plantation, which is that I aime at ; yet because
some of their adversaries did, upon y e rumore of their
removall, cast out slanders against them, as if that state
had been wearic of them, & had rather driven them out
(as y° heathen historians did faine of Moyses & y e Isralits
when they went out of Egipte),-j~ then y l it was 'their
owne free choyse & motion, I will therfore mention a per-
ticuler or too to shew y e contrary, and y e good acceptation
they had in y e place wher they lived. And first though
many of them weer poore, yet ther was none so poore, but
if they were known to be of y l congregation, the Dutch
(either bakers or others) would trust them in any reason-
able matter when y ey wanted money. Because they had
found by experience how carfull they were to keep their

r * For an account of John Ziska (or Middle Ages, I. 4G3 ; and Encyelo-

Zisca), t} ie Hussite, the blind general pcedia Americana. — En.
and leader of the Bohemian insurgents, f See Works of Tacitus, Oxford

\s ho was never defeated, sec Mosheim's translation, Book V. of the History. —

Ecclcs. Hist., Cent. XV. ; Hallam's Ed.

20 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.

word, and saw them so painfull & dilligente in their call-
ings ; yea, they would strive to gett their custome, and to
imploy them above others, in their worke, for their hones-
tie & diligence.

Againe ; y e magistrats of y e citie, aboute y e time of their
coming away, or a litle before, in y° publick place of jus-
tice, gave this comendable testemoney of them, in y e re-
proofe of the Wallons * who were of y e French church in
y l citie. These English, said they, have lived amongst us
now this 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or accu-
sation came against any of them ; but your strifs & qua-
rels are continuall, &c. In these times allso were y e great
troubls raised by y e Arminians, who, as they greatly mol-
lested y e whole state, so this citie in particuler, in which
was y e cheefe universitie ; so as ther were dayly & hote
disputs in y e schooles ther aboute ; and as y e studients &
other lerned were devided in their oppinions hearin, so
were y e 2. proilessors.or devinitie readers them selves ; the
one daly teaching for it, y c other against it. Which grew
to that pass, that few of the discipls of y e one would hear

* y e other teach. But M r . Robinson, though he taught
thrise a weeke him selfe, & write sundrie books,*]* besids
his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly
[15] to hear ther readings, and heard y e one as well as
y e other ; l)y which means he was so well grounded in y c

'controversie, and saw y e force of all their arguments, and
knew y e shifts of y e adversarie, and being him selfe very

* The ^yalloons inhabited the south- wife of Francis Cooke, who came in

ern Belgic provinces bordering on the Mayflower, was a Walloon. See

France, and, speaking the old French Brodhead's JSew York, pp. 146, 117,

language, " they were termed Gallois, and "Winslow in Young, p. 391. — Ed,

which was changed, in Low Dutch, . f A collection of the " Works of

into WaalscLc, and in English into John Robinson " was printed in London

Walloon." Many of them were Prot- in 1851, with a memoir and annotations"

estants, and, being subject to an unre- by Robert Ashton. One scarce traet,

lenting persecution by the Spanish gov- not in that collection, is printed in Mass.

eminent, emigrated in great numbers Hist. Coll., Vol. I. of the 4th Series,

into Holland, carrying with them a — Ed.
knowledge of the industrial arts. The

1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 21

able, none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe,
as appered'by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be ter-
rible to y c Arminians ; which made Episcopius (y e Armin-
ian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and set forth
sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he would defend
against all men. Now Poliander y e other proffessor, and
y c cheefe preachers of y c citie, desired M r . Robinson to dis-
pute against him ; but he was loath, being a stranger ; yet
the other did importune him, and tould him y* such was
y c abilitie and nimblnes of y e adversarie, that y e truth
would suffer if he did not help them. So as he condesend-
ed, & prepared him selfe against the time;* and when y e
day came, the Lord did so help him to defend y e truth &
ibyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent non-
plus, iii this great <fc publike audience. And y G like he
did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions. The which
as it caused many to praise God y l the trueth had so fa-
mous victory, so it procured him much honour & respecte
from those lerned men & others which loved y e trueth.*
Yea, so farr were they from being weary of him & his peo-
ple, or desiring their absence, as it was said by some, of
no mean note, that were it not for giveing offence to y c
state of England, they would have preferd him otherwise
if lie would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea
when ther was speech of their remoovall into these parts,
stind'rie of note & eminencie of y l nation would have had
them come under them, and for y* end made them large
offers. - )' Now though I might aledg many other perticu-
lers & examples of y° like kinde, to shew r y e untruth &
unlicklyhode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing
it was beleeved of few, being only raised by y e malice of
some, Avho laboured their disgrace.

* See also Winslow in Young, p. andBrodhead's Hist, of New York, pp.
392. — Ed. 123-126; also comp. Barry's Hist

t See Winslow in Young, p. 385, Mass., pp. 73, 74. — Ed.

22 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV.

The 4. Chap.
Showing i/ e reasons fy causes of their remoovall.

After they had lived in this citie about some 11. or
12. years, (which is y e more observable being y c whole time
of y l famose truce between that state & y e Spaniards*)
and sundrie of them were taken away by death, & many
others begane to be well striken in years, the grave mistris
Experience haveing taught them many things, [16] those
prudent governours with sundrie of y e sagest members
begane both deeply to apprehend their present dangers, &
wisely to foresee y e future, & thinke of timly remedy. In
y° agitation of their thoughts, and much discours of things
hear aboute, at length they began to incline to this conclu-
sion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of any
newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, by which
men are oftentimes transported to their great hurt & dan-
ger, but for sundrie weightie & solid reasons ; some of y e
cheefe of which I will hear breefly touch. And first, they
saw & found by experience the hardnes of y c place & cun-
trie to be such, as few in comparison would come to them,
and fewer that would bide it put, and continew with them.
• For many y l came to them, and many more y l desired to
be with them, could not endure y l great labor and hard
fare, with other inconveniences which they underwent &
were contented with. But though they loved their per-
sons, approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings,
yet they left them as it wecr weeping, as Orpah did her
mother in law Naomie, or as those Romans did Cato in
Utica, who desired to be excused & borne with, though
they could not all be Catoes.| For many, though they

* Tins " famous truce," so long de- Hist, of the Netherlands, p. 227. —

sired, embraced a period of twelve years, Ed.

ending in 1621, It was signed on the f See Plutarch's Life of Cato the

!Hh of April, 1G09. See Graltan's Younger. — Ed.

1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 23

desired to injoye y e ordinances of God in their puritic, and
y c libertic of the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admit-
ted of bondage, with danger of conscience, rather then to
indure these hardships ; yea, some preferred & chose y c
prisons in England, rather then this libertie in Holland,
with these afflictions. But it was thought that if a better
and easier place of living could be had, it would draw
many, & take away these discouragments. Yea, their pas-
tor would often say, that many of those w° both wrate &
preached now against them, if they were in a place wher
they might have libertie and live comfortably, they would
then practise as they did.

2 :y . They saw that though y e people generally bore all
these difficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute cour-
age, being in y e best & strength of their years, yet old
age began to steale on many of them, (and their great &
continuall labours, with other crosses and sorrows, has-
tened it before y e time,) so as it was not only probably
thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years
more they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities
pressing them, or sinke under their burdens, or both. And
therforc according to y° devine proverb, y l a wise man
secth y e plague when it cometh, & hideth him selfe, Pro.
22. 3., so they like skillfull & beaten souldiers were fear-
full cither to be intrapped or surrounded by their enimies,
so as they should neither be able to fight nor flie ; and
therfor thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place
of better advantage & less danger, if any such could be
found, [16]* Thirdly; as necessitie was a taskmaster over
them, so they were forced to be such, not only to their ser-
vants, but in a sorte, to their dearest chilldren ; the which
as it did not a litle wound y° tender harts of many a lov-
ing father & mother, so it produced likwise sundrie sad -
& sorowful effects. For many of their children, that were
of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing

* Number 16 is repeated in the paging of the original. — Ed.

1

24 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV,

lernde to bear y e yoake in their youth, and willing to bear
parte of their parents burden, were, often times, so op-
pressed with their hevie labours, that though their minds
were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under y e
weight of y e same, and became decreped in their early
youth ; the vigor of nature being consumed in y e very
bucld as it were. But that which was more lamentable,
and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, was that many
of their children, by these occasions, and y e great licen-
tiousnes of youth in y l countrie, and y° manifold temp-
tations of the place, were drawne away by evill examples
into extravagante & dangerous courses* getting y e raines
off their neks, & departing from their parents. Some
became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by
sea, and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes
& the danger of their soules, to y e great greefe of their
parents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their
posteritie would be in danger to degenerate & be cor-
rupted.

Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope & in-
ward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, or at
least to make some way therunto, for y e propagating &
advancing y e gospell of y c kingdom of Christ in those re-
mote parts of y e world ;" yea, though they should be but
even as stepping-stones unto others for y e performing of
so great a work.

These, & some other like reasons* moved them to
undertake this resolution of their removall ; the which
they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by
the sequell will appeare.

The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast
& unpeopled countries of America, which are frutfull &
fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill inhabitants,
wher thcr are only salvage & brutish men, which range
up and downe, litle otherwise then y° wild beasts of the

* See Winslow in Young, p. 385, for additional reasons. — Ed.

1009-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 25

same. This proposition being made publike and coming
to v* scaning of all, it raised many variable opinions
amongst men, and caused many fears Sz doubts amongst
them selves. Some, from their reasons & hops conceived,
laboured to stirr up & incourage the rest to undertake &
prosecute y e same ; others, againc, out of their fears, ob-
jected against it, & sought to diverte from it, ale'dging
many things, and those neither unreasonable nor improb-
able; as that it was a great designe, and subjecte to
many unconceivable perills & dangers; as, besids the
casulties of y e seas (which none can be freed from) the
length of y c vioage was such, as y e weake bodys of
women and other persons worne out with age & travillc
(as many of them were) could never be able to endure.
And yet if they should, the miseries of y e land which
they should be [17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be
borne ; and lickly, some or all of them togeither, to con-
sume & utterly to ruinate them. For ther they should
be liable to famine, and nakednes, & y c wante, in a manor,
of all things. The chang of aire, diate, & drinking of
water, would infecte their bodies with sore sickneses, and
greevous diseases. And also those which should escape
or overcome these difficulties, should yctt be in continuall
danger of y c salvage people,* who are cruell, barbarous, &
most trecherous, being most furious in their rage, and
inercilcs wher they overcome ; not being contente only to
kill, & take away life, but delight to tormente men in y°
most bloodie ruaiier that may be; fleaing some alive with
y c shells of fishes, cutting of y c members & joynts of oth-
ers by peesmeale, and broiling on y e coles, eate y e collops
of their flesh in their sight whilst they live ; with other
cruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not
be thought but y e very hearing of these things could not
but move y e very bowels of men to grate within them, and
make y e weake to quake & tremble. It was furder ob-
jected, that it would require greater sunies of money to

4

26 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV.

furnish such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries,
then their consumed estats would amounte too ; and yett
they must as well looke to be seconded with supplies, as
presently to be trasported. Also many presidents of ill
success, & lamentable misscries befalne others in the like
designes, were casie.to be found, and not forgotten to be
aledged"; besids their owne experience, in their former
troubles & hardships in their removall into Holand, and
how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange
place, though it was a neighbour countrie, & a civill and
rich com one wealth.

It was answered, that all great & honourable actions
are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both
enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It
was granted y e dangers were great, but not desperate ; the
difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though
their were many of them likly, yet they were not car-
taine ; it might be sundrie of y e things feared might never
befale ; others by providente care & y e use of good means,
might in a great measure be prevented ; and all of them,
through y e help of God, by fortitude and patience, might
either be borne, or overcome. True it was, that such
atempts were not to be made and undertaken without
good ground & reason ; Hot rashly or lightly as many
have done for curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But their con-
dition was not ordinarie ; their ends were good & honour-
able ; their calling lawfull, & urgente; and therfore they
might expecte y e blessing of God in their procedino*. Yea,
though they should loose their lives in this action, vet
might they have comforte in the same, and their endeavors
would be honourable. They lived hear but as men in
exile, & in a poore condition; and as great miseries miMit
possibly befale them in this place, for y c 12. years of truce
were now out, & ther was nothing but beating of drumes,
and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway tin-
certaine. Y c Spaniard might prove as cruell as [18] the

1G09-1G20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 27

salvages of America, and y e famine and pestelence as sore
hear as ther, & their libertie less to looke out for remedie.
After many other perticuler things answered & aledgcd
on both sids, it was fully concluded by y e major parte, to
put this designe in execution, and to prosecute it by the
best means they could.

The 5. Chap.

Shewing what means they used for preparation to this
waightie vioag.

And first after thir humble praiers unto God for his di-
rection & assistance, & a generall conferrence held hear
aboutc, they consulted what perticuler place to pitch
upon, & prepare for. Some (& none of y e meanest) had
thoughts & were ernest for Guiana, or some of those
fertill places in those hott climats ; others were for some
parts of Virginia, wher y e English had all ready made
enterance, & begining. Those for Guiana* aledged y l the
cuntrie was rich, fruitfull, & blessed with a perpetuall
spring, and a florishing greenes ; where vigorous nature
brought forth all things in abundance & plentie without
any great labour or art of man. So as it must needs
make y e inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of clothing
and other things would serve, then in more conlder & less
frutfull countries must be had. * As also y l the Spaniards
(1 laving much more then they could possess) had not yet
planted there, nor any where very near y e same. But to
this it was answered, that out of question y e countrie was
both frutfull and pleasante, and might yeeld riches &
maintenance to y e possessors, more easily then y e other ;

* The latest account of Guiana which Guiana," &c. He had a patent from

had been published at that time was King: James for a plantation there, and

by Robert Harcourt, of Stanton Har- issued proposals to adventurers and

<*»»ut t, Esquire, who made a voyage planters in the Appendix to his tracu

limner in 1G00, and published the re- See also Ilowes's continuation ot

»"It* of it i n 1G13 and lGli, in a work Stow's Annals, ed. 1615, p. 943. — Kd.
entitled " A Relation of a Voyage to

3,

28 HISTOKY OF [chap. v.

1

yet, other things considered, it would not be so fitt for
them. . And first, y l such hott countries are subject to
greevuos diseases, and many noysome impediments, which
other more temperate places are freer from, and would not
so well agree with our English bodys. Againe, if they
should ther live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard would
never suffer them long, but would displante or overthrow
them, as he did y e French in Florida,* who w T ere seated
furder from his richest countries ; and the sooner because
they should have none to protect them, & their owne
strength would be too smale to resiste so potent an enemie,
& so neare a neighbor.

On y° other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if
they lived among y e English w ch wear ther planted, or
so near them as to be under their goverment, they should
be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for
the cause- of religion, as if they lived in England, and it
might be worse. And if they lived too farr of, they
should neither have succour, nor defence from them.

But at length y e conclusion was, to live as a distincte
body by them selves, under y° gcnerall Goverment of
Virginia;! and by their freinds to sue to his majestie that
he Avould be pleased to grant them frcedome of Iteligion ;
and y l this might be obtained, they wear putt in good

*Tn 15G5. See Bancroft, I.6S. — Ed. Plymouth, who were to plant between

■ f " The Virginia Company was estab- the 3Sth and the 45ih degrees. Each

lished in 1G0G. On the 10th of April Company was to be under the govern-

of that year, King James, by letters ment of a council of thirteen, and nei-

patent, divided a strip of land, of 100 ther of them was to plant within a hun-

miles wide, along the Atlantic coast of dred miles of a previous settlement made

North America, extending from the by the other. The Second or Plymouth

34th to the 45th degree of north latitude, Company made the unsuccessful at-

— a territory which then went under the tempt, in 1007, to establish a colony

common name of Virginia, — between near the mouth of the Kennebec. The

two companies, who were to colonize First or London Company was the one

it. The First or Southern Colony was to which the agents of the Pilgrims

granted to certain knights, gentlemen, applied, and which seems at this time

merchants, and adventurers of London, to have appropriated to itself exclusive-

who were to colonize between the 34th ly the title of the Virginia Company."

and 41st degrees. The Second or Xorth- Young, in Chron. Pilgr., p. 54. See

ern Colony was granted to persons of also Prince, I. 17, and Stith's Virginia,

like description in Bristol, Exeter, and Appendix. — Ed.

1C17.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 29

hope by some great persons, of good ranke & qualitie,
that were made their freinds. Whereupon 2.* were
chosen [19] & sent in to England (at y e charge of y e rest)
to sollicite this matter, who found the Virginia Company
very desirous to have them goe thither, and willing to
grantc them a patent, with as ample priviliges as they
had, or could grant to any, and to give them the best- fur-
derance they could. And some of y e cheefe of y l company
douted not to obtaine their suite of y e king for liberty in
lleligion, and to have it confirmed under y e kings broad
scale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder
poeee of wprke then they tooke it for ; for though many
means were used to bring it aboute, yet it could not be
effected ; for ther were diverse of good worth laboured
with the king to obtaine it, (amongst whom was one of
his cheefe secretaries,!) and some other wrought with y c
archbishop to give way therunto ; but it proved all in
vaine. Yet thus farr they prevailed, in sounding his ma-
jesties mind, that he would connive at them, & not molest
them, provided they carried them selves peacably, But
to allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under
his scale, they found it would not be. And this was all
the cheefe of y e Virginia companie or any other of their
best freinds could doe in y e case. Yet they perswaded
them to goe on, for they presumed they should not be
troubled. And with this answer y e messengers returned,
and signified what diligence had bene used, and to what
issue things were come.

But this made a dampe in y e busines, and caused some
distraction, for many were afraid that if they should un-
setle them selves, & put of their estates, and goe upon these
hopes, it might prove dangerous, and prove but a sandic

* From the letter of Sir Edwin San- f Sr. Robert Nanton. [Sir Robert

">'s, on pages 30,31, it appears that Naunton was sworn Secretary of State,

ih*» was in the autumn of 1G17, and January 8, 1618. See Memoir prefixed

I'Uti the two agents were Robert Gush- to Fragmenta Regalia, 1S2-1. See also

man and John Carver. —Ed. Winslow in Young, p. 332. — Ed.]

30 HISTORY OF [CHAI\ V.

foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have
presumed hear upon without makeing any suite at all,
then, haveing made it, to be thus rejected. But some of
y e cheefest thought other wise, and y l they might well pro-
ceede hereupon, & that y e kings majestie was willing
enough to suffer them without molestation, though for
other reasons he would not confirme it by any publick
acte. And furdermore, if ther was no securitie in this
promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty in a
furder confirmation of y e same ; for if after wards ther
should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they
had a seale as broad as y e house ilore, it would not serve
y e turue ; for ther would be means enew found to recall
or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable,
they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had
done in other things. ,

Upon this resolution, other messengers * were dis-
patched, to end with y c Virginia Company as well as they
could. And to procure [20] a patent with as good and
ample conditions as they might by any good means ob-
taine. As also to treate and conclude with such mer-
chants and other freinds as had manifested their forward-
nes to provoke too and adventure in this vioage. For
which end they had instructions given them upon what
conditions they should proceed with them, or els to con-
clude nothing without further advice. And here it will
be requisite to inserte a letter or too that may give light
to these proceedings.

A copjric of later from S r : Edwin Sands, directed to M r . John
Robinson 8f M r . William Brewster.

After my hartic salutations. The agents of your congrega-
tion, Robert Cushman & John Carver, have been in comuniea- *
tion with diverse seleete gentlemen of his Majesties Counsell
for Virginia; and by y e writing of 7. Articles subscribed with

* Cushman and Brewster. See pages 31 and 30- 38. — Ed.

1617.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 31

your names, have given them y l good degree of satisfaction,
which hath-caried them on with a resolution to sett forward
your desire in y e best sorte y l may be, for your owne & the pub-
lick rood. Divers perticulers wherof we leave to their faithfull
rcporte; having carried them selves heere with that good dis-
cretion, as is both to their owne and their crcdite from whence
they came. And wheras being to trcate for a multitude of peo-
ple, they have requested further time to conferr with them that
are to be interessed in this action, aboute y c severall particulari-
ties which in y e prosecution therof will fall out considerable, it
hath been very willingly assented too. And so they doe now
returne unto you.* If therfore it may please God so to directc
your desires as that on your parts thcr fall out np just impedi-
ments, 1 trust by y e same direction it shall likewise appear, that
on our parte, all forwardnes to set you forward shall be found
in y c best sorte which with reason may be expected. And so I
betake you with this designe (w ch I hope verily is y e worke of
God), to the gracious protection and blessing of y e Highest.
London, NoVb r : 12. Your very loving freind

An : 1617. Edwin Sandys,!

Their answer was as foloweth.

Righte WorP 1 :

Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers,
and' our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmcntc
of your singuler love, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so
more spetially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our

* If both these agents returned to date of Cushman's letter play 8, 1G19)

Lcvilcn at this time^ it would appear on pages 36-38. Young (page 4GS)

frum the following letter of Robinson thinks it probable that Brewster, whose

and Brewster, that Carver was sent apprehension was sought for by the au-

huck again the next month (December), thorities at Leyden at the instigation of

to continue the negotiations with the the English court, did not return there,

Council of Virginia ; having a " gen- but kept close till the Mayflower sailed,

tk-man of their company" associated • Prince, citing this History for the

with him in the agency. The time of above transactions, appears to place the

his return from this second visit is not arrival and departure of these last rnes-

t'iven. Subsequently, Cushman and sengers under specific dates, for which

Brewster were sent over, and were there is certainly no authority here,

•hiuhtless the messengers alluded to by Ed. t

Bradford on page 30, who " were dis- f F° T a notice of Sir Edwin Sandys,

pu-hed to end with the Virginia Com- one of the principal members ot the

l« -"v." The time of their arrival in Virginia Company, see Wood's Athena;

l.<u.«iun or return to Leyden is un- Oxon., II. 472, and especially Hunter s

^it.un, hut it is certain that they had tract on the Founders of New Plymouth,

l<™ in England for some time at the pp. 36-38 (ed. 1849), — Ep.

32 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.

good in this weighlie bussines aboute Virginia, which y e less
able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more
bound to comend in our prayers unto God for recornpcnce;
whom, as for y e prescnte you rightly behould in our indeavors,
so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God as-
sisting us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto
y e labour of your love bestowed upon us. We have .with y e best
speed'and consideration withall that we could, sett downe our
requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, w lU the hands of
y e greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente y e same
unto y e Counsell by our agcnte, cc a deacon of our church, John
Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of our
company to adyone him selfe ; to the care & discretion of which
two, we doe referr y e prosecuting of y e bussines. Now we per-
swade our selves Right Wor^': that we need not provoke your
godly fc loving minde to any further or more tender care of us,
since you have pleased so farr to interest us in your selfe, that,
under God, above all persons and things in the world, we relye
upon you, expecting the care of your love, counsell of your
wisdome, & the help & countenance of your authority. Not-
withstanding, for your encouragmente in y e worke, so farr as
probabilities may leade, we will not forbeare to mention these
instances of indusmente.

1. We veryly belccve & trust y e Lord is with us, unto whom
& whose service we have given our selves in many trialls ; and
that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to y c
simplicitie of our harts therin.

2 Iy . We are well weaned from y e delicate milke of our mother
countrie, and enured to y e diflicultics of a strange and hard land,
which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome.

3 ! - v . The people are for the body of them, industrious, & fru-
gall, we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people in
the world.

4 1 *. We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte &
saered bond* and covenante of the Lord, of the violation wherof

* Note. — sacred bond, whilst in- dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been

viollably preserved ! how sweete and the will of God) or els that this holy

precious were tiie fruits that flowed care and constantc faith fullncs had still

from y e same, but when this fidelity lived, and remained with those that

decayed, then their ruine approached, survived, and were in times afterwards

O that these aneiente members had not added unto them. But (alass) that sub-

1617.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 33

we make great conscience, and by vertue wherof we doe hould
our selves straitly tied to all care of each others good, and of
y c whole by every one and so mutually.

5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small
things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish
them selves at home againe. We knowe our entertainmente in
England, and in Holand ; we shall much prejudice both our
arts & means by removall ; who, if we should be driven to
rcturnc, we should not hope to recover our present helps and
comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine
unto y e like in any other place during our lives, w ch are now
drawing towards their periods.

[22] These motives we have been bould to tender unto you,
which you in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our
wor ,,p : freinds of y e Counscll with you; of all whose godly dis-
possition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most
glad, and shall not faile by all good means to continue & in-
crease y e same. We will not be further troublesome, but doe,
with y e renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your
WorW: and (so fan* as in modestie we may be bould) to any
other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our
leaves, eomiting your persons and counsels to y c guidance and
direction of the Almighty.

T , ,_ „ _ Yours much bounden in all duty,

Licydcn, JJescm: ID. T ^

- . ' i/I1M John Kobinson,

An : 1617. ™ ^ '

William JJrewstek.

For further light in these proceedings see some other
letters & notes as followeth.

The coppy of a letter sent to S\ John Worssenham*

Right WorP n : with due acknowledgmente of our thankfull-
ncs for your singular care & pains in the bussines of Virginia,

till serpente hath slylie wound in him- wante therof (in a great measure), and
i'clit* under faire pretences of neecssitie with greefe and sorrow of hart to la-
ami ye like, to untwiste these sacred mente & bewaile y Q same. And for
bonds and tyes, and as it were insensi- others warning and admonnition, and
My by degrees to dissolve, or in a great my owne humiliation, doe I hear note
mvasurc to weaken, ye same. I have y G same.

t*en happy, in my first times, to see, [The above reflections of the author

j»«i with much comforte to injoye, ihe were penned at a later period, on the

■'h^MuI fruits of this sweete communion, reverse pages of his History, at this

nA u is now a parte of my miserie in place. — Ed.]
oM a-e, to find an(i fee j e ye deeay antl * g ir j oIu] Wolstenholme, one of the

34 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.

for our, cc, we hope, the comone good, we doe remember our
humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required,
a further explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified
by some of his majesties Hon u Privic Counsell ; and though it
be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations arc made
against us, yet we are most glad of y e occasion of making our
just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declarations
we have sent inclosed, the one more brcefc & generall, which
we thinke y 8 fitter to be presented ; the other something more
large, and in which we express some smale accidentall differ-
ances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our woi* 1
freinds, you may send in stead of y e former. Our prayers unto
God is, y l your Wor^** may see the frute bf your worthy en-
deaours, which on our parts wc shall not faile to furder by all
good means in us. And so praing y l you would please with
y e convenicntcst speed y l may be, to give us knowledge of y°
success of y e bussincs with his majesties Privie Counsell, and
accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direc-
tion or furtherance in y e same, so wc rest

T - _ rt „ Your WorPP in all duty,

Leyden, Jan: 27.

/ ' <M ,, ,.. . John Kobinson,

An : 1617. old stile.* w _

William Jdrewster.

The first brcefc note teas this.

Touching y e Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for
teaching, elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing y e churches
contribution, as allso for y e too Sacrcments, baptisme, and y 3
Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points agree [23] with
y e French reformed churches, according to their publick con-
fession of faith.

The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be re-
quired of us, and that con veniente satisfaction be not given by
our taking y e oath of Alleagence.

John Rob :
William Brewster.

Y e % teas this.

Touching y e Ecclesiasticall ministrie, ecc. as in y e former, we

agree in all things with the French reformed churches, accord-

%
principal members of the Virginia Com- * That is, 1618, new style. — Ed.
pany. Stith, p. 1G3. — Ed.

±786311

1018.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 35

ing to their publiek confession of faith ; though some small
(inferences be to be found in our practises, not at all in y e sub-
stance of the things, but only in some aecidentall circumstances.

1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads covered;
ours uncovered.

2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are able
to teach ; which abilitie they doe not require.

3. Their elders & deacons are anuall, or at most for 2. or 3.
years ; ours perpetuall.

4. Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions &
excommunications for publiek scandals, publickly & before y c
congregation ; theirs more privately, & in their consistories.

5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as wherof
y c one parcnte, at y c least, is of some church, which some of thcr
churches doc not observe ; though in it our practice accords with
their publiek confession and y e judgmente of y e most larncd
amongst them.

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these
points. Then aboute y e oath, as in y e former.

Subscribed, John R.

W. B.

Part of another letter from him that delivered these.

London. Feb : 14.
1617/
Your letter to S r . John Worstenholme I delivered allmost as
sooue as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him y°
opening & reading. Thcr were 2. papers inclosed, he read them
to him sclfe, as also y c letter, and in y e reading he spake to me
ec said, Who shall make them ? viz. y e ministers ; I answered his
\Yorw that y c power of making was in y e church, to be ordained
by y e imposition of hands, by y e fittest instruments they had.
It must cither be in y e church or from y c pope, & y e pope is
Antichrist. Ho ! said S r . John, what y e pope houlds good, (as in
y c Trinitie,) that we doe well to assente too ; but, said he, we
will not enter into dispute now. And as for your letters he
would not show them at any hand, least he should spoyle all.
He expected you should have been of y e arehbp minde for y c
calling of ministers, but it seems you differed. I could have

# That is, 1G1S, new style. —Ed.

36 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.

wished to have known y e contents of your tow inclosed, at
w ch lie stuck so much, espetially y e larger. I asked his WorP
what good news he had for me to write to morrow. He tould
me very good news, for both the kings majestic and y e bishops
have consented. He said he would goe to M r . Chaneclor, S r .
Fulk Grivell, as this day, & nextc wceke I should know more.
I mett S r . Edw: Sands on Wedensday night; he wished me to
be at the Virginia Courte y e nextc Wedensday, wher I purpose
to be. Thus loath to be troublsome at present, I hope to have
somewhate nexte week of certentic concerning you. I comittc
you to y c Lord. Yours,

S. B.*

[24] These things being long in agitation, & messengers
passing too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes
they were long delayed by many rubs that fell in y c way ;
for at y e returne of these messengers into England they
found things fair otherwise then they expected. For y e
Virginia Counsell was now so disturbed with factions and
quarrels amongst them selves, as no bussines could well
goe forward. The which may the better appear in one of
ye messengers letters as followeth.

To his loving frcinds, &:c.
I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could
not effecte y l which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as I
wished ; yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but M r . B. hath writen
to M r . Eobinson. But I thinke my selfe bound also to doe some-
thing, least I be thought to neglecte you. The maine hinder-
ance of our proseedings in y e Virginia bussines, is y e dissentions
and factions, as they termc it, amongs y e Counsell & Company
of Virginia ; which are such, as that ever since we came up no

* In Gov r . Bradford's Collection of (or Staismorc), possibly the same per-

Letters^ this letter is more large, & sub- son, was one of the associates of Henry

scribed Sabine Staresmorc. — Prince. Jacob, and subsequently appears to

Prince, in his Annals, I. 53, cites a have been a member of Mr. Robinson's

portion of this letter from " S. B.," but church at Leyden, from which, in 1G24,

without any remarks there as to the he had been dismissed to the church

name of the writer. A letter of Sabin at Amsterdam. See Neal's Puritans,

Staresmorc will he seen on pages 39, I. 402, and Ilanhurv's Hist. Memorials,

40, dated from Wood Street Compter, I. 292, 449, 450.— ■ Ed.
a prison in London. A Mr. Staresmorc

1619.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 37

Implies could by them be dispatched. The occasion of this
trouble amongst them is, for that a while since S r . Thomas
Smith/ repining at his many offices & troubls, wished y e Com-
pany of Virginia to ease him of his office in being Treasurer
tc Govcr r . of y e Virginia Company. Wereupon y e Company
tooke occasion to dismisse him, and chose S r . Edwin Sands
Treasure 1 " & Gover r of y e Company. He having 60. voyecs, S r ,
John Worstenholme 16. voices, and Alderman Johnsone 24.
But S r . Thomas Smith, when he saw some parte of his honour
lost, was very angrie, & raised a faction to cavill & contend
aboutc y e election, and sought to taxe S r . Edwin with many
things that might both disgrace him, and allso put him by his
ollicc of Governour. In which contentions they .yet stick, and
are not fit nor readie to intermedle in any bussines ; and what
issue things will come to we are not yet certaine. It is most
like S r . Edwin will carrie it away, and if he doe, things will goe
well in Virginia; if otherwise, they will goe ill enough allways.
"We hope in some 2. or 3. Court days things will setle. Mean
space I thinke to goe downe into Kcnte, & come up againe
aboute 14. days, or 3. weeks hence ; excepte either by these
aflbresaid contentions, or by y e ille tidings from Virginia, we
be wholy discouraged, of which tidings I am now to speake.

Captaine Argollf is come home this weeke (he upon notice
of y c intente of y e Counsel!, came away before S r . Georg Yeard-
loyf came thcr, and so ther is no small dissention). But his
tidings are ill, though .his person be wclleome. He saith M r .
Blackwells shipe came not ther till March, but going towards
winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried them to the
southward beyond their course. And y e m r of y e ship & some
0. of y c mariners dieing, it seemed they could not find y e bay,
till after long seeking & beating aboute. M r . Blackwell is dead,
v!v: M r . Maggner, y e Captain; yea, ther are dead, he saith, 130.
persons, one & other in y l ship; it is said ther was in all an
ISO. persons in y e ship, so as they were packed togeather like
kerings. They had amongst them y e fluxe, and allso wantc of
fresh water ; so as it is hear rather wondred at y l so many are

< * For an account of Sir Thomas f For ample notices of Sir Samuel

* mull, l he first Treasurer and Govern- Argall and Sir George Yeardiey, see

jt nf Uie Virginia Company, see JJel- Stitli, pp. 145, 157 ; Smith, fol. ed.,

fc»-ip*a American 13iog. } II. 0-19; pp. 11U, 123 ; Belknap, II. 51-73. —

M»!», pp. 42j 15S> _ Ed Ed

38 HISTORY OF [dlAP. V.

alive, then that so many are dead. The marchants hear say it
was M r . Blackwells fanlte to pack so many in y 3 ship ; yea, &
ther were great mutterings & rcpinings amongst them, and up-
braiding of I\I r . Blaokwell, for his dealing and dispossing of
them, when they saw how he had dispossed of them, & how he
insulted over them. Yea, y e streets at Gravsend runge of their
extreame quarrelings, crying ont one of another, Thou hast
brought' me to this, and, I may thanke the for this. Heavie-
newes it is, and I would be glad to heare how farr it will dis-
courage. I sec none hear discouraged much, [25] but rather desire
to larne to beware by other mens harmes, and to amend that
wherin they have failed. As we desire to serve one another in
love, so take heed of being inthraled by any imperious persone,
cspetially if they be discerned to have an eye to them selves.
It doth often trouble me to thinkc that in this bussines we are
all to learne and none to teach ; but better so, then to depend
upon such teachers as M r . Blackwell was. Such a stratcgeme he
once made for M r . Johnson & his people at Emdcn, \v hh was
their subversion. But though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly)
plucked his neck out of y e collar, yet at last his foote is caught.
Hear arc no letters come, y e ship captain Argole came in is yet
in y e west parts; all y l we hear is but his report ; it seemeth he
came away secretly. The ship y l M r . Blackwell went in will be
hear shortly. It is as M r . Robinson once said; he thought we
should hear no good of them.

M r . B. is not well at this time ; whether he will come back to
you or goe into y e north, I yet know not. For my selfe", I hope
to see an end of this bussines ere 1 come, though I am sorie to be
thus from you ; if tilings had gone roundly forward, I should
have been with you within these 14. days. I pray God directe
us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for such a bussines.
Thus having sulriarily pointed at things w dl M r . Brewster (I
thinke) hath more largly write of to INK Robinson, I leave you
to the Lords protection.

Yours in all readines, &c. London, May S.

Robart Clsiiman. An : 1619.

A word or tow by way of digression touching this ]\I r .
Blackwell ; * he was an elder of y c church at Amsterdam,

* Francis Blackwell. See Hanbury's Hist. Memorials, I. 118. —Ed.

IGIS.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 39

a man well known of most of them. He declined from
v e tvueth w th M r . Johnson & y e rest, and went with him
when y" y parted assunder in y l wofull maner, w ch brought
so great dishonour to God, scandall to y D trueth, & outward
mine to them selves in this world. But I hope, notwith-
standing, through y e mercies of y e Lord, their souls are
now at rest with him in y° heavens, and y l they are arrived
in y e Haven of hapines ; though some of their bodies
were thus buried in y e terrable seas, and others sunkc
under y e burthen of bitter afflictions. He with some oth-
ers had prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with
suudrie godly citizens, being at a private meeing (I take
it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were
apprehended, wherof M r . Blackwell was one ; but he so
glosed w th y e bps, and either dissembled or flatly denyed
y e trueth which formerly he had maintained ; and not
only so, but very unworthily betrayed and accused another
godly man who had escaped, that so he might slip his
own neck out of y e collar, & to obtaine his owne free-
dome brought others into bonds. "Wherupon he so wone
y e bps favour (but lost y e Lord's) as he was not only dis-
mistc, but in open courte y e archbishop gave him great
applause and his sollemne blessing to prosecd in his vio-
age. But if such events follow y e bps blessing, happic
are they y* misse y e same ; it is much better to keepe a
good conscience and have y e Lords blessing, whether in
life or death.

But see how y e man thus apprehended by M r . Black-
wells means, writs to a freind of his.

Right dear freind & christian brother, M r . Carver, I salute
you be yours in y c Lord, &c. As for my owne preseute con-
dition, I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our
brother Maistersone * who should have tasted of y e same cupp",

■ Uichard Masterson ^vvas a member mouth. See notice of his death under
<»f the Lcyden church, and was after- the year 1033. See 1 Mass. Hist. Coll.,
wanU a deacon of the church at Ply- III. 44 ; Young, p. 73. — 1m>.

40

HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.

-5

1

had his place of residence & his person been as well knowne as
my selfe. Some what I have written to M r . Cushman how y e
matter still continues. I have petitioned twisc to M r . Sherives,
and once to my Lord Cooke, and have used such reasons to
move them to pittic, that if they were not overruled by some
others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I
was a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse
in our.citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close &
tedious prison ; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying
still, my only servante lying lame in y e countrie, my wife being
also great with child. And yet no answer till y e lords of his
majesties Counsell gave eonsente. Howbeit, M r . Blackwell, a
man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper
rate, with a great deale less adoe ; yea, with an addition of y e
Arehp: blessing. I am sorie for M r . Blackwels weaknes, I wish
it may prove no worse. But yet he & some others of them,
before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for y e best
that I was nominated, not because y e Lord sanctifies evill to
good, but that y e action was good, yea for y e best. One reason
I well remember he used was, because this trouble would en-
crease y e Virginia plantation, in that now people begane to be
more generally inclined to goc ; and if he had not nomminated
some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was knowne that
diverse citizens besids them selves were ther. I expecte an an-
swer shortly what they intende conscerning me ; I purpose to
write to some others of you, by whom you shall know the cer-
taintie. Thus not haveing further at present to aquaint you
withal!, com ending myselfe to your prairs, I cease, & comitte
you and us all to y G Lord.

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.*

Your freind, & brother in bonds,

SaBIN STARESMORE.t

Sept r :4. An : 1618.

But thus much by y e way, which may be of instruction
& good use.

But at last, after all these things, and their long at-
tendance, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed

* A prison in London. Stow's Survey of London, etL 1C33, p. 303. — Ed
t See page 36. — Ed.

1G20?] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 41

under y e Companies seale ; but these devissions and dis-
tractions had shaken of many of ther pretended freinds,
and disappointed them of much of their hoped for & prof-
fered means. By the advise of some freinds this pattente
was not taken in y e name of any of their owne, but in y c
name of M r . John Wincob (a religious gentleman then
belonging to y e Countess of Lincoline), who intended to
goe with them. But God so disposed as he never went,
nor they ever made use of this patente,* which had cost
them so much labour and charge, as by y e sequell will ap-
pears This patente being sente over for them to veiw &
consider, as also the passages aboute y e propossitions be-
tween them & such marchants & freinds as should either
goe or adventure with them, and espetially with those f on
whom y ey did cheefly depend for shipping and means,
whose proffers had been large, they w T ere requested to fitt
and prepare them selves with all speed. A right emblime,
it may be, of y e uncertine things of this world ; y l when
men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into
smoke.

The 6. Chap.

Conscerning y* agreements and artielrfes between them, and
such marchants fy others as adventured moneys; with
other things falling out aboute making their provissions.

Upon y e receite of these things by one of their messengers,
they had a sollemne meeting and a day of humilliation
to seeke y e Lord for his direction ; and their pastor tooke
this texte, 1. Sam. 23. 3, 4. And David's men said unto
him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we

• This patent is not extant, and ap- It is supposed to have embraced a tract

pr:irs not to have been when Hubbard of territory near the mouth of the Hud-

wrute his History, which was before son River. See Hubbard, p. 50; -1

Po„\ \v e are ignorant as to its terms Mass. Hist. Coll., II. 15G, 157. — Ed.
and conditions, and the date of its issue. f M r - Tn0 : Weston, &c.

6

42" HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.

come to Keilah against f host of the Philistines ? Then
David asked counsell of f Lord agarne, <$*c. From which
texte lie taught many things very aptly, and befitting
tlier present occasion and condition, strengthing them
against their fears and perplexities, and incouraging them
in their resolutions. [27] After which they concluded
both what number and what persons should prepare them
selves to goe with y e first ; for all y l were willing to have
gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in so
shorte a time ; neither if all could have been ready, had
ther been means to have trasported them alltogeather.
Those that staied being y e greater number required y Q
pastor to stay with them ; and indeede for other reasons
he could not then well goe, and so it was y e more easilie

-yeelded unto. The other then desired y e elder, M r . Brew-
ster, to goe with them, which was also condescended unto.
It was also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante,
that those that went should be an absolute church of
them selves, as well as those y l staid ; seing in such a
dangrous vioage, and a removall to such a distance, it
might come to pass they should (for y e body of them) never
meete againe in this world ; yet with this proviso, that as
any of y c rest came over to them, or of y e other returned
upon occasion, they should be reputed as members with-
out any further dismission or testimonial!. It was allso

* promised to those y l wente first, by y e body of y e rest, that
if y e Lord gave them life, & meiis, & opportunitie, they
would come to them as soone as they could.

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with y e
proseedings of y e Virginia Company, & y e ill news from
thence aboute M r . Blackwell & his company, and making
inquirey about y e hiring & buying of shiping for their
vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute
goeing with them.* Also one M r . Thomas "Weston, a

* From Winslow in Young, p. 385, er freely, and to furnish every family
we learn that the Dutch offered to with cattle, if they would " go under
transport the Pilgrims to Hudson Riv- them." — Ed.

1620?] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 43

m'chant of London, came to Leyden aboute y e same time,
(who was well aquainted with some of them, and a fur-
tlicrcr of tliem in their former proseedings,) haveing much
conferancc w lh ]\I r . Robinson & other of y e cheefe of them,
pcrswaded them to goe on (as it seems) & not to medle with
y e Dutch,* or too much to depend on y e Virginia Company ;
for if that failed, if they came to resolution, he and such
marchants as were his freinds (togeather with their owne
means) would sett them forth ; and they should make
ready, and neither feare wante of shipping nor money;
for what they wanted should be provided. And, not so
much for him selfe as for y e satisfing of such frends as
he should procure to adventure in this bussines, they
were to draw such articls of agreemente, and make such
propossitions, as might y e better induce his freinds to ven-
ture. Upon which (after y e formere conclusion) articles
were drawne & agreed unto, and were showne unto him,
and approved by him ; and afterwards by their messen-
ger (M r . John Carver) sent into England,f who, togeather

* From documents obtained within a mined, before learning the fate of this

few years in Holland, by Mr. J. R. memorial of the Amsterdam merchants,

Brodhead, author of an excellent His- to pursue these negotiations no fur-

tory of New York, published in 1853, ther ; for he states in his letter to

wo learn that negotiations were pend- Carver of the 14lh June following-, on

in;: in the early part of the year 1G20, pages 47-49, that "when we had in

hut ween the Amsterdam merchants and hand another course with the Dutchmen,

Kohinson, with a view to the removal broke it off at his [Weston's] motion,

of tho Pilgrims to New Amsterdam, and upon the conditions by him shortly

On the- 12th of February of that year, after propounded." See Brodhead's

application was made in their behalf to Hist, of New York, pp. 123-12G. — Ed.
the IStadtholder, by these merchants, f From the narrative we must infer

Mutiny the conditions on which "this that Weston's visit to Leyden at this

English preacher at Leyden " and his time was before the patent from the

a$M>ciates would consent to colonize Virginia Company was granted ; but

that country ; viz. that they could be Carver and Cushman were not sent into

:i>sured of the protection of the United England to make the final arrangements

l'loyinces ; and praying that such pro- for the voyage until after the patent was

uction be granted, and that two ships "sent over for them to view and con-

«»t war be sent to secure, provisionally, sider."

the lands to that government, &e. The Bradford is provokingly deficient

•Stallholder referred the subject of this here in dates. It would be gratifying

memorial to the States General, who, to know more definitely, not only the

aiu*r repeated deliberations, resolved, precise order in which the various

»*> the lhh of April, to reject the occurrences narrated on the last icw

prayer of the petitioners. Possibly pages took place, but the particular

KobiiLson an j hi s assoc i ates had deter- dale of each. AVe should like to know.

44 HISTORY OF [chap. VI.

with Itobart Cushman, were to receive y e moneys & make
provissionc both for shiping & other things for y e vioage;
with this charge, not to exseede their comission, but to
proseed according to y e former articles. Also some were
chossen to doe y c like for such things as were to be pre-
pared there ; so those that weare to goe, prepared them
selves with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such
as were able) put in their moneys into y e commone stock,
which was disposed by those appointed, for y e making of
generall provissions. Aboute this time also they had
heard, both by M r . "Weston and others, y l sundrie Hon u :
Lords had obtained a large grante from y e king, for y c
more northerly parts of that countrie, derived out of y c
Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their Gover-
mente, and to be called by another name, viz. New-Eng-
land * Unto which M r . "Weston, and y e cheefe of them,
begane to incline it was [28] best for them to goe, as for
other reasons, so cheefly for y c hope of present profite to
be made by y e fishing that was found in y l countrie.

But as in all bussineses y e acting parte is most difiiculte,
espetially wher y e worke of many agents must concurr, so
it was found in this ; for some of those y l should have
gone in England, fell of & would not goe ; other mar-
chants & freinds y l had offered to adventure their moneys

precisely when the Wincob patent was The royal warrant to the Solicitor-Gen-

granted ; the date of Weston's visit to eral " to prepare a patent for his majes-

Leyden, here narrated ; and also when ties royal signature " is dated 23d July,

Carver and Cushman were despatched 1020, This patent passed the seals on

into England to make provision for the the 3d of November following, and is

voyage. Doubtless these and other the great civil basis of all the future

events in this connection took place patents that divide New England. The

within a few months of the sailing of company thus incorporated was styled

the Speedwell ; but it would be a satis- " The Council established at Plymouth,

faction to have the exact chronology in the county of Devon, for the planting,

from Bradford's pen. — Ed. ruling, ordering, and governing of New

* On the 3d of March, 1619-20, the England in America.' 5 See the petition,

Council for the second colony, "in the which was read 3d March, in Docu-

North Partes of Virginia," petitioned ments relative to the Colonial History

his majesty for a new act of incorpora- of New York, III. 2, 3; the warrant

tion, and t( that their territory may be in Gorges's New England, p. 21 ; and

called — as by the Prince His Highness the Patent in Hazard, I. 103-118. —

it hath been named — New England." Ed.

1G20.1 I'LYMOUTII PLAIS'TATIOX 45

tD

withdrew, and pretended many excuses. Some dislikin
they wente not to Guiana ; others againe would adventure
nothing excepte they wente to Virginia. Some againe
(and those that were most relied on) fell in utter dislike
with Virginia, and would doe nothing if they wente thither.
In y a mitlds of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had
put of their estate, and laid out their moneys, were brought
into a greate straight, fearing what issue these tilings would
come too ; but at length y e generalise w r as swaid to this
latter opinion.

But now another difficultie arose, for M r . Weston and
some other that were for this course, either for their better
advantage or rather for y e drawing on of others, as they
pretended, would have some of those conditions altered y l
were first agreed on at Leyden. To which y e 2. agents
sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most
charged with it) did consente ; seeing els y l all was like
to be dashte, & y e opportunitie lost, and y l they which had
put of their estats and paid in their moneys were in haz-
ard to be undon. They presumed to conclude with y e
marchants on" those termes, in some things contrary to
their order & comission, and without giving them notice
of y e same ; yea, it was conceled least it should make any
finder delay ; which was y e cause afterward of much
trouble & contention.

• It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which
are as foloweth.

An : 1620. July 1*

1. The adventurersf & planters doe agree, that every person
that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10 h ., and
ten pounds to be accounted a single share.

* The date here given, July 1st, does written at London, and made ready to

not indicate the time when these " con- receive the signatures of the parties to

diiions " were first drawn up at Leyden, the agreement. — Ed.

nor the time when the alterations cum- f For an account of the Adventurers,

!•! .uik'c! of were agreed upon at London, see Smith's Generall Historic, p. 21/,

as will appear by\he letters which fol- fol. ed. He says that they were at

low. The articles were doubtless re- first about seventy in number, that they

46 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnishcth him selfe out
with 10 n . either in money or other provisions, be accounted as
havehi" 20 H . in stock, and in y e devission shall receive a double
share.

3. The persons transported & y e adventurers shall continue
their joynt stock & partnership togeather, y e space of 7. years,
(excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause y e whole
company ,to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits &
beni fits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fish-
ing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still
in y e eoiiione stock untill y e division.

4. That at their coming thcr, they chose out sueh a number
of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing
upon y e sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon
y e land ; as building houses, tilling, and planting y e ground, &
makeing shuch eomodities as shall be most usefull for y e collonie.

5. That at y e end of y e 7. years, y e eapitall & profits, viz.
the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided betwixte
y e adventurers, and planters ; w ch done, every man shall be free
from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this
adventure.

[29] 6. Whosoever cometh to y e eolonie herafter, or putteth
any into y e stock, shall at the ende of y e 7. years be alowed
proportionably to y e time of his so doing.

7*. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall
be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a
single share in y c devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a
duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2.
of them to be reeoned for a person, both in trasportation and
devision.

S. That such children as now goe, & arc under y e age of ten
years, have noe other shar in y e devision, but 50. acers of un-
man ured land.

9. That sueh persons as die before y e 7. years be expired,
their executors to have their parte or sharr at y e devision, pro-
portionably to y e time of their life in y e collonie.

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have
their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of y e coirion
stock & goods of y e said collonie.

dwell mostly about London, arc not a and to plant Religion ; they have a
corporation, but knit together by a vol- President and Treasurer every year
untary combination, aiming to do good newly chosen by the most voices.— Ed. -

1G20.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 47

Tlic chcefe & principall differences betwene these & the
former conditions, stood in those 2. points ; that y e houses,
& lands improved, espetialy gardens & home lotts should
runiaiue undevided wholy to y e planters at y° 7. "years end.
2 !y , y l they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their
owne private imploymente, for y e more comforte of them
selves and their families, espetialy such as had families.
But because letters are by some wise men counted y e best
parte of histories, I shall shew their greevances hcreaboutc
by their owne letters, in which y e passages of things will
be more truly discerned.

A letter of M r . Robinsons to John Carver.

June 14. 1620. N. Stile/
My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remem-
ber iu my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease
to contend to God by my best & most earnest praires. You
doe throwly understand by our generall letters y e estate of things
hear, which indeed is very pitifull ; espetialy by wante of snip-
ing, and not seeing means liekly, much less certaine, of having
it provided ; though withall ther be great want of money &
means to doe needfull things. M r . Pickering, you know before
this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Cushman pre-
sumed of I know not how many 100*'. from him, & I know not
whom. Yet it seems strange y l we should be put to him to
receive both his & his partners ad venter, and yet M r . Weston
write unto him, y l in regard of it, he hath drawn e upon him a
lOO 11 . more. But ther is in this some misterie, as indeed it
seems ther is in y e whole course. Besids, wheras diverse are
to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse

• Prince has the following note here been altered on the paper." But what

as to the date of this letter : " June 14, we may suppose to be a later note by

X. S. is June 4, 0. S., which is Lord's him is found in his Annals, 1. 6S, where

day, and therefore here is doubtless a he makes a brief extract from this letter,

miiiake. It seems more likely to have "The date in the Manuscript is June

Wn Jiwic 24, N.S., which is June 14, 14, N. S. But the figure 1 , bein g somc-

() . S., especially since this letter is plain- what blurred, and June 14, N. S. bejng

1> *iau?d June 24, both at the beginning Lord's day, and this letter placed before

»»«! end in Governor Bradford^CW/tc- the following of June 10, N.S., I ccm-

tt •»; of Is.ttas, and also observing here elude itshould be June 4, N. S."; u Inch

that the figure 1, in 14, seems to have corresponds to May" 25, O. S. — Ed.

48 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.

to doe it, till they see stuping provided, or a course taken for it.
Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay any thing,
if he had againe his money in his purse. You know right well
we depended on M r . Weston alone, and upon such means as he
would procure for this commone bussines ; and when we had in
hand another course with y e Dutchmen, broke it of at his mo-
tion, and upon y e conditions by him shortly after propounded.
He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not answera-
ble from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in
his moneys, is thought by many to have been but iitt, but y l I
can well excuse, he being a marehante and haveing use of it to
his benefite ; wheras others, if it had been in their hands, would
have consumed it. [30] But y l he should not but have had either
shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine means, and
course, and y e same knowne to us for it, or have taken other
order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have
heard y l when he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put
it of from him selfe, and referred it to y c others*; and would
come to Georg Morton, & enquire news of him aboute things,
as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. "Wether he
hath failed of some helps from others which he expected, and so
be not well able to goe through with things, or whether he hath
feared least you should be ready too soone & so encrease y e
charge of shiping above y l is meete, or whether he have thought
by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking y l therby M r .
Brewer and M r . Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to
doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure
we arey 1 things are not answerable to such an occasion. M r .
Weston maks him selfe mery with our endeavors about buying a
ship, but we have done nothing in this but with good reason,
as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in
those tow; y e one, that we imployed Eobart Cushman, who is
known (though a good man, & of spetiall abilities in his kind,
yet) most unfitt to dealc for other men, by reason of his singu-
laritie, and too great inditTerancie for any conditions, and for
(to speak truly) thatf we have had nothing from him but
termes 6c presumptions. The other, y l we have so much re-

* Yowthcrs in the manuscript, an il- f This word is enclosed in brackets
/ legibly written word, doubtless intended in the manuscript. — Ed.
for " ye others.'' — Ed.

1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 49

lyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without
seeing y e perticuler course & means for so waghtie an affaire
set down unto us. For shiping, M r . Weston, it should seeme,
is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently eflecte ;
but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of M r . Brewer*
you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke M r . Pickering* will
ingagc, excepte in y e course of buying, in former letters specified.
Aboute y e conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments
of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde,
y l the greatest parte of y e Collonie is like to be imploycd con-
stantly, not upon dressing ther perticuler land & building houses,
but upon fishing, trading, fcc. So as y e land 6c house will be
but a trifell for advantage to y e adventurers, and yet the devis-
sion of it a great discouragmente io y e planters, who would with
singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from
their sleep. The same consideration of conTone imploymente
constantly by the most is a good reason not to have y e 2. daies
in a weckc denyed y e few planters for private use, which yet is
subordinate to comone good. Consider also how much unfite
that you & your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years,
and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what per-
sons are to goc, who of usefull faculties, & how many, & per-
tieulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am
soric you have not been at London all this while, but y e provis-
sions could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no
more ; fare you & yours well allways in y e Lord, in whom I
rest.

Yours to use,

John Robinson.

An other letter from sundrie of them aty t same time.

[31] To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman,
these, <fcc.
Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse
letters at y e coming of M r . Nashf & our pilott, which is a great
incouragrnente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will
minister occasion of praising God; and indeed had you not

* '^omas Brewer and Edward Pick- | Thomas Nash was one of Robin-

* """ Wore among the " Adventurers." son's church at Leyden. See 1 Mass.

; vv j -*lass. Hist. Coll., III. 48 ; also Hist. Coll., III. 44. — Ed.
"iisllittorj under the year 1622.— Ed.

7

50 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.

sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe.
Partly in rcspecte of y e new conditions which have bene taken
up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of
our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie
bussinescs you referr to us here. For y e former wherof, wheras
Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising ther-
upon to alter y e same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no
brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to"
our pastors former reasons, and them to y e censure of y e godly
wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your
selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those are,
viz. y l the marchants should have y e halfe of mens houses and
lands at y c dividente ; and that persons should be deprived of y c
2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for
their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive
why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort;
for that we can require no more of them then all men one of
another. This we have only by relation from M r . Nash, & not
from any writing of your owne, & therfore hope you have not
proceeded farr in so great a tiling without us. But requiring
you not to exseed the bounds of your coiiiission, which was to
proceed upon y e things or conditions agred upon and expressed
in writing (at your going over about it), we leave it, not with-
out marveling, that you r selfe, as you write, knowing how smalc
a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, as you fear,
understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such mat-
ters as these are, &c.

Salute M r . Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not
deceived; wc pray you make known our estate unto him, and if
yon thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (y l under
God) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in him ;
and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adven-
turer with us, we had not taken it in hand ; presuming that if
he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not have
begune it ; so we hope in our cxtremitie he will so farr help us
as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him.
Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly opened y e state of
things with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching
y e Allmightie, who is allsufllciente to raise us out of this depth
of difficulties, to assiste us herein ; raising such means by his
providence and fatherly care for us, his pore children & servants,

1(J20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 51

as we may with com forte behould y e hand of our God for good
towards ns in this our bussines, which we undertake in his
name & fear, we take leave & remaine

Your perplexed, yet hopfuli
June 10. New Stille, brctheren,

An : 1G20. S. F. E. W. W. B. J. A.*

A letter of JRobart Cushmans to themj\

Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess y l have eome
to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceed-
ings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare
it, as not doubting but y l partly by writing, and more principally
by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any rea-
sonable man. I have been perswaded [32] by some, espetialy
this bearer, to come and clear things unto you ; but as things
now stand I caiiot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard
all y e viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come
of it Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente.
First, for your dislike of y e alteration of one clause in y e con-
ditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye on
me at all. For y e articles first brought over by John Carver
were never seene of any of y e adventurers hear, exeepte M r .
Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that
clause; nor M r . Weston him selfe, after he had well considered
it. But as at y e first ther was 500 u . withdrawne by S r . Georg
Farrcr and his brother upon that dislike, so all y e rest would
have withdrawne (M r . Weston excepted) if we had not altered
y l clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, as
wc' did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my falte.
Bcsids, I shewed you by a letter y e equitie of y l condition, &
our inconveniences, which might be sett against all M r . Rob:
inconveniences, that without y e alteration of y l clause, we could
neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to sub-
H^te when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those rea-
sons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser then my selfe,
without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many
quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my
brethern, and makins conditions fitter for theeves & bond-
naves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what

• In Governor Bradford's Collection William Bradford, Isaac Allerton,
*»« letters, these subscribers are thus Ed. Winslow. — Prince.
* roio out at length : Samuel Fuller, f This letter bears no date. — Ed.

52 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.

I list And at last a paper of reasons,* framed against y l clause
in y e conditions, which as y e * were delivered me open, so my
answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but
inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as great on y c
other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they
rnisse & mistake both y e very ground of y e article and nature of
y e project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divis-
sion of houses & lands, it had been better for y e poore. True,
and y l showeth y e inequalitie of y c condition ; we should more
respecte him y l ventureth both his money and his person, then
him y l ventureth but his person only.

2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but fur-
nishing a store house ; no one shall be porer then another for
7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At y e least, we
must not in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Char-
itie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs ; you are by this most
in a" hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not before you
have need.

3. This will hinder y e building of good and faire houses, con-
trarie to y e advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it ; our
purpose is to build for y e presente such houses as, if need be, we
may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte;
our riches shall not be in pompe, but in straight; if God send
us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, mu-
nition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, that a
comonwele is readier to ebe then to ilow, when once fine houses
and gay cloaths come up.

4. The Gove 1 may prevente excess in building. A. But if it
be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, y e
Govetf laboure is spared.

5. -All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you
mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition,
qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall
have as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is not of a
good qualitie. 2 l >'. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to
them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing;
and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civill or
religious.

* This "paper of reasons," eon- to Carver, on page 40, " About the

taining the specific objections here re- conditions, you have our reasons for our

plied to by Cushman, appears not to judgments of what is agreed." — Ed.
have been preserved. Robinson writes f Goue* in the manuscript. — Ed.

1(520.1 l'LYMOUTH PLANTATION. 53

G. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5 H . A, True, it may
be not worth halfe 5 fi . [33] If then so smale a thing will con-
tent them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion
to suspecte ns to be worldly & covetous ? I will not say what I
have heard since these complaints came first over.

7. Our frcinds with us y l adventure mind not their owne prof-
ite, as did y e old adventurers. A. Then they are better then
we, who for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw back, and
it is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make profite your
maine end ; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas
to Tarshis. 2 {y . Though some of them mind not their profite,
yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we ? venturs are
made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all
contente, if we can.

8. It will break y e course of comunitie, as may be showed by
many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will
best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c.
A. As it is better for them, so for us ; for halfe is ours, besids
our living still upon it, and if such profite in y l way come, our
labour shall be y e less on y e land, and our houses and lands must
& will be of less value.

10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe they
put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not y e motion
<Jc resolution been always in our selves ? doe they any more then
in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon
equall tcrmes & conditions? If we will not goe, they are con-
tent to keep their moneys. Thus I have pointed at a way to
loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously,
and let me have no more stirre about them.

Now furdcr, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made ;
but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent
you. If you mean it of y c 2. days in a week for pcrticuler, as
some insinuate, you are deceived ; you may have 3. days in a
week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to y e adven-
turers of times of working, they have said they hope we are
men of discretion eo conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our
solves with that. But indeed y c ground of our proceedings at
l*eyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering
every day, &c

As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as

54 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.

soone have gone to Rome as with us ; for our libertie is to them
as ratts banc, and their riggour as bad to us as y e Spanish In-
quision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them
yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money
againe presently paid hear. Or if the company thinke me to be
y e Jonas, let them east me of before we goe ; I shall be content
to stay with good will, having but y c cloaths on my back ; only
let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors ; full litle
did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, &e.

Yours, R. Cushman.

But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands
at Leyden I well know not ; I rather thinke it was staied
by M r . Carver & kept by him, forgiving offence. But
this which follows was ther received ; both which I
thought pertenent to recite.

Another of his to y e foresaid, June 11. 1620.*

Salutations, &c. I received your ler. yesterday, by John Tur-
ner, with another y e same day from Amsterdam by M r . \V. sa-
vouring of y c place whene it came. And indeed the many dis-
couragements I find her, togcathcr with y e demurrs and retirings
• ther, had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John
Carver, & at his eomeing aquaintc him fully with all courses,
and so leave it quite, with only y c pore cloaths on my back.
But gathering up my selfc by further consideration, [34] I re-
solved yet to make one triall more, and to aquainte M r . Weston
with y c fainted state of our bussincs ; and though he hath been
much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath
made him often say, that save for his promise, he would not
meadle at all with y e bussincs any more, yet considering how
farr we were plunged into maters, & how it stood both on our
credits & undoing, at y e last he gathered up him selfe a litle
more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not
yet leave it. And so advising togcathcr we resolved to hire a
ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste,
for a greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine
ship it is.f And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased,

* June 11. O. S. is Lord's day, and the date of the letter following. —
therefore 'tis likely the date of this let- Prince.
ter should bo June 10, the same with f The renowned Mayflower. — Ed.

1620.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 55

we hope to assure her without troubling them any further ; and
if y e ship fale too small, it fitteth well y l such as stumble at
strawes allready, may rest them ther a while, least worse blocks
come in y e way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this
bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you
doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it
is as it is; I hope our freinds ther, if they be quitted of y e ship
hire, will be induseed to venture y e more. All y l I now require
is y l salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all y e rest we
will here provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand
for it a month or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let
M r . lleinholds tarie ther, and bring y e ship* to Southampton.
We have hired another pilote here, one M r . Clarke^ who went
last year to Virginia with a ship of kine.

You shall here distinctly by John Turner,! who I thinke shall
come hence on Tewsday night. I had thought to have eome
with him j to have answerd to my complaints; but I shal lerne
to pass litle for their censurs ; and if I had more minde to goe
& dispute & expostulate with them, then I have eare of this
waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours &
jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to
doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study
to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men
be set on it, let them beat y e eair ; I hope such as are my sinceire
freinds will not thinke but I ean give some reason of my actions.
But of your mistaking aboute y e mater, & other things tending
to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean
space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering
matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as 1
canot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your
bussines, and so turne y e reproofe to your selves, & send an
other, and let me come againe to my Combes.J But setting

* The Speedwell, of "which Reynolds ing of prophesying, or private men ? s

was captain. — Ed. preaching, and says, " There is a book

f JIc came in the Mayflower. — Ed. printed, called A Sermon preached at

+ hi connection with this expression, Plymouth in N. E., which (as I am

*' lt-t me come again to my Combes," certified) was made there by a Comber

^e will cite a passage from a tract pub- of wooll." The sermon alluded to was

h»ht»il in London in 1G44, entitled, first printed in London in 1622, and

" A Brief Narration of some Church though it bears no name, yet uniform

f °urscs held in Opinion and Practise tradition assigns it to Cushman, who

m tin; Churches lately erected in New preached it at the time of his brief visit

/-nj/onrf, Sec. By W. R.[athband]." to Plymouth in the latter part of the

<»n the 4Gth page, the writer is speak- year 1621. — Ed.

56 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.

a side my naturall infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause
judged, both of God, & all indifferent men ; and when we come
togcathcr I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord,
who judgcth justly without respect of persons, sec into y e equi-
tie of my cause, and give us quiet, peacablc, and patient minds,
in all these turmoilcs, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatso-
ever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love & affection.
I hope we shall gctt all hear ready in 14. days.

T 1t 1pon Your pore brother,

June 11. 1620. ^ «

KOBART OUSHMAN.

Bcsids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs
those 3. that received [35] the moneys & made y e provis-
sions in England ; for besids these tow formerly men-
tioned, sent from Leyden for this end, viz. M r . Carver &
Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be
joyned with them, to make y e provisions for y e vioage ;
his name was M r . Martin,* he came from Billirike in Es-
sexe, from which parts came sundrie others to goe with
them, as also from London & other places ; and therfore
it was thought meetc & conveniente by them in Holand
that these strangers that were to goe with them, should
apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much for
any great need of their help, as to avoyd all susspition, or
jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed their care for giving
offence, both in this & other things afterward, turned, to
great inconvenience unto them, as in y e sequell will
apeare ; but however it shewed their equall & honest
minds. The provissions were for y e most parte made at
Southhamton, contrarie to M r . "Westerns & Robert Cush-
mas mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things).
A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to
M r . Carver, and more will appear afterward.

To his loving frcind M r . John Carver, these, ecc.
Loving frcind, I have received from you some letters, full of
affection & complaints, and what it is you would have of me I

* Doubtless Christopher Martin, one he died January 8, 1G21. See Prince,
of the passengers in the Mayflower; I. 96. — Ed.

1G20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 57

know not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negli-
gence, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in y e bussi-
nes. Yet know you y l all that I have power to doe hear, shall
not be one hower behind, I warcnt you. You have reference to
M r . Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure ;
wlier he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done
any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended
y l our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not
made aquaintcd with our quantitie of things ; and saith y l in
now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, with going up
& downc, and wrangling & expostulating, pass over y e soiiier
before we will goe. And to speake y e trueth, ther is fallen al-
ready amongst us a flatt schisme ; and we are redier to goe to
dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiagc. I have received from
Leyden "since you wente 3. or 4. letters directed to you, though
they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I
always feared y e event of y e Amstcrdamcrs striking in with us.
I trow you must excomunicate me, or els you must goe with-
out their companie, or we shall wante no quareling ; but let
them pass. We have reckoned, it should seeme, without -our
host ; and, counting upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be foundc
above 1200 H . & odd moneys of all y e venturs you can reckone,
besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which are not counted;
so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400 li . I would have had
some thing shortened at first of beare & other provissions in
hope of other adventurs, & now we could have, both in Arn-
sterd: & Kente, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we
cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to
bupid & shall not be able to make an end ; indeed, our courses
were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear
their standing. Yea, ther was a [36] schisme amongst us 3. at
v* first. You wrote to 3M r . Martin, to prevente y e making of y e
provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolu-
tion how much he would have of every thing, without respecte
to any counsell or exception. Surely he y l is in a societie &
vet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte.
To be short, if ther be not some other dispossition setled unto
then yet is, we y l should be partners of humilitie and peace,
*hall be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet your money
which you ther must have, we will get provided for you instant-

8

58 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.

ly. 500 H . you say will serve ; for y e rest which hear & in Holand

is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For M r . Crabe,* of

whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you

I shall not be without feare till I see him shipped, for he is

much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke y e best of

all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and y e Lord guid

us all.

Your loving freind,

London, June 10. Robaut Cushman.

An : 1620.

I have bene y e larger in these things, and so shall crave
leave in some like passages following, (thoug in other
things I shal labour to be more contracte,) that their chil-
dren may see with what difficulties their fathers wrastled
in going throng these things in their first begmings, and
how God brought them along notwithstanding all their
weaknesses & infirmities. As allso that some use may be
made hereof in after times by others in such like waightie
imployments ; and herewith I will end this chapter.

The 7. Chap.

Of their departure from Leyden^ and other things ther
aboute, with their arivall at South hamton, ivere they
all mete togeather, and toohe in ther 2^rovissio?is.

At length, after much travell and these clebats, all things
were got ready and provided. A smale shipf was bought,
& fitted in Holand, which was intended as to serve to
help to transport them, so to stay in y e cuntrie and atend
upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for y e
good & benefite of y e colonie when they came ther. An-
other was hired at London, of burden about 9. score ; J
and all other things <r tt in readines. So being reaclv to
departe, they had a day of solleme humiliation, their

* He was a minister. t The Mayflower. — Ed.

f Of some 60. tune. [The Speedwell. — Ed.]

1620.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

59

pastor taking his texte from Ezra 8. 21. And ther at y e
river, by Ahata, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble
ourselves before our God, and seeks of him a right way for
us, and for our children, and for all our substance. Upon
which lie spente a good parte of y e clay very profitably, and
suitable to their presente occasion* The rest of the time
was spente in powering out prairs to y e Lord with great
fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And y e time
being come that they must departe, they were acompanied
with most of their brethren out of y e citie, unto a towne
sundrie miles of called Delfes-Iiaven 5 | wher the ship lay
ready to receive them. So they lefte y l goodly & pleas-
ante citie," which had been ther resting place near 12.
years ; % but they knew they were pilgrimes,§ & looked
not much on those things, but lift up their eyes to y e
heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits.
When they [37] came to y e place they found y e ship and

* Edward Winslow, in a controver-
sial tract printed in London twenty-six
years after this time, gives the substance
of some " wholesome counsel Mr. Rob-
inson pave that part of the ehnrch
whereof, he was pastor, at their depart-
ure- from him to begin the great work
of plantation in New England," which
has been justly celebrated for the no-
ble spirit of Christian liberty that per-
vades it. This is usually styled Robin-
son's *■ farewell discourse' 1 ; but wheth-
er it Avas' preached from the text cited
above, or not, Winslow, the only au-
thority for it, does not inform us. Neal
does not hesitate to appropriate this
t«'Xi, in which he is followed by Bel-
knap and others. See Appendix to
** Ilypocrisie Unmasked, " in Young,
p. 3'JG ; Memoirs of the Pilgrims at
Lovden, by George Sumner, Esq., in 3
Mass. Hist. Coll., IX. 70; Ned's New
Inland, 1st ed., I. 78 ; Belknap, II.
171,173. — Ed.

1 " The minor part, with Mr. Brew-
er, their elder, resolved to enter upon
* 1 >K ureat work, (but take notice the
«.:.• r.'nce of number was not great,) . . .
l j"'. v l,iat stayed at Leyden feasted us
»t»at were to go, at our pastor's house,

being large ; where we refreshed our-
selves, after tears, with singing of
psalms, making joyful melody in our
hearts, as well as with the voice, there
being many of our congregation very
expert in music. . . . After this they ac-
companied us to Delph's Haven, where
we were to embark, and there feasted
us again." Winslow in Youn^, p.
384/ Delft-Haven is on the Maese,
eight miles from Delft, about fourteen
miles from Leyden, and thirty-six miles
from Amsterdam. — Ed.

J Prince, I. 70, and Preface, xii., ap-
parently citing this History at this place,
says, " Mr. Brewster, Carver, Bradford,
Winslow, with the other English voy-
agers at Leyden, leave that city where
they had lived near 12 years," &c.
There is no authority here for these
names ; besides, Carver was at this
time at Southampton, making provision
for the voyage, at which place — as will
be seen on the following page — he was
joined by the Pilgrims on their arrival
therein the Speedwell. There are some
reasons which render it probable that
Brewster also was in England at ibis
time. See p. 38, and p. 31, note. — Ed.

§ Ileb. 11..

60 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.

all things ready ; and shuch of their freinds as could not
come with them followed after them, and simdrie also
came from Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take
their leave of them. That night was spent with litle
sleepe by y c most, but with freindly entertainmente &
christian discourse and other reall expressions of true
christian love. The next day, the wind being faire, they
wente aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly
dolfull was y e sight of that sade and moumfull parting ;
to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst
them, what tears did gush from every eye^ & pithy speech-
es peirst each harte ; that sundry of y e Dutch strangers
y l stood on y e key as spectators, could not refraine from
tears. Yet comfortable & sweete it was to see shuch
lively and true expressions of dear & unfained love. But
y e tide (which stays for no man) caling them away y l
were thus loath to departe, their Eeve d : pastor falling
downe on his knees, (and they all with him,) with watrie
cheeks comended them with most fervente praiers to the
Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall imbrases
and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an other ;
which proved to be y e last leave to many-of them.

Thus hoysing sailed with a prosperus winde they came
in short time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger
ship come from London, lying ready, w th all the rest of
their company. After a joyfull wellcome, and mutuall
congratulations, with othe r frendly entertainements, they
fell to parley aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with
y e best expedition ; as allso with their agents, aboute y e
alteration of y e conditions. M r . Carver pleaded he was
imployed hear at Hamton, and knew not well what y c
other had don at London. M r . Cushman answered, he
had done nothing but what he was urged too, partly by
y e grounds of equity, and more espetialy by necessitie,
other w T ise all had bene dasht and many undon. And in

* This was about 22. of July.

1620.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 61

y° bco-ining he aquainted his felow ageuts here with, who
consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to
receive y e money at London and send it downe to them at
Ilamton, wher they made y e provissions ; the which he
accordingly did, though it was against his minde, & some
of y e marchants, y l they were their made. And for give-
ing them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not
well in regardc of y e shortnes of y e time ; againe, he knew
it would trouble them and hinder y e bussines, which was
already delayed overlong in regard of y e season of y e year,
which he feared they would find to their cost. But these
things gave not contente at presente. M r . Weston, lik-
wise, came up from London to see them dispatcht and to
have y e conditions confirmed ; but they refused, and an-
swered him, that he knew right well that these were not
according to y e first agreemente, neither could they yeeld
to them without y e consente of the rest that were behind.
And indeed they had spetiall charge when they came
away, from the cheefe of those that were behind, not to
doe it. At which he was much offended, and tould them,
they must then looke to stand on their owne leggs. So he
returned in displeasure, and this was y e first ground of
discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well
near 100 H . to clear things at their going away, he would
not take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as
thej- could. [38] So they were forst to selle of some of
their provissions to stop this gape, which was some 3. or
4. score firkins of butter, which comoditie they might best
spare, haveing provided too large a quantitie of y l kind.
Then they write a leter to y e marchants & adventurers*
uhoute y e diferances concerning y e conditions, as foloweth.

Aug. 3. An : 1620.f
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of
writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see

* -Uvctiturcs in the manuscript — Ed. of Letters, this letter is dated at South
t In Covernor Bradford's Collection Hampton. — Prince.

62 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.

y e most of you hear, but espetially because ther should any dif-
ference- at all be conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out
that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it meete (though
brefly) to shew you y e just cause & reason of our differring from
those articles last made by Robart Cushman, without our co-
mission or knowledg. And though he might propound good
ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine
diferenee is in y e 5. & 9. article,* concerning y e deviding or hold-
ing of house and lands ; the injoying wherof some of your selves
well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to
provoke us to goc. This was thought so reasonable, y l when
y e greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to
respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his
owne- accorde, he set this downe for one ; a coppy wherof we
have sent unto you, with some additions then added by us ;
which being liked on both sids, and a day set for y e paimente of
moneys, those of .Holland paid in theirs. After y l , E,obart Cush-
man, M r . Peirce, & M r . Martine, brought them into a better
forme, & write them in a booke now extante; and upon Eobarts
shewing them and delivering M r . Mnllins a coppy therof under
his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we of
Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton,
but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them ; upon
sight wherof we manyfested utcr dislike, but had put of our
estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte
y e vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you indiferently of things,
and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it wher it is, & not upon
us, who have more cause to stand for y e one, then you have for
ye other. We never gave Ptobart Cushman comission to make
any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon
articles before agreed on, and to further y e provissions till John
Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive
your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a
branch to y e end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that
wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it
may appcare to all men y l we are not lovers of our selves only,
but desire also y e good & inriching of our freinds who have ad-

* For " the chief and principal dif- in the fifth article of bis copy of these

ferences " between the articles on pages conditions. See Hubbard's New Eng-

45 and 46, and the " former conditions," land, pp. 48, 49, and Young, pp. 81

see page 47* Hubbard, who evidently -83. — Ed.
used this History, has a singular error

1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 63

ventured your moneys with our persons, we have added our last
article to y e rest, promising you againe by leters in y e behalfe of
the whole company, that if large profits should not arise within
y e 7. years, y l we will continue togeather longer with you, if
y e Lord give a blessing.* This we hope is suffieente to satisfie
any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we arc asured y l if the
whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not
stand upon it,"netheir doe regarde it, &c. We are in shuch a
streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60 H . worth of
our provissions to cleare y e Haven, & withall put our selves
upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not
a sole to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword to his side,
wanting many muskets, much armoure, cce. And yet we are
willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are
like to insue, & trust to y e good providence of God, rather then
his name ec truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus salut-
ing all of you in love, and beseeching y e Lord to give a blesing
to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in y e bonds of peace
& love, we take leave & rest,

Yours, &c.
Aug. 3. 1620.

It was subscribed with many names of y e cheefest of
y* company.

At their parting M r . Robinson write a leter to y e whole
company, which though it hatli already bene printed,!
yet I thought good here likwise to inserte it ; as also a
brecfe leter writ at y e same time to M r . Carver, in which
y c tender love & godly care of a true pastor appears.

My dear Brother, — I received inclosed in your last leter y e
note of information, %v ch I shall carefuly keepe & make use of
as 'ther shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your per-
plrxitie of mind & toyle of body, but I hope that you who have
allways been able so plentifully to administer eomforte unto
others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe as that
* :irr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone (though I

It was well for them y l this was 1622, in Mourt's Relation. It was sub-

i.t.i accepted. sequently printed in Morton's Memo-

T Hie "letter to the whole com- rial. —Ed.
I*«>\ on pages 61- 67, was printed in

G4 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.

conceive them to have been great enough) cannot oppresse yon,
though they press you, as y e Apostle speaks. The spirite of a
man (sustained by y e spirite of God) will sustaine his infirmitie,
I clout not so will yours. And y e beter much when you shall
injoye y e presence & help of so many godly & wise bretheren,
for y e bearing of part of your burthen, who also will not admitte
into their harts y e least thought of suspition of any y e least
negligence, at least presumption, to have been in you, what so
ever they thinke in others. Now what shall I say or write unto
you & your good wife my loving sister? even only this, I desire
(& allways shall) unto you from y e Lord, as unto my owne
soulc ; and assure your selfe y l my harte is with you, and that I
will not forslowe my bodily coming at y e first oppertunitie. I
have writen a large leter to y c whole, and am sorie I shall not
rather speak then write to them ; & the more, considering y e
wante of a preacher, which I shall also make sume spurr to my
hastening alter you. I doe ever eomend my best affection unto
you, which if I thought you made any doubte of, I would ex-
press in more, & y e same more ample & full words. And y e
Lord in whom you trust & whom you serve ever in this bussi-
nes & journey, guid you with his hand, protecte you with his
winge, and shew you & us his salvation in y e end, & bring us
in y e mean while togeather in y e place desired, if shuch be his
good will, for his Christs sake. Amen.

Yours, &c.
July 27. 1620. Jo: R.

This was y e last letter y l M r . Carver lived to see from
him. The other follows.

*Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily & in y c Lord salute
you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best
affection, and most ernest longings after you, though I be con-
strained for a while to be bodily absente from you. I say con-
strained, God knowing how willingly, & much rather then
otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first
brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for y c present.
Make aeeounte of me in y e mean while, as of a man devided-in
my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a side)
having my beter parte with [40] you. And though I doubt not

* This letter is omitted in Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters. — Prince.

1G20,] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 65

but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve upon
y l which concerneth your presente state & condition, both sev-
erally 6c joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some
furrier spurr of provocation unto them, who rune allready, if not
because you need it, yet because I owe it in love & dutie. And
first, as we are daly to renew our repentance with our God,
espetially for our sines known, and generally for our unknowne
trespasses, . so doth y e Lord call us in a singuler man er upon
occasions of shuch difficultie & danger as lieth upon you, to a
both more narrow search & care full reformation of your ways in
his sight ; least he, calling to remembrance our sines forgotten
by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, & in judg-
mcnte leave us for y e same to be swalowed up in, one danger or
other; wheras, on the contrary, sine being taken away by ernest
repentance & y e pardon therof from y e Lord sealed up unto a
mans conscience by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and
peace in all dangers, sweete his comforts in all distreses, with
hapie deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death.

Now next after this heavenly peace with God & our owne
consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men
what in us lieth, espetially with our associats, & for y l watch-
fullnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe
give, no nor easily take offence being given by others. Woe be
unto y c world for offences, for though it be necessarie (consider-
ing y° malice of Satan & mans corruption) that offences come,
yet woe unto y c man or woman either by whom y e offence
coineth, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in y e unsea-
sonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more to be
feared then death itselfe, as y e Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15.
how much more in things simply evill, in which neither honour
of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded.
Neither yet is it sufffciente y l we keepe our selves by y e grace
of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be armed
against y c taking of them when they be given by others. For
how unperfect & lame is y e work of grace in y l person, who
wants charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as y e scriptures
speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon
v a couione grounds of Christianitie, which are, that persons
ready to take offence, either wante charitie, to cover offences, or
wistlome duly to waigh humane frailtie ; or lastly, are grosse,
though close hipocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Mat. 7.

9

66 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.

1,2, 3, as indeed in my owne experience, few or none have bene
found which sooner give offence, then shuch as easily take it;
neither have they ever proved sound & profitable members in
societies, which have nurished this touchey humor. But besids
these, ther are diverse motives provoking you above others to
great care & conscience this way : As first, you are many of
you strangers, as to y e persons, so to y e infirmities. one of an-
other, & so stand in neede of more watchfullnes this way, least
when shuch things fall out in men & women as you suspected
not, you be inordinatly affected with them ; which doth require
at your hands much wisdome & charitie for y e covering & pre-
venting of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended
course of civill eomunitie will minister continuall occasion of
offence, & will be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently
quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence
causlesly or easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded,
how much more heed is to be taken y l we take not offence at
God him selfe, which yet we certainly doe so ofte as we doe
murmure at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently
shuch afflictions as \v her with he pleasetii to visite us. Store up
therfore patience against y c cvill day, without which we take
offence at y c Lord him selfe in his holy & just works.

A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that
With your comone imployments you joyne comone affections
truly bente upon y e gencrall good, avoyding as a deadly
[41] plague of your both coiiione & spetiall comfort all retired-
nes of minde for proper advantage, and all singularly affected
any maner of way ; let every man represe in him selfe & y e
whol body in each person, as so many rebels against y e comone
good, all private respects of mens selves, not sorting with y c
generall convenience. And as men are carfull not to have a
new house shaken with any violence before it be well setled &
y e parts firmly knite, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much
more carfull, y l the house of God which you are, and are to be,
be not shaken with unnecessarie novelties or other oppositions
at y e first sctling therof.

Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst
your selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any
persons of spetiall eminencie above y c rest, to be chosen by you
into office of government, let your wisdome & godlines appeare,
not only in ch using shuch persons as doe entirely love and will

I

1G20.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 67

promote y e comone good, but also in yeelding unto them all
due honour & obedience in their lawfull administrations; not
beliouldin^ in them y e ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods
ordinance for your good, not being like y e foolish multitud
who more honour y e gay coate, then either y e vertuous rainde
of v c man, or glorious ordinance of y e Lord. But you know
better things, & that y e image of y c Lords power & authoritic
which y e magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meanc per-
sons soever. And this dutie you both may y e more willingly
and ought y e more eonscionably to performe, because you arc
at least for y e present to have only them for your ordinarie gov-
ernours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that worke.
Suudrie other things of importance I could put you in minde
of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will not
so farr wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless of
these things, ther being also divcrce among you so well able to
admonish both them selves & others of what concerneth them.
These few things therfore, & y e same in few words, I doe ernest-
ly coiuend unto your care & conscience, joyning therwith my
daily incessante prayers unto y e Lord, y l he who hath made y e
heavens & y e earth, y e sea and all rivers of waters, and whose
providence is over all his workes, espetially over all his dear
children for good, wculd so guide & gard you in your wayes, as
inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly by y e hand of his power,
as y l both you ec we also, for & with you, may have after mat-
ter of praising his name all y e days of your and our lives. Fare
you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest.
An unfained wellwiller of your hapie
success in this hopefull voyage,

John Robinson.

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe,
and suitable to their occation, I thought ineete to inserte
in this place.*

All things being now ready, & every bussines dispatched,
the company was caled togeather, and this letter read
amongst them, which had good acceptation with all, and.
after fruit with many. Then they ordered & distributed

I'liis letter bears no date, but it in which Robinson speaks of having
* as doubtless written about the same " written a letter to the whole." — Ku.
t:mo as tho one to Carver, preceding,

6S HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII.

their company for either shipe, as they concevied for y e
best. And chose a Gov r & 2. or 3. assistants for each
shipe, to order y e people by y° way, and see to y e dispos-
sin<' of there provissions, and shueh like affairs. All which
was not only with y c liking of y e maisters of y e ships, but
according to their desires. Which being done, they sett
sayle from thence aboute y e 5. of August ; but what be-
fell them further upon y e coast of England will appeare
in y e ncxte chapter.

The 8. Chap.

Off the troabls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea>
being forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther
ships Sf some, of their companie behind them.

[•1:2] 15i:ing thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but
M f . Keinolds y° m r . of y e leser ship complained that he
found his ship so leak as he durst not put further to sea
till she was mended. So y e m r . of y c biger ship (caled
M r . Joans) being consulted with, they both resolved to
put into Dartmouth & have her ther searched & mended,
which accordingly was done, to their great charg & losse
of time and a faire winde. She was hear thorowly search t
from stcme to stcrne, some leaks were found & mended, *
and now it was conceived by the workmen & all, that she
was suiliciente, & they might proceede without either fear
or danger. So witli good hopes from hence, they put to
sea ayainc * conceiving they should goe comfortably on, .

not louking for any more lets of this kind ; but it fell out

\

♦ Smith, who speaks of but one em- man, on page 71, in a letter written from

haikatuui prior lo the final sailing of Dartmouth to a friend in London, dated

the Mayilcjuer from Plymouth on the Avg. HM, says, " We lie here waiting

Cth of ^-Member, says, * 4 ilicy left the for her [the Speedwell, which was

coast of England the ?M of August, being " mended' 1 ] in as fair a wind as

with about 1?0 persons." Bradford can blow, and- so have done these four

gives no dates in the narrative as to the days, and are like to lie four more,"

time when they put into Dartmouth, &c. From this passage Prince doubt-

01 when they departed thence. Cush- less gathered his dates, where he says,

1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 69

otherwise, for after they were gone to sea againe above
100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company
to^eatlier all this while, the m r . of y e small ship complained
his ship was so leake* as he must beare up or sinke at
sea, for they could scarce free her with much pumping.
So they came to consultation againe, and resolved both
ships to bear up backe againe & put into Pliihoth, which
accordingly was done. But no spetiall leake could be
founde, but it was judged to be y e generall weaknes of y e
shipe, and that shee would not prove sufficiente for the
voiage. Upon which it was resolved to dismise her &
parte of y e companie, and proceede with y e other shipe.
The which (though it was greevous, & caused great dis-
couragmente) was put in execution. So after they had
tooke out such provission as y e other ship could well stow,
and concluded both what number and w 7 hat persons to
send bak, they made another sad parting, y e one ship go-
ing backe for London, and y e other was to proceede on
her viage. Those that went bak were for the most parte
such as were willing so to doe, either out of some discon-
tent e, or feare they conceived of y e ill success of y c vioage,f
seeing so many croses befale, & the year time so farr
spente; but others, in regarde of their owue weaknes,
and charge of many yonge children, were thought least
usefull, and most unfite to bear y e brunte of this hard ad-
venture ; unto which worke of God, and judgmente of
their brethern, they w r ere contented to submite. And
thus, like Gedions armie, this small number was devided,

"they put into Dartmouth about Aug. charging her and twenty passengers,

13"; and " about Aug. 21 they set with the great ship and a hundred pcr-

K*il again." This latter date is of course sons besides sailors, they set sail a?ain

i-omewhat conjectural, and that given the sixth of September," &c. New

hy iSmith, above quoted, may be the England's Trials, p. 1G. — Ed.

correct one. See New England's Tri- f After this, no one, probably, will

alsp. 1G, 2d ed., London, 1622; Prince share with the late Dr. Young in the

l.'l. — Ed. enthusiasm with which he repudiaics

* Smith says, "but the next day the idea of any discouragement on the

the lesser ship sprung a leak that forced part of those who "went back." Sco

their return to Plymouth, where, dis~ Young, p. 99, note 1.'— Ed.

70 HISTORY OF [CHAP. YIII.

as if y° Lord by this worke of his providence thought these
few to many for y e great worke he had to doe. But here
by the way let me show, how afterward it was found y l
the leaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted,
and too much pressed with sayles ; for after she was
sould & put into her old trime, she made many viages &
performed her service very sufficiently, to y e great profite
of her owners. But more espetially, by the cuning &
deceite of y e m r . & his company, who were hired to stay
a whole year in y e cuntrie, and now fancying dislike &
fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strategem to
free them selves ; as afterwards was knov^ ne, & by some
of them confessed. For they apprehended y l the greater
ship, being of force, & in whom most of y e provissions
were- stowed, she would retaync enough for her selfe,
what soever became of them or y° passengers ; & indeed
shuch speeches had bene cast out by some of them; and
yet, besids other incouragments, y e cheefe of them that
came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give y e m r . con-
tente. But so strong was self love & his fears, as he for-
gott all duty and [43] former kindnesses, & delt thus fals-
ly with them, though he pretended otherwise. Amongest
those that returned was M r . Cushman & his familie, whose
- hart & courage was gone from them before, as it seems,
though his body was with them till now he departed ; as *
may appear by a passionate letter he write to a freind
in London from Dartmouth, whilst y e ship lay ther a
mending ; the which, besids y e expressions of his owne
fears, it shows much of y e providence of God working for .
their good beyonde man's expectation, & other things
concerning their condition in these streats. I will hear
relate it. And though it discover some infirmites in him
(as who under temtation is free), yet after this he contin-
ued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe
y e offices of a loving freind & faithful 1 brother unto them,
and pertaker of much comforte with them.
The letter is as folio wth.

1620.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 71

To his loving friend Ed: S. # at Hcnige House in y e Duks Place,!
these, 6cc.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17.
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your
wife, with loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke
to see againe. For besids y e eminente dangers of this viage,
which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased
me, which will not in all lic e lyhoode leave me till death. What
to call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were, crush-
ing my harte more & more these 14. days, as that allthough I
doe y c acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; but
y c will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease leaking, els
I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither
hath been as full of crosses, as our selves have been of croked-
ncs. Wc put in hear to trime her, 6c I thinke, as others also,
if wc had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would
have sunke right downe. And though she was twise trimed at
Hamton, yet now shee is open and leakic as a seive; and thcr
was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2. foote
louge, wher y e water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at
Hamton 7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we
lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so
have done these 4. days, and are like to lye 4. more, and by
y l time y e wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our

* Tn Governor Bradford's Collection South worth, the son of Richard, the

of J^tUrSj this is Edward Southworlh. son of Aymond, who lived at Wellain

— Prince. in the reign of King HenTy the Eighth.

Tlie person to whom this letter is From another source we know that one

addressed is doubtless the Edward of the family, a Mr. Robert Soutb-

Souihworih whose widow, Alice, was worth, consorted with the extreme

alter wards married to Governor Brad- Puritans, who were going the way of

ford, ihe author of this History. See separation. " He thinks *' we cannot

the verses to her memory in the Ap- err if we claim some of them as lay

pfndiw Mr. Hunter says that " the members of the Scrooby church, per-

Southuorths were eminently a Basset- haps this very Mr. Robert Southworlh

j/iwe family." (The reader of his himself." See Prince, I. 140 ; Found-

Fonndcrs of New Plymouth will recol- ers of New Plymouth, pp. 17, 11G,

lm that Basset-Lawe is the Hundred 117, 2d ed., 1854.— Ed.

i» which is situated the village of f Duke's Place is in London. See

* cruoby, where Robinson's church was Stow T s Survey of London, ed. 1033,
Incited while in England.) He says, p. 14b*. Mr. Hunter, in a manuscript
t.ut *' in the Visitation of Nottingham- note, writes, t£ ' Henige House ' I do not
b -«srt*, in 1014, an Edward Southworlh know. It was probably the town Tesi-

* -is ihfti living, but so little did he care dence of the family of Heneage. There
lor iusc'h things, that all the account is still an Heneage Court near Duke's
°J h:.s Umily which he gave to the Her- Place in London. " — Ed.

&«U was, that he was the son of Robert

72 HISTORY OP [CHAP. YIU.

victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from the
coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not
have a months victialls when we come in y e countric. Nearc
700 H . hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I know not.
M r . Martin saith he neither can nor will give any accountc of
it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth out of un-
thankfullnes for his paines & care, that we arc susspitious of
him, and flings away, & will end nothing. Also he so insulteh
over our poore people, with shuch scorne & contempte, as if they
were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your
hart to see his dealing,* and y e mourning of our people. They
complaine to me, & alass! I ean doe nothing for them; if I
speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no
complaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith
they are frowarde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill
to hear them. Ther are others y l would lose all they have put
in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might
departc; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe
ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are so
offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling & controuling in
things he knows not what belongs too, as y l some threaten to
misscheefe him, others say they will leave y e shipe & goe their
way. But at y e best this cometh of it, y 1 he maks him selfe a
scorne & laughing stock unto them. As for M r . Weston, ex-
cepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten
times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming y e con-
ditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they
begine to reveile y e trueth, & say M r . Robinson was in y e falte
who charged them never to consente to those conditions, nor
chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose them
they did chose.f But he & they will rue too late, they may
[44] now see, & all be ashamed when it is too late, that they
were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate in their courses. I am
sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was
not so resolute at Hampton to have left y e whole bussines, ex-
cepte they would seale them, & better y e vioage to have bene
broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to our selves,
dishonour to God, & detriments to our loving freinds, as now it

* He was governour in y c biger ship, f I thinke he was deceived in these
& M r . Cushman assistante. things.

1G20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 73

is lilcc to doe. 4. or 5. of y e cheefe of them which came from
Lcvdrn, eame. resolved never to goe on those conditions. And
M r . Marline, he said he never received no money on those con-
ditions, he was not beholden to y e marchants for a pine, they
were bloudsuckers, & I know not what. Simple man, he in-
deed never made any conditions w th the marchants, nor ever
spake with them. But did all that money flie to Hampton, or
was it his owne? Who will goe & lay out money so rashly &
lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or on
what conditions ? 2 ly . I tould him of y e alteration longe agoe,
& he was contente ; but now he dominires, & said I had be-
trayed them into y e hands of slaves ; he is not beholden to
them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe to a viage. When, good
man ? He hath but 50 H . in, & if he should give up his accounts
he would not have a penie left him, as I am persuaded,* &c,
Freiiid, if ever we make a plantation, God works a mirakle ;
especially considering how scantc we shall be of victualls, and
most of all ununited amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tu-
tors & regimente. Violence will break all. Wher is y e meek &
humble spirite of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified y e wals
of Jerusalem, & y e state of Israeli? Is not y e sound of Reho-
boams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not y e philosiphers
and all wise men observed y l , even in setled comonc welths, vio-
lente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath,
to ruine ; how much more in y e raising of coilione wealths, when
y c morter is yet scarce tempered y l should bind y e wales. If I
should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune
our mine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve
your, tender hart; only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings
of us every day. But pray for us instantly, it may be y e Lord
will be yet entreated one way or other to make for us. I see
not in reason how we shall escape even y e gasping of hunger
starved persons ; but God can doe much, & his will be done.
It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I
doe daly, & expecte it howerly ; haveing received y e sentance of
death, both within me & without me. Poore William King &
my selfe doe strivef who shall be meate first for y e fishes; but
we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after

* This was found true afterward. dayly," but a pen has been drawn

t In the manuscript it is " strive through the latter word. — Ed.

10

74 HISTORY OF [eiiAr. IX.

y e flesh no more, but looking unto y e joye y l is before us, we
will endure all these things and aeeounte them light in com-
parison of y l joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to
our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire ernestly,
& wish againe to see, but not till I can with more eomforte
looke them in y e face. The Lord give us that true eomforte
which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe
relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your
wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after
you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, &
many things more which I have forborne. I write it as upon
my life, and last confession in England. "What is of use to be
spoken [45] of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt
to conceile, conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head
ijs weake, & my body feeble, y e Lord make me strong in him, &
keepe both you & yours.

Your loving freind,

ROBART CUSIIMAN.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620.

These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth, they
must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.

The 9. Chap.

Of their vioage^ S? how they passed y p sea, and of their safe *
arrival! at Cape Codd.

•Sept 11 : 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all
being compacte togeather in one shipe,* they put to sea
againe with a prosperus winde, which continued divorce
days togeather, which was some incouragmente ixnto ■
them ; yet according to y e usuall maner many were afflict-
ed with sea-sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall
worke of Gods providence. Ther was a proud & very pro-
fane yonge man, one of y e sea-men, of a lustie, able body,
which made him the more hauty; he would allway be

* For Governor Bradford's list of passengers in the Mayflower, see Ap-
pendix, No. I. — Ed.

]

1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 75

contemning y c poore people in their sicknes, & cursing
them dayly with greeous execrations, and did not let to
tell them, that he hoped to help to cast halfc of them over
board before they came to their jurneys end, and -to make
mery with what they had ; and if he were by any gently
reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it
plased God- before they came halfe seas over, to smite
this yong man with a greeveous disease, of which he dyed
in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe y e first y l was
throwne overbord. Thus his curses light on his owne
head ; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for
they noted it to be y e just hand of God upon him.

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a
season, they were incountred many times with crosse
winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, with which
y e shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works made
very leakie ; and one of the maine beames in y c midd
ships was bowed & craked, which put them in some fear
that y e shipe could not be able to performe y e vioage. So
some of y e cheefe of y e company, perceiveing y e mariners
to feare y e suffisiencie of y e shipe, as appeared by their
mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation with y e
m T . & other officers of y e ship, to consider in time of y G
danger; and rather to returne then to cast them selves
into a desperate & inevitable perill. And truly ther was
great distraction & difFerance of opinion amongst y e mar-
iners themselves; faine would they doe what could be
done for their wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,)
and on y° other hand they were loath to hazard their lives
too desperatly. But in examening of all opinions, the
m r . & others affirmed they knew y e ship to be stronge &
firme under water; and for the buckling of y e maine
beanie, ther was a great iron scrue y e passengers brought
out of* Holland, which would raise y e beame into his
place; y e which being done, the carpenter & m r . affirmed
that with a post put under it, set firme in y e lower deck,

76 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.

& othenvays bounde, lie would make it sufficientc. And
as for y e decks & uper workes they would calke them as
well as they could, and though with y e workeing of y e
ship they would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would
otherwise be no great danger, if they [46] did not over-
press her with sails. So they comited them selves to y e
will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these
stormes the winds were so feirce, & y e seas so high, as
they could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to
hull, for divorce days togither. And in one of them, as
they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge
man (called John Howland) coming upon some occasion
above y e grattings, was, with aseele* of y° shipe throwne
into [y e ] sea ; but it pleased God y l he caught hould of y c
tope-saile halliards, which hunge over board, & rane out
at length ; yet he held his hould (though he was sundrie
fadomes under water) till he was liald up by y e same rope
to y e brime of y e water, and then with a boat hooke &
other means got into y e shipe againe, & his life saved ;
and though he was something ill with it, yet he lived
many years after, and became a profitable member both
in church & coihone wealthe. In all this viage ther died
but one of y e passengers, which was William Butten, a
youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near
,y e coast.f But to omite other things, (that I may be
breefe,) after longe beating at sea they fell with that land
which is called Cape Cod ; J the which being made & cer-
tainly knowne to be it, they were not a litle joyfull.

* " Scd (with the sailors) is when a break of day, we espied land, which

ship rolls or is tossed about very sud- we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so

denly and violently with or by the force afterward it proved." See Mourt's

of the waves." Dyche's Dictionary. Relation, (or, as Dr. Young styles it,

. — Kd. Bradford and Winslow's Journal,) in

| He died November Gth. See Prince, Young, p. 117. There is good rea*-

I. 7*2, who cites Governor Bradford's son for believing that Bradford wrote

Pocket Book, which contained a Reg- the earlier portion of this tract, many

ister of deaths, &c, from November G, passages in it being almost identical

1600, to the end of March, 1021. — Ed. with passages in this History. Sec also

% " Upon the 9th of November, by Young, p. 115, note 1. — Ed.

11)20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 77

After some deliberation had amongst them selves &
with y e ru r . of y e ship, they tacked abonte and resolved to
stande for y e southward (y 2 wind & w T eather being faire)
to fmdc some place aboute Hudsons river for their habi-
tation. But after they had sailed y l course aboute halfe
y c day, they fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring
breakers, and they were so farr in tangled ther with as'
they conceived them selves in great danger; & y e wind
shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear up
againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett
out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by
Gods providence they did. And y e next day they gott
into y° Cape-harbor wher they ridd in saftie * A word or
too by y e way of this cape ; it was thus first named by
Capten Gosnole & his company, f An : 1602, and after
by Capten Smith was caled Cape James ; but it retains y e
former name amongst sea-men. Also y l pointe which first
shewed those dangerous shoulds unto them, they called
Pointe Care, & Tuckers Terrour ; J but y e French & Dutch
to this day call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous
shoulds, and y e losses they have suffered their.

* "Upon the 11th of November we gers from Governor Bradford's list,

came to an anchor in the bay," &c. appears to have omitted two of the

44 The same day, so soon as we could, number, Trevore and Ely. Prince's

we set ashore fifteen or sixteen men." list, it will be seen, adds up 101, but

Mourt, in Young, pp. 117, 118, 122. it includes both the servant who died

See also page 80 of this History. It and the child born on the passage, but

appears, therefore, that the Mayflower one of whom should be enumerated,

was sixty-five days on the passage from There were four deaths and one birth

Plymouth (England) to Cape Cod, ieav- after the arrival at Cape Cod, and before

iii£ the former place on the 6th of Sep- the landing of the exploring party in

iniiber. By reference to Governor the shallop, at Plymouth, on the 11th of

Hrad ford's list of passengers, in the December. See Prince, I. 70, SO. — Ed.

Appendix, it will be seen that one j- Because y e y tooke much of y l iishe

m* nuked and two passengers, includ- ther.

ntt: servants and all those who eame J " Twelve leagues from Cape Cod,

,nt ' r in the employ of the colonists, we deseried a point with some breach,

billed from Plymouth in the Mayflower, a good distance off, and keeping our luff

a '- the final embarkation ; and that the to double it, we came on the sudden into

** mt * number arrived at Cape Cod. shoal water, yet well quitted ourselves

J) dhain Ijutten, a servant of Samuel thereof. This breach we called Tuck-

u.lrr, died on the passage, but the er's Terror, upon his expressing fear.

J!jt»Vrny «f the number was preserved The point we named Point Care.' 1

hv the birth of Oceanus Jlopkins. ArcheT's Relation of Gosnold's Voyane,

1 rmce, who compiled his list of passeu- in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII. 74. —Ed.

78 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.

Being thus avivecl in a good harbor and brought safe
to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed y e God of
heaven, who had brought them over y 8 vast & furious
ocean, and delivered them from all y e periles & miseries
thcrof, againe to set their fcete on y e firme and stable
earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they
were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected
with sailing a few miles on y e coast of his owne Italy; as
he affirmed,* that he had rather remaine twentie years
on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a
short time ; so tedious & dreadfull was y e same unto him.

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and
stand half amased at this poore peoples presente con-
dition ; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he well
considers [47] y e same. Being thus passed y e vast ocean,
and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may
be remembred by y l which wente before), they had now
no freinds to wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or
refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses or much
less townes to repaire too, to secke for succoure.f It is
recorded in scripture J as a mercie to y e apostle & his
shipwraked company, y l the barbarians shewed them no
smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage bar-
barians, when they mette with them (as after will ap-
peare) were readier to fill their sicls full of arrows then
otherwise. And for y e season it was winter, and they
that know y e winters of y l cuntrie know them to be sharp
& violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes, deanger-
ous to travill to known places, much more to serch an
unknown coast. Besids, what could they see but a hid-
ious & desolate wildcrnes, full of wild beasts & willd men?
and what multituds ther might be of them they knew not.

* Epist:£>3. arc at Virginia, Bermudas, and New-

f "For, besides the natives, the near- foundland ; the nearest of these about

est plantation to them is a French one 500 miles oft*, and every one uncapable

at Fort Royal, who have another at of helping them," Prince,1.91. — Ed.

Canada. And the only English ones J Act. 28.

1G20.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

Nctlier could they, as it were, goe up to y e tope of Pisgah,
to vow from this willdernes a more goodly cuntrie to feed
their hops ; for which way soever they turnd their eys
(save upward to y e heavens) they could have litle solace
or coutent in respecte of any outward, objects. For suiiier
being done, all things stand upon them with a wether-
beaten face ; and y e whole countrie, full of woods & thick-
ets, represented a wild & savage heiw. If they looked
behind them, ther was y e mighty ocean which they had
passed, and was now as a maine ban & goulfe to seperatc
them from all y e civill parts of y u world. If it be said
they had a ship to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard
they daly from y e m r . & company'? but y l with speede they
should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they
would be at some near distance ; for y e season was shuch
as he would not stirr from thence till a safe harbor was
discovered by them vrlier they would be, and he might
goe without clanger ; and that victells consumed apace,
but he must & would keepe sufficient for them selves &
their returne. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they
gott not a place in time, they would turne them & their
goods ashore & leave them. Let it also be considred what
wcakc hopes of supply & succoure they left behinde them,
y l might bear up their minds in this sade condition and
trialls they were under; and they could not but be very
single; It is true, indeed, y e affections & love of their
brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards them,
but they had litle power to help them, or them selves ;
and how y e case stode betweene them & y e marchants at
their coming away, hath allready been declared. What
could now sustaine them but y e spirite of God & his grace %
May not & ought not the children of these fathers rightly
*ay : Our faithers were Englishmen which came over this
great ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes ;*

* Deu: 26.5,7.

80 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.

but they cried unto y n Lord, and he heard their voyce, and
looked on their adversitie, Sfc. Let them therfore praise if-
Lord, because he is good, 8f his mercies endure for ever*
Yca, let them ivliich hace been redeemed of jf Lord, shew
how he hath delivered them from y"' hand of y e oppressonr.
When they wandered in y e deserte willdcmes out of y e ivay,
and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, Sp thirstie, their
sowle teas overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before if
Lord his loving kindnes, and his wonderfull xvorks before y c
sons of men. \

The 10. Chap.

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and
what befell them theraboute.

[48] Eei>"g thus arrived at Cap-Coclcl y e 11. of November,
and necessitie calling them to looke out a place for habi-
tation, (as well as the maisters & mariners importunitie,)
they having brought a large shalop Avith them out of Eng-
land, stowed in quarters in y e ship, they now gott her out
& sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up; but
being much brused & shatereel in y e shipe w th foule weath-
er, they saw she would be longe in mending. AVherupon
'a few of them tendered them selves to goe by land and
discovere those nearest places, whilst y e shallop was in
mending ; and y° rather because as they wente into y l
harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or 3. leagues
of, which y e maister judged to be a river. It was con-

* 107 Psa: v. 1,2, 4, 5, 8. first twenty-six pages 'of the original

| The preceding chapters embrace manuscript, ending on page 42 of this

that ptiriinti of this History which Dr. printed volume, were copied almost en-

Younrr published in the Chronicles of tire, though not with verbal accuracy

the Pilgrims, from the copy made by throughout. Greater liberties were

Secretary Morton in the Plymouth taken with the remaining portion. Mor-

Church Records. Morton's copy con- ton was compiling a ehurch history,

tained. large and important omissions, and admits that he made omissions,

as will be seen by a collation. The See page 196, note *. — Ed.

1020.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 81

ccived thcr might be some danger in y e attempte, yet see-
ing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16.
of them well armed, under y e conduct of Captain Standish *
having shuch instructions given them as was thought
mecte. They sett forth y e 15. of Nove br : and when they
had marched aboute y e space of a mile by y e sea side,f they
espied 5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them,
who were salvages ; but they fled from them, & raiie up
into y e woods, and y e English followed them, partly to
see if they could speake with them, and partly to discover
if ther might not be more of them lying in ambush. But
y° Indeans seeing them selves thus followed, they againe
forsookc the woods, & rane away on y e sands as hard as
they could, so as they could not come near them, but fol-
lowed them by y e tracte of their feet sundrie miles, and
saw that they had come the same way. So, night coming
on, they made their randevous & set out ther sentinels,
and rested in quiete y l night > and the next morning % fol-
lowed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, &
so left the sands, & turned an other way into y e woods.
13ut they still followed them by geuss, hopeing to find
their dwellings ; but they soone lost both them & them
selves, falling into shuch thickets as were ready to tear
their cloaths & armore in peeces, but were most distresed
for wante of drinke. But at length they found water &
refreshed them selves, being y e first New-England water
they drunke of, and was now in thir great thirste as pleas-
ante unto them as wine or bear had been in for-times.
Afterwards they directed their course to come to y e other
[10] shore, for they knew it was a necke of land they

• " Unto whom was adjoined, for than that in Mourt's Relation. Boih

f'MMise] and advise, William Bradford, are doubtless from the same pen. — Ed.

N« plicn Hopkins, and Edward Tilley." f The Mayflower is supposed to have

M<*»un, in Young, pp. 125, 12G. Sian- anchored within less than a furlong of

*i."Jr« name appears now for the first the end of Long Point, at which place

il! :n* m this History. Bradford's ac- the men were probably set ashore. See

pniiij here of their explorations on the Young, pp. 120, 127, notes; alsoJUourt,

*- -;<•. prior to the landing at Plymouth, in Young, p. 150. — Ed.

* imirii more brief and less minute J November IGth. — Ed.

11

82 HISTORY OF [CHAP, x.

were to crosse over, and so at length gott to y e sea-side.
and .marched to this supposed river, & by y e way found j ;
pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good quan-
tise of clear ground wher y e Indeans had formerly set
corne, and some of their graves. And proceeding furdcr
they saw new-stuble wher corne had been set y e same year,
also they found wher latly a house had been, wher some
planks and a great ketle * was remaining, and heaps of
sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging
up, found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with
corne, and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce col-
lours, which seemed to them a very goo'dly sight, (haveing
never seen any shuch before). This was near y e place of
that supposed river they came to seeck ; unto which they
wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes with a
high cliffe of sand in y e enterance, but more like to be
crikes of salte water then any fresh, for ought they saw;
and that ther was good harborige for their shalope ; j
leaving it further to be discovered by their shalop when
she was ready. So their time limeted them being expired,
they returned to y 9 ship, least they should be in fear of
their saftie ; and tooke with them parte of y 6 corne, and
buried up y e rest, and so like y e men from Eshcoll carried
with them of y e fruits of y e land, & showed their breeth-
ren ; of which, & their returne,| they were marvelusly
glad, and their harts incouraged. |

After this, y e shalop being got ready, they set out againe
for y e better discovery of this place, & y e m r . of y e ship de-
sired to goe him selfe, so ther went some 30. men,§ but
found it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats ; ther

* " Which had been some ship's the routes of these early exploring par-
kettle, and brought out of Europe." ties. Dr. Young's notes to his edition
Mourt, in Young, p. 133. — Ed. of Mourt may also be consulted with

f Pamet River. See 1 Mass. Hist, even more advantage. — Ed.

Coll., Vlll. 203-239, where is printed J Their return was on the 17th.

that portion of Mourf s Relation found See Mourt, in Young, p. 130. — Ed.

in Purchas, edited, with notes, by Rev. § " About four and thirty men," in*

Dr. Freeman, whose acquaintance with eluding ten of the ship's crew. Mouit,

the place enabled him to trace minutely in Young, p. 138. — Ed.

JG20.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 83

was allso found 2. of their houses covered Avith matts, &
sundric of their implements in them, but y e people were
rune away & could not be seen ; also ther was found more
of their corne, & of their beans of various collours. The
corne & beans they brought away, purposing to give them
full satisfaction when they should meete with any of them
(as about some 6. months afterward they did, to their good
contente). And here is to be noted a spetiall providence
of God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that hear
they gott seed to plant them corne y e next year, or els
they might have starved, for they had none, nor any likly-
hood to get any [50] till y e season had beene past (as y e
sequell did manyfest). Neither is it lickly they had had
this, if y e first viage had not been made, for the ground
was now all covered with snow, & hard frozen. But the
Lord is never wanting unto his in their greatest needs ;
let his holy name have all y e praise.

The month of November being spente in these affairs,
& much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desenf: they
sente out their shallop againe with 10. of their principall
men, & some sea men,* upon further discovery, intending
to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The weather was
very could, & it frose so hard as y e sprea of y e sea lighting
on their coats, they were as if they had been glased ; yet
that night betimes they gott downe into y e botome of y e
bay, and as they drue nere y e shore they saw some 10. or
12. Indeans very busie aboute some thing. They landed
aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a doe to
put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats.f Being land-

* " To wit, Captain Standish, Mas- and thiee sailors." Mourt, in Young,

trr Carver, William Bradford, Edward pp. 149, 150. Alderton and English

Window, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, were not of the Mayflower's crew. They

J*»hn llouland, and three of London, were both hired, the one to go master

liiohard Warren, Steeven Hopkins, and of a shallop here, and the other was to

Inward Dotte, and two of our seamen, go back for the help of those behind.

■Mtn Alderton and Thomas English. See the list of passengers in the Afay-

IM the Mnp's company there went two flower, in the Appendix, No. I. — En.
<*t t i i l> master's mates, Master Clarke f Being obliged to wade "oft to the

and Master Coppin, the master gunner, knees " during this cold weather, pass-

84: HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.

ed, it grew late, and they made them selves a barricade
with lowers & howes as well as they could in y e time, & set
out their sentenill & betooke them to rest, and saw y e
smoake of y c fire y e savages made y l night. When morn-
ing was come # they devided their company, some to coast
alonge y e shore in y c boate, and the rest marched throw y e
woods to see y e land, if any fit place might be for their
dwelling. They came allso to y e place wher they saw the
Indans y e night before, & found they had been cuting up
a great fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thike
of fate like a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by
y e way ; and y e shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead
on y e sands, a thing usuall after storms in y l place, by rea-
son of y c great flats of sand that lye of. So they ranged
up and doune all y l day, but found no people, nor any
place they liked. When y e sunc grue low, they hasted out
of y e woods to meete with their shallop, to whom they
made signes to come to them into a creeke hardby, the
which they did at highwater; of which they were very
glad, for they had not seen each other all y l day, since y e
morning. So they made them a barricado (as usually
they did every night) with loggs, staks, & thike pine
bowes, y e height of a man, leaving it open to leeward,
partly to shelter them from y e could '& wind (making
their fire in y e midle, & lying round aboute it), and partly
to defend them from any sudden assaults of y e savags, if
they should surround them. So being very weary, they
betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight* [51] they
heard a hideous & great crie, and their sentinell caled,
" Arme, arme " ; so they bestired them & stood to their
armes, & shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the novs
seased. They concluded it was a companie of wolves, or
such like willd beasts ; for one of y e sea men tould them

ing to and from their boat, " it brought whereof many died.'* Mourt, in Young",

to the most, if not all, coughs and colds, p. 138. — Ed.

whieh afterwards turned to scurvy, * December 7th. — Ed.

1G20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 85

he had often heard shuch a noyse in New-found land. So
they rested till about 5. of y e clock in the morning ;* for
v e tide, & ther purposs to goe from thence, made them be
stiring betimes. So after praier they prepared for break-
fast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be
earring things downe to y e boate. But some said it was
not best to carrie y e amies downe, others said they would
be the readier, for they had laped them up in their coats
from y e dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary theirs till
they wente them selves, yet as it fell out, y e water being
not high enough, they layed them downe on y e banke side,
& came up to breakfast. But presently, all on* y e sudain,
they heard a great & strange crie, which they knew to be
the same voyces they heard in y e night, though they va-
ried their notes, & one of their company being abroad
came runing in, & cried, " Men, Indeans, Indeans " ; and
w th all, their arowes came flying amongst them. Their
men rane with all speed to recover their armes, as by y e
good providence of God they did. In y e mean time, of
those that were ther ready, tow muskets were discharged
at them, & 2. more stood ready in y e enterance of ther
rande'voue, but were comanded not to shoote till they
could take full aime at them ; & y e other 2. charged againc
with all speed, for ther were only 4. had armes ther, &
defended y e baricado which was first assalted. The crie
of y e Indeans was dread full, espetially when they saM r ther
men rune out of y e randevoue towourds y e shallop, to re-
cover their armes, the Indeans wheeling aboute upon
them. But some runing out with coats of malle on, &
cutlasses in their hands, they soone got their armes, &
let flye amongs them, and quickly stopped their violence.
\ et ther was a lustie man, and no less valiante, stood be-
hind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and let his arrows
ihc at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes, which were all

* December 8th. — Ed.

86 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.

avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a musket, till one taking
full aime at him, and made y c barke or splinters of y e tree
fly about his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary
shrike, and away they wente all of them. They left some
to keep y e shalop, and followed them aboute a quarter of
a mille, and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3.
peces, & so returned. This they did, that they might
conceive that they were not [52] affrade of them or any
way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their
enimies, and give them deliverance ; and by his spetiall
providence so to dispose that not any one of them were
either hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came close by
them, & on every side them, and sundry of their coats,
which hunge up in y e barricado, were shot throw & throw.
Aterwards they gave God sollamne thanks & praise for
their deliverance, & gathered up a bundle of their arrows,
& sente them into England afterward by y e m r . of y e ship,
and called that place y e first encounter. From hence they
departed, & costed all along, but discerned no place likly
for harbor; & therfore hasted to a place that their pillote,
(one M r . Coppin who had bine in y e cuntrie before) did
assure them was a good harbor, which he had been in, and
they might fetch it before night; of which they were
glad, for it begane to be foule weather. After some houres
-sailing, it begane to snow & raine, & about y e midle of y e
afternoone, y c wind increased, & y e sea became very rough,
and they broake their rudder, & it was as much as 2. men
could doe to steere her with a cupple of oares. But their
pillott bad them be of good cheere, for he saw y e harbor ;
but y e storme increasing, & night drawing on, they bore
what saile they could to gett in, while they could see.
But herwith they broake their mast in 3. peeces, & their
saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had
like to have been cast away ; yet by Gods mercie they re-
covered them selves, & having y e floud with them, struck
into y e harbore. But when it came too, y c pillott was

1G20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 87

deceived in y e place, and said, y e Lord be mercifull unto
them, for his eys never saw y l place before ; & he & the
m r . mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of
breakers, before y e winde. But a lusty seaman which
steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, about
with her, or ells they were all cast away ; the which
they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheere &
row lustly, for ther was a faire sound before them, & he
doubted not but they should find one place or other wher
they might ride in saftie. And though it was very darke,
and rained sore, yet in y e end they gott under y e lee of a
smalle iland, and remained ther all y l night in saftie. But
they knew not this to be an iland till morning, but were
devided in their minds ; some would keepe y e boate for fear
they might be amongst y e Indians ; others were so weake
and could, they could not endure, but got a shore, & with
much adoe got fire, (all things being so wett,) and y e rest
were glad to come to them ; for after midnight y e wind
shifted to the [53] north-west, & it frose hard. But though
this had been a day & night of much trouble & danger
unto them, yet God gave them a morning of comforte &
refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for y e next
day was a faire sunshinig day, and they found them sellvs
to be on an iland * secure from y e Indeans, wher thcy
might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, & rest them selves,
and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould
deliverances. And this being the last day ofy e weekej; they
prepared ther to keepe y e Sabath.% On Munday they sound-
ed y e harbor, and founde it fitt for shipping ; and marched
into y e land,§ & found diverse cornfeilds, & litle runing

*" This was afterwards called Clark's For a history and description of the

island, because Mr. Clark, the master's island, see Thacher's Plymouth, pp.

mate, first stepped on shore thereon." S"2, 153, 158, 330; Russell's Pilgrim

Morton's Memorial, p. 21. This island Memorials, ed. 1855, pp. 87-90.— • Kd.

«3* sold by the town, in 1090, to f Saturday, December 9th, — Ko.

Samuel Lucas, Elkanah Watson, and % Sunday, December 10th. — Ed-

Cim^e Morton, and is now under good § December 11th, celebrated as the

cultivation bv Mr. Edward Watson, day of the landing of the Pilgrims at

88

HISTORY OF

[chap. x.

brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation ; ut
least it was-y e best they could find, and y e season, & their
presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. So
they returned to their shipp againe with this news to
y e rest of their people, which did much comforte their
harts.*

On y e 15. of Desem T : they wayed anchor to goc to y*
place they had discovered, & came within 2. leagues of it,
but were faine to bear up againe ; but y e 1G. day y e wintle
came faire, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And
after wards tooke better view of y e place, and resolved
wher to pitch their dwelling ; and y e 25. day begane to
erecte y e first house for comone use j* to receive them and
their goods.

Plymouth. It corresponds to Decem-
ber 21st, new style. By a singular
error, the 22d was supposed to be the
true u Forefathers' Day" and for years
has been duly observed as such. In a
manuscript note of the late Judge Davis,
written in his own copy of liis edition
of the Memorial, he says: "In 1G20,
December 11, 0. S., corresponded to
December 21, N. S. W r hen the anni-
versary-was instituted at Plymouth in
17G9, eleven days were added for differ-
ence of style, instead of ten, the true
difference. The dilference between old
and new style then existing was in-
correctly assumed in determining the
day of celebration." — Ed.

* This 'exploring party of eighteen
persons, six of whom were of the crew
of the Mayflower, were absent from their
companions about a week. They found,
on their return, that on the day after
their leaving the ship, December 7th,
Dorothy, the wife of Bradford, who was
wiih the absent party, fell oveiuoard,
and was drowned. See Mather's Masr-
nalia, Book II. Chap. I. ; Prince, I, 7G.
— En.

| The common house was about
twenty feet square ; tradition locates it
on the south side of Leyden Street,
near the declivity of the hill. Sue
Mourt, in Young, p. 173 ; Thacher's
Plymouth, pp. 27, 28.

From the minute journal of their
daily proceedings, in Mourt's Relation,
we learn that on the 28th of December,
as many as could went to work on the
hill (Burial Hill), where they proposed
to build a platform for their ordnance ;
and on the same day they proceeded to
measure out the grounds for their hab-
itations, having first reduced all the in-
habitants to nineteen families. On the
9th of January, they went to labor in
the building of their town, in two rows
of houses. The houses were built on
each side of what is now Leyden Street.
The first entry in the first book of the
Plymouth Colony Records, is an incom-
plete list of the " Meersteads and Gar-
den-Ploies of those which came first,
layed out, lfiiW See Mourt, in
Young, pp. 169, 170, 173 ; Hazard's
Historical Collections, I. 100. — Ed.

1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 89

The 2. Booke.

The rest of this History (if God give me life, & opportu-
nitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalh,
noteing only the heads of principall things, and passages
as they fell in order of time, and may seeme to be prof-
itable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as
y° 2. Booke.

The remainder of An : 1620.

I shall a litle returne backe and begine with a combina-
tion made by them before they came ashore, being y e first
foundation of their govermente in this place ; occasioned
partly by y e discontented & mutinous speeches that some
of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in
y° ship — That when they came a shore they would use
their owne libertie ; for none had power to comand them,
the patente they had being for Virginia* and not for Xew-
england, which belonged to an other Goverment, with
which y e Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And
partly that shuch an [54] acte by them done (this their
condition considered) might be as firme as any patent, and
in some respects more sure.
The forme was as followeth.

hi y e name of God, Amen. We whose names are under-
writcn, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King
.Jiunes, by y e grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland
king, defender of y e faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for y e gl°ne

* See page 41. — Ed.

12

90 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

of God, and advancementc of y e Christian faith, and honour of
our king & countrie, a voyage to plant y e first colonic in y c
Northcrnc parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly *.V
mutualy in y e presence of God 5 and one of another, covenant
& combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for
our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of y e ends
aforesaid ; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame
such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, & offi-
ces, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & con-
venient for y c general! good of y e Colonic, unto which we prom-
ise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we
have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd y e 11. of
November, in y e year of y e raigne of our soveraigne lord, King
James, of England, France, & Ireland y e eighteenth, and of
Scotland y e fiftie fourth. An : Dom. 1620.*

After this they chose, or rather confirmed,! M r . John
Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them)
their Governour for that year. And after they had pro-
vided a place for their goods, or comone store, (which
were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of win-
ter weather, and sicknes of diverce,J) and begune some
small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte,
they mettc and consulted of lawes & orders, both for their
civill & military Govermente, as y e necessitie of their con-
dition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion
in severall times, and as cases did require.

In these hard & difficulte beginings they found some
discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and mu-

* Bradford gives no list here of the went betimes to work. We were much

signers of this compact. Morton must hindered in lying so far off from the land,

have had some other authority than this and fain to go as the tide served, that

History for the names lie has" appended we lost much lime ; for our ship drew

to it i n't he Memorial, or else he supplied so much water that she lay a mile and

them by conjecture from Bradford's list almost a half off, though a ship of sev-

of passengers in the Appendix. If we enty or eighty tons at high water may

may suppose this compact to have been come to the shore." Mourt, in Young,

■ signed by all the adult male passengers, p. 171. This tract contains a chroifo-

h would seem that other names besides logical history of events in the colony

those Morton has given should have down to the latter part of March, and

been included. — Ed! should be read in connection with the

f See page 1)9, note f. — Ed. narrative in the text. This portion was

J " Monday, the first of January, we doubtless from Bradford's pen. — En,

l(j:20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 91

tinous speeches & carriags in other ; but they were soone
quelled & overcome by y D wisdome, patience, and just &
cquall carrage of things by y e Gov r and better part, w ch
clave faithfully togeather in y e maine. But that which
was most sadd & lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths
time halfe of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: &
February, being y c depth of winter, and wanting houses
& other comforts ; being infected with y e scurvie &
[55] other diseases, which this long vioage & their in-
acomodate condition had brought upon them ; so as ther
dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in y e foresaid time ;
that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained.* And of
these in y e time of most distres, ther was but G. or 7,
sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it
spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abun-
dance of tovle and hazard of their owne health, fetched
them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their
beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & un-
cloathed them ; in a word, did all y e homly & necessarie
offices for them w ch dainty & quesie stomacks cannot en-
dure to hear named ; and all this willingly & cherfully,
without any grudging in y e least, shewing herein their
true love unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare example
& worthy to be remembred. Tow of these 7. were M r .
William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish,
ther Captein & military comander, unto whom my selfe,
«!v: many others, were much beholden in our low & sicke
condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as
m this generall calamity they were not at all infected
cither with sicklies, or lamnes. And what I have said of
these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall

* t'lie bill of mortality, as collected by added to the list, which would include

I mice, from Bradford's pocket-book, Carver and his wife, making the num-

i* a* tullows. There died in December, ber of deaths fifty. See also list of

*>: »» January, 8 ; in February, 17; in passengers in the Appendix, No. I. ;

.•larch, 13; total, forty-four. Accord- Prince, I. SO, 98, 103, 104, 105;

».J iu Smijh, before the arrival of the Smith's New England's Trials, p. 10.

i wtunc, November 9th six more were —Ed.

92 HISTORY OF [HOOK II.

vissitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health,
yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting
to any that had need of them. And I doute not but
their recompence is with y e Lord.

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable pas-
sage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among y e
passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were
hasted a shore and made to clrinke water, that y e sea-men
might have y e more bear, and one* in his sicknes desiring
but a small cann of beerc, it was answered, that if he were
their owne father he should have none ; the disease be-
gane to fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of
their company dyed before they went away, and many of
their officers and lustyest men, as y e boatson, gunner,
3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others. At w ch y e m r . was
something strucken and sent to y e sick a shore and tould
y e Gov r he should send for beer for them that had need of
it, though he drunke water homward bound. But now
amongst his company [56] ther was farr another kind of
carriage in this miserie then amongst y e passengers ; for
they that before had been boone companions in drinking
& joyllity in y° time of their health & wellfare, begane now
to deserte one another in this calamitie, saing they would
not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected by
-coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they
came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them,
but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of y e passen-
gers as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they
could, w ch made some of their harts relcnte, as y e boatson
(& some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would
often curse & scofe at y e passengers ; but when he grew
weak, they had compassion on him and helped him; then
he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had
abused them in word & deed. O ! saith he, you, I now see,

* Which was this author him sclfc.

1G20.J PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 93

shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but
we let one another lye & dye like doggs. Another lay
cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had
never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing his
felows, saing he had done this & that, for some of them, he
had spente so much, & so much, amongst them, and they
were now weary of him, and did not help him, having
need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died,
to help him in his w r eaknes; he went and got a litle spise
& made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he
dyed not so soone as he expected, he w r ent amongst his
fellows, & swore y e rogue would cousen him, he w r ould see
him choaked before he made him any more meate ; and
yet y e pore fellow dyed before morning.

All this while y e Indians came skulking about them,
and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but
when any aproached near them, they would rune away.
And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been
at worke, & were gone to diner. But about y e 16. of
March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst them, and
spoke to them in broken English, which they could well
understand, but marvelled at it. At length they under-
stood by discourse with him, that he was not of these
parts, but belonged to y e eastrene parts, wher some Eng-
lish-ships came to fhish, with whom he w r as acquainted,
& could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst
whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to
them [57] in aquainting them with, many things concern-
ing y e state of y e cuntry in y e east-parts wher he lived,
which w r as afterwards profitable unto them ; as also of y c
people hear, of their names, number, & strength ; of their
situation & distance from this place, and who w r as checfe
amongst them. His name was Samasct ; he tould them
also of another Indian whos name was Squanto, a native
of this place, who had been in England & could speake
better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of

94 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

entertainmentc & gifts, dismist, a while after he came
againe, & 5. more with him, & they brought againe all y r
tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for y ,:
coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt ; who,
about 4. or 5. days after, came with the cheefc of his
freinds & other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto.
With whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifts
given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now
continued this 24. years *) in these terms.*]*

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or
doe hurte to any of their peopl.

2. That if any of his did any hurte to an*y of theirs, he
should send y e offender, that they might punish him.

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of
theirs, .he should cause it to be restored ; and they should
doe y e like to his.

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would
aide him ; if any did warr against them, he should aide
them.

5. He should send to his neigbours confederals, to cer-
tifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but
might be likewise comprised in y e conditions of peace.

6. That when ther men came to them, they should
leave their bows & arrows behind them.

After these things he returned to his place caled So-
wams^X some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto con-

* Bradford is here writing in IG-15. in Mourt, which, however, can hardly

Prince, I. 102, quoting the above, ob- be considered one of the articles to the

serves, "To which I may add, Yea, treaty, viz. : " Lastly, that doing thus,

30 years Ion gcr, viz. to 1G75." — Ed. Xing James would esteem of him as

f An abstract of this treaty is also in his friend and ally." — Ed.
Mourt's Relation. The two copies vary J The village of Sowams, the resi-
in the third and sixth articles. In the dence of Massasoit, was situattd upon
third article, in IMourt, the security to the spot now occupied by the town of
the English has reference merely to Warren. " The reg on now constitut-
their tools, that they should be restored ing Bristol, Barringti n, and Warren,
if taken away by the Indians; and the in Rhode Island, with parts of Swan-
sixth article is made reciprocal by the zea and Seekonk, in Massachusetts,
addition of the following : " as we was called Pokanoket by the Indians,
should do our pieces when we come to and was the district occupied by the
them." There is an additional clause tribe of Wampanoags, under the imme-

1020.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

95

tiucd with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spe-
1 1 nl 1 instrument sent of God for their good beyond their
expectation. He directed them how to set their cornc,
wlier to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and
was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places
for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. lie
was a native [58] of this place, & scarce any left alive
besids him selfc.* He was caried away with diverce others
by one Himt,i a m r . of a ship, who thought to sell them
for slaves in Spaine ; but he got away for England, and
was entertained by a marchante J in London, & imployed
to New-found-land & other parts, & lastly brought hither
into these parts by one M r . Dermer, a gentle-man im-
ployed by S r . Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery,
& other disignes in these parts. Of whom I shall say
some thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth
An : 1622. by y e Presidente & Counsell for New-England,§
that he made y e peace betweene y e salvages of these parts
& y e English ; of which this plantation, as it is intimated,
had y e benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by
what befell him & his men.

diate government of Massasoit, whose
dominion, however, extended over near-
, ly all the southeastern part of Massa-
chusetts, from Cape Cod to Narragan-
sctt Bay." Fesscnden's History of
Warren, R. I., being a Supplement to
Tustin's Dedication Discourse preached
at Warren, I8l5.~~ Ed.

* Referring, doubtless, to the destruc-
tion of his tribe by the plague, which,
by the concurrent testimony of our early
writers, spread over nearly the whole
of New England, a few years before
the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth.
— Ed.

^ f Thomas Hunt was in company with
C:iptain John Smith in his voyage to
New England, in 1G14, and was master
<;f the ship that *' stayed to fit herself
»V r .Spain with the dry fish." After
Smith had gone, Hunt " betrayed four
a:id twenty of those poor savages aboard
his t*hip, ani ] most dishonestly and in-
humanly, for their kind usage of me

and all our men, carried them with him
to Malaga, and there for a little private
gain sold those silly savages foF rials of
eight." Smith's Generall Historic, tbl.
ed., pp. 204, 205. In the Brief Rela-
tion of Discovery and Plantation, by the
President and Counsell for New Eng-
land, it is said that Hunt " sold as many
as he could get money for. But when
it was understood from whence they
were brought, the friers of those parts
took the rest from them, and kept them
to be instructed in the Christian faith."

— Ed.

J Master John Slanie, a merchant of
London, who was one of the undertakers
of the Newfoundland Plantation, and
Treasurer of the Company. See New
Life of Virginia, in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll.,
Till. 22U; Mourt, in Young, p. VJU

— Ed.

§ Page 17. [This book is printed in
2 Mass. Hist. Coll.', IX. 1. — En.]

9G

HISTORY OF

[BOOK II.

This M r . Dernier was hear the same year that these
people came, as apcars by a relation written by him, &
given me by a freind, bearing date June 30. An : 1G20.
And they came in Novemb r : following, so ther was but
4. months differance. In which relation to his honored
freind, he hath these passages of this very place.

I will first begine (saith he) w th that place from whence
Squanlo, or Tisquanlcm, was taken away; w ch in Cap: Smiths
mapc is called Flimolh:* and I would that Plimoth had y e like
comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be
seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward.
Otherwise at Charlton, f because ther y e savages are lese to be
feared. The PocanaivJcUs^ which live to y e zoest of Plimoth, bear
an inveterate malice to y e English, and are of more streingth
then all y e savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire
of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having
many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their mur-

* The name of Captain John Smith
will always he honorably associated
with our early history. His little tract,
entitled A Description of New Eng-
land, published in 161G, giving an ac-
count of his voyage hither two years
before, is the first printed book in which
the eountry, previously styled North
Virginia, is called New England. The
map which accompanied it, consider-
ing the circumstances under which it
was made, is remarkable for its accu-
racy. It is interesting to notice that
many of the names which our towns
and cities now rejoice in, are given on
his map to prominent places on the
coast ; though but a few of these places
have retained them. Plymouth is an
exception, for it still bears the name as-
signed to the place by Smith. We are
not told when the Pilgrims formally
adopted it. They must have been fa-
miliar with Smith's map, and could not
long have been ignorant of the fact, that
the spot which they had selected for
their plantation bore this name. Morton
says, " This name of Plymouth was so
called, not only for the reason here
named, but also because Plymouth in
O. E. was the last town they left in

their native country ; and for that they
received many kindnesses from some
Christians there.' 1 The place was at
an early period called New Plt/jiioutk.
In "William Hilton's letter written from
this place, in 162 1, it is so styled ; and it
became the legal designation of the col-
ony. As their numbers increased, and
towns began to spring up within the
jurisdiction, the early place of settle-
ment, as a town, was called Plymouth,
while the colony or plantation was
styled New Plymouth. On some of the
later impressions of Smith's map, issued
in some of his other works, after the
establishment of this colony, the word
"New" is engraved over the name
Plymouth. See Smith's Description
of New England ; also his New Eng-
land's Trials, 2d ed., pp. 15, 1G ;
Rich's Catalogue of Books relating to
America, London, 1832, p. 34 ; Mor-
ton's Memorial, p. 25; Plymouth Col-
ony Laws, Brigham's ed., pp. 22 -33.
— Ed.

f On some of the later editions of
Smith's map, issued possibly in 1031
or 1632, " Charlton" appears on the
south side of the River Charles, not
far from the mouth. — Er>.

1G20.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 97

dcrers & smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie
on their parts.- Whether they were English or no, it may be
douted; yet they beleeve they were, for y e Frenche have so
potest them ; for which cause Squanto eaiiot deney but they
would have Idled me when I was at Namaskct* had he not
entreated hard for me. The soyle of y e borders of [59] this great
bay, may be compared to most of y e plantations which I have
seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts ; for Patuxite f
is a hardy but strong soyle, Naivsel t & Saughlughtetl § are for
y e most part a blakish & deep mould, much like that wher
groweth y e best Tobaco in Virginia. In y e botume of y l great
bay is store of Codd & basse, or muletr, &c.

But above all lie comends Pacanawkite || for y e richest
soyle, and much open ground fitt for English grainc, &c.

Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, & situate
in ye micls betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very
fertill for y e most parte.

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to tran-
scribe, being now better knowne then they were to him.

He was taken prisoner by y e Indeans at Manamoiak^ (a
place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave
them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they
had gott what they desired, they kept him still & indev-
ored to kill his men ; but he was freed by seasing on some
of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a can-
nows load of come. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol.
1778.** But this was An : 1619.

After y e writing of y e former relation he came to y e He
of Capawack |f (which lyes south of this place in y e way to

* In Middleborough. — Ed. in the first edition of his Memorial,

t Plymouth. — Ed. "Now called Martin's Vineyard.' 7

t Nauset, — Eastham. — Ed. Belknap says, " The large island is fre-

\ Satuket, part of Brewster. — Ed. quently called Martin'' s Vineyard, es-

!! t See page 94, note J. — Ed. pecially by old writers." The name

*i Chatham. — Ed. Martha's Vineyard was orginally given

** Volume IV., in which is a letter to the small island now called N<>-

f™m Dormer, dated December 27, 1619, manVLand. It is uncertain for what

m\ months before the letter just quoted, reason, and at what time, the name was

— I/ 1 *- transferred to the large island. See

\\ Martha's Vineyard. Morton says Morton's Memorial, 1st ed., p. -G ;

13

98 HISTORY OF [BOOK

II.

Virginia), and y e foresaid Squanto w th him, wher he goin</
a shore amongst y e Indans to trad, as he used to doe, v;as
betrayed & asse/ulted by them, & all his men slaine^ lat
one that kept the boat ; but him selfe gott abord very sore
wounded, & they had cut of his head upon y e cudy of his
boat, had not y e man reskued him with a sword. And so
they got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher lie
dyed ; whether of his wounds or y e diseases of y e cuntric,
or both togeather, is uncertaine * [60] By all which it
may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and
with what danger this plantation was begune, save as y*
powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These things!
were partly the reason why they kept aloofe & were so
long before they came to the English. An other reason
(as after them selvs made know) was how aboute 3. years
before^ a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but V s
men gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their vic-
tails, & other goods ; but after y e Indeans heard of it, they
geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watch-
ing & dogging them till they got advantage, and kild them
all but 3. or 4. which they kept, & sent from one Sachem
to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then
slaves ; (of which y e foresaid M r . Dermer redeemed 2. of
.them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to re-
yenge it.

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to
y* English to make freindship, they gott all the Poivachs
of y e cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a horid and divellish
maner to curse & execrate them with their cunjurations,
which asembly & service they held in a darke & dismalc
swampe.

But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased

Aicher'sRelationof Gosnold's Voyage, he died, see 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., IX-

in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII. 75 ; Bel- 7- 13 ; Smith's Generall Historic, fol.

knap, II. 111-113. — Ed. ed., p. 229; Belknap, I. 361, 3G2;

* For a further account of Dermer, Purchas, IV. 1778. — Ed.
who was in the service of Gorges when f Thing- in the manuscript. — Ed.

1G2L] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 99

God the raortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and y e
sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new
life into them; though they had borne their sadd affliction
with much patience & contentednes, as I thinke any peo-
ple could doe. But it was y c Lord which upheld them,
and had beforehand prepared them ; many having long
borne y e yoake, yea from their youth. Many other smaler
maters I omite, sundrie of them having been allready pub-
lished in a Jurnall* made by one of y e company; and
some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy pub-
lished, to which I referr those that are willing to know
them more perticulerly. And being now come to y e 25.
of March I shall beginey 6 year 1621.f

[61] Anno 1621.

rp

They now begane to dispatch y e ship away which
brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or y°
begiuing of AprilLJ The reason on their parts why she
stayed so long, was y e necessitie and danger that lay upon
them, for it w T as well towards y 6 ende of Desember before
she could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any
thing ashore. Afterwards, y e 14. of Jan: the house which

* The tract described on page 76, of May." The Mayflower remained in
entitled a " Relation or Iournall of the the country nearly five months. "\V hat-
beginning and proceedings of the Eng- ever impressions the reader may have
lish Plantation setled at Plimoth in derived of the character of Jones, the
New England," &c, London, 1622; master, it will have been observed that
usually styled Mourfs Relation, the Bradford is here silent as to the charge
address to the reader being signed G. which Morton brings against him, of
Movrt. — Ed. having agreed with the Dutch to throw

t It appears from Mourt, that about obstacles in the way of the settlement

this time Mr. Carver was again chosen of the Pilgrims at Hudson's River.

"Governor for this year." Theexpres- Morton, who published his Memorial in

sion of Bradford on page 90, in noticing 1G69, twelve years after the death of

Carver's first election, — viz. that he Bradford, speaks of the " intelligence"

was "confirmed" their Governor, — concerning this plot as " fate and ecr-

niav possibly be an inadvertence, and tain," See Young, p. 102 ; Russell's

may have been intended to apply to his Guide to Plymouth, p. 42 ; Brodhead's

re-elcciion at this time. — Ed. New York, pp. 120, 130 ; Barry's Hist.

X Smith, in his New England's Tri- of Massachusetts, pp. 81, 82 ; where

als, p. 16, says, "about the fifth of this question is considered. — Ed.
April, and arrived in England the sixth

V

100 HISTORY OF TbOOK II ■]

I

they had made for a generall randevoze by casulty fell
afire, and some were faine to retire abord for shiltcr.
Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and
y e weather so bad as they could not make much sooner
any dispatch. Againe, the Gov r & cheefe of them, seeing
so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no
wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered,
and y e ' danger they stood in from y e Indcans, till they could
procure some shelter ; and therfore thought it better to
draw some more charge upon them selves & freinds, then
hazard all. The m r . and sea-men like-wise, though before
they hasted y e passengers a shore to be goone, now many
of their men being dead, & of y e ablest of them, (as, is be-
fore noted,) and of y 9 rest many lay sick & weake, y e m r .
durs,t not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to re-
cover, and y e hart of winter over.

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant
ther corne, in which servise Squanto stood them in great
stead, showing them both y e maner how to set it, and after
how to dress & tend it. Also he tould them excepte they
gott fish & set with it (in these old grounds) it would
come to nothing, and he showed them y l in y e midle of
Aprill they should have store enough come up y e brooke,
. by which they begane to build, and taught them how to
take it, and wher to get other provissions necessary for
them ; all which they found true by triall & experience.
Some English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it
came not to good, eather by y e badnes of y e seed, or late-
nes of y e season, or both, or some other defecte.

[G2] In this month of Ajnill whilst they were bussie
about their seed, their Gov r (M r . John Carver*) came out
of y e feild very sick, it being a hott day; he complained
greatly of his head, and lay downe, and within a few

* "What is known concerning Carver no descendants. See list of passengers

is derived from this History, Mourt's in the Mayflower, in the Appendix, No.

Relation, and Morton's Memorial. Con- I. — Ed.
trary to the general impression, he left 3

1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION, 101

howers his sences failed, so as he* never spake more till
lie dyed, which was within a few clays after. Whoss
death was much lamented, and caused great heavines
amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in y c
best maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all
that bore amies ; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed
within 5. or "6. weeks after him.

Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gove r in his
stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which
he had been near y e point of death, Isaak Allerton was
chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed
election every year, continued sundry years togeather,*
which I hear note once for all.

Mai/ 12. was y e first mariage in this place,*]- which, ac-
cording to y e laudable custome of y e Low-Cuntries, in
which they had lived, was thought most requisite to be
performed by the magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon
which many questions aboute inheritances doe dependc,
with other things most proper to their cognizans, and
most consonante to y e scrip turs, Ruth 4. and no wlier
found in y e gospell to be layed on y e ministers as a part
of their office. " This decree or law about mariage was
publishd by y e Stats of y e Low-Cuntries An : 1590. That
those of any religion, after lawfull and open publication,
coming before y e magistrals, in y e Town or Stat-housc,
were to be orderly (by them) maried one to another."
Petets Hist. J fol: 1029. And this practiss hath continued
amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all y e
famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time, —
An°: 1646.

t * In 1G24, it will be seen, the As- of February. See Prinee, I. 70, 93,

fcistants were increased to five, giving 103, 105. — Ed.

the Governor a double voice. — Ed. J The work here cited is probably

t This was the marriage of Edward " La grande Chronique ancienne t-t

^> inslow, — whose former wife, Eliza- moderne de Holland, Zelande, Wesi-

***■!», died on the 21th of March pre- frise, Utrecht," &c, by Jean-Francois

■ ^!inp t — to Mrs. Susannah White, the le Petit, 1G01 and 1611. No copy of

Mioihcr of Peregrine and the widow of this work exists in any of the public

" iiliam White, who died on the 21st libraries in this neighborhood. — Ed.

c

102 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home,
it was thought meete to send some abroad to see their
new freind Massasoyet, and to bestow upon him some
gratuitie to bind him y e faster unto them ; as also that
hearby they might veiw y e countrie, and see in what maner
he lived, what strength lie had aboute him, and how y e
ways were to his place, if at any time they should have
occasion. So y e 2. of July * they sente M r . Edward Wins-
low & M r . Hopkins, with y e foresaid Squanto for ther
guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans •
coate, with some other small things, which were kindly
accepted; but they found but short comons, and came
both weary & hungrie home. For y e Indeans used then
to have nothing [63] so much come as they have since
y e English have stored them with their hows, and seene
their industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith.
They found his ylacc to be 40. myles from hence, y e soyle
good, & y Q people not many, being dead & abundantly
wasted in y e late great mortalitie which fell in all these
parts aboute three years before y e coming of y e English,
wherin thousands of them dyed, they not being able to
burie one another ; ther sculs and bones were found in
many places lying still above ground, where their houses
& dwellings had been ; a very sad spectackle to behould.
But they brought word that y e Narighansets lived but on
y e other side of that great bay, & were a strong people,
& many in number, living compacte togeather, & had not
been at all touched with this wasting plague.

Aboute y 6 later end of this month, one John Billington *j*
lost him selfe in y e woods, & wandered up & downe some
5. days, living on beries & what he could find. At length he
light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place,

* For a full account of this visit to lows Bradford. See Young, p. 202,

Massasoit, written probably by Wins- note; Prince, I. 105. — Ed.
low, seeMourt,in Young, pp. 202-013. f He was the brother of Francis,

It is there stated that the paTty set for- who discovered Billington Sea, and a

ward on their journey the 10th of June, son of the notorious John. See list of

which Prince thinks an error, and fol- passengers, in the Appendix. — Ed.

1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 103

called ManameU they conveid him furder of, to Nmvsctt,
among those peopl that had before set upon y e English
when they were costing, whilest y e ship lay at y e Cape, as
is before noted. But y e Govc r caused him to be enquired
for among y e Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word
wher he was, and y e Gove r sent a shalop for him, & had
him delivered. Those people also came and made their
peace ; and they gave full satisfaction to those vriiose
corne they had found & taken when they were at Cap-
•Codd*

Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well estab-
lish t w th the natives aboute them; and ther was an other
Indean " called Hobamaclc come to live amongst them, a
proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour
& parts amongst y e Indeans, and continued very faithfull
and constant to y e English till he dyed. He & Squanto
being gone upon bussines amonge y e Indeans, at their re-
turne (whether it was out of envie to them or malice to
the English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to
Massassoyte, but never any good freind to y e English to
this day, mett with them at an Indean towne caled Na-
massakett 14. miles to y e west of this place, and begane to
quarell w lh [64] them, and offered to stabe Hobamaek ; but
being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and came
riming away all sweating and tould y e Gov 1 what had
befalnc him, and -he feared they had killed Squanto, for
they threatened them both, and for no other cause but
because they were freinds to y e English, and servisable
unto them. Upon this y e Gove r taking counsell, it was
conceivd not fitt to be borne ; for if they should suffer
their freinds & messengers thus to be wronged, they
should have none would cleave unto them, or give them
any inteligence, or doe them serviss afterwards ; but nexte

For the narrative of the expedition is a discrepancy in the dates, but Prince
in search of the boy Billington, see follows this History. See Prince, I.
Moun, in Young, pp. 214-218. There 107. — Ed.

104 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was re-
solved to send y e Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to
goe & fall upon them in y e night ; and if they found that
Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head,' but not to
hurt any but those that had a hand in it Hobamack was
asked if he would goe & be their guid, & bring them ther
before day. He said he would, & bring them to y e house
wher the man lay, and show them which was he. So they
set forth y e 14. of August, and beset y e house round ; the
Captin giving charg to let none pass out, entred y e house
to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so
they mist him ; but understood y l Squanto was alive, &
that he had only threatened to kill him, & made an offer
to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did no
more hurte, & y e people came trembling, & brought them
the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted
by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3 *
sore wounded which broak out of y e house, and asaid to
pass through y e garde. These they brought home with
them, & they had their wounds drest & cured, and sente
home. After this they had many gratulations from di-
verce sachims, and much firmer peace ; yea, those of y e
lies of Capawack sent to make frendship ; and this Cor-
bitant him selfe used y e mediation of Massassoyte to make
his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while
after.

After this, y e 18. of Sepemb r : they sente out ther shalop
to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and [65] Squanto for
their guid and interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay,
and trade with y e natives ; the which they performed, and
found kind entertainement. The people were much affraid
of y e Tarentins, a people to y e eastward which used to
come in harvest time and take away their come, & many
times kill their persons. They returned in saftie, and

* " One man and a woman that were in Young, where is a more full narra-
wounded went home with us. ' ' Mourt, tivc of this visit to Namasket. — Ed.

1021.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 105

brought home a good quality of beaver, and made reporte
of \ c place, wishing they had been ther seated ; (but it
seems y e Lord, who assignes to all men y c bounds of their
habitations, had apoynted it for an other use.) And thus
they found y c Lord to be with them in all their ways, and
to blesse their outgoings & incomings, for which let his
holy name have y e praise for ever, to all posterities

They begane now to gather in y e small harvest they
had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against
winter, being all well recovered in health & straight, and
had all tilings in good plenty ; for as some were thus im-
ployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing,
aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which y ey tooke good
store, of which every family had their portion. All y e
soiiier ther was no wante. And now begane to come in
store of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place
did abound when they came first (but afterward de-
creased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was
great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke many,
bc$ids venison, &c. Besids they had aboute a peck a
meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean
come to y l proportion. Which made many afterwards
write so largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in
England, which were not famed, but true reports."}"

In jN T ovemb r , about y l time twelfc month that them
selves came, ther came in a small ship J to them unex-
pected or loked for,§ in which came M r . Cushman (so

* For a more full " relation of our printed in Mourt's Relation, which was

voyage to the Massachusetts, and what probably sent over at the same time,

happened there," see Mourt, in Young, Hilton's letter first appeared in New

pp. eei-2Q9. — Ed. England's Trials. —Ed.

t Reference is here made, doubtless, % r -^ ne Fortune, of fifty-five tons. She

to letters of Winslow and Hilton, sent sailed from London " in the beginning"

to England by the Fortune, in which of July, but it was the end of August

tbey give a flattering description of the ere they could pass Plymouth, and

c *» l uitry, and speak of the colony as in a arrived at New Plymouth in Ne\v

prosperous condition. "We arc so far England the eleventh of November. "

tnv from want,." writes the former, Smith's New England's Trials, p. 1C.

•■ that \vc often wish you partakers of — Ed.

fur plenty. " Winslow's letter was § She came y« 9. to y e Cap.

14

106 HISTORY OF [BOOK lj

much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons* t<.
remaine & live in y e plantation; which did not a litle n.
Joyce them. And they when they came a shore and foun i
all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no
less glade. For most of them were lusty yonge men, aiw
many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither
or aboute what they wente, till they came into y e harboiv
at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked and bai-
ren place. They then begane to thinke what should be-
come of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by v*
Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches
that some of y e sea-men had cast out) to take y e sayls from
y e yeard least y e ship [66] should gett away and leave
them ther. But y c m r . hereing of it, gave them good words,
and'tould them if anything but well should have befallne
y c people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to carv
them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should
have their parte; which gave them good satisfaction. So
they were all landed ; but ther was not so much as biskct-
cake or any other victialls f for them, neither had the}
any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins,
nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in ; nor overman}"
cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their coats \
cloaks at Plimoth as they came. But ther was sent over
some burehing-lane $ suits in y e ship, out of which they
were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition
of streught, but could have wished that many of them
had been of beter condition, and all of them beter fur-
nished with provissions ; but y : could not be helpte.

« For a list of the passengers who " This lane and the hi^h street ncr.:

came in the Fortune, see Younjr, p. adjoining, hath been inhabited (for xl>-'

235 ; HiissclFs Pilgrim Memorials, pp. most part) with wealthy Drapers, fn«"

151, 153. — Kd. Birchover's lane on that side the street.

| Nay, they were fainc to spare yo down to the slnchs. In the reign <'

shipe some to carry her home. Henry the sixth, had ye (for thcnip?;

J " Birchover /a/i?, so called of part) "dwelliug there, Frippers or l>*

Birchover, the first builder and owner holders, that sold apparel and oJ j -

thereof, now corruptly called Birchin household stuff." Stow's Survey 0l

Jane- London, ed. 1633, p. 215. — Ed. *

1G21.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 107

In this ship M r . Weston sent a large leter to M r . Carver,
y° late Govc r , now deseased, full of complaints & expostu-
lations aboute former passagess at Hampton ; and y e keep-
ing y G sliipe so long in y e country, and returning her with-
out lading, &c., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is
as followeth.

Part of Mr. Westerns letter.

I durst never aquainte y e adventurers with y e alteration of y B
conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been
very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much
as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what
was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading in the
ship is wonderfnll, and worthily distasted. I know you 1 " weak-
nes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of judg-
mente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of y e time you spente
in discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done much
more ; but that is past, &c. If you mean, bona fide, to performe
the conditions agreed upon, doe us y e favore to coppy them out
faire, and subscribe them with y e principal 1 of your names.
And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you can how
our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able to give
them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good words
to shift of. And consider that y e life of the bussines depends on
y e lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose,
that I may be freed from y e great sums I have disbursed. for y c
former, and must doe for the later, I promise you I will never
quit if bussines, though all the other adventurers should.

[67] We have procured you a Charter,* the best we could,
which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For
any thing y l is els worth writting, M r . Cushman can informe
you. I pray write instantly for M r . Robinson to come to you.
And so praying God to blesse you with all graces uessessary
both for this life & that to come, I rest

Your very loving frend,

Tho. Weston.

London, July 6. 1621.

* This charter or patent was granted ciates," and was in trust for the bene-
by The President and Council of New fit of the colony. It is dated June I,
Knijland, "to John Pierce and his asso- 1621, and is interesting as being the

108 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

This ship (caled y e Fortune) was speedily dispatcht
away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she could
stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which
they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them
at first, being alltogeather unprovided for trade ; neither
was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin
till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The
fraight was estimated to be worth near 500 u . M r . Cush-
man* returned backe also with this ship, for so Mr. Wes-
ton & y e rest had apoyntcd him, for their better informa-
tion. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but
they should have a speedy supply ; considering allso how
by M r . Cushmans perswation, and letters received from
Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeelded f
to y e afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their
hands. But it proved other wise, for M r . "Weston, who
had made y l large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,)
that if all y e rest should fall of, yet he would never quit
y e bussines, but stick to them, if they yeelded to y e con-
ditions, and sente some lading in y e ship ; and of this IP.
Cushman was confident, and confirmed y e same from his
mouth, & serious protestations to him selfe before he
came. But all proved but wind, for he was y e first and
only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much
as heard of y c returne of this ship, or knew what was
done; (so vaine is y e confidence in man.) But of this
more in its place.

A leter in answer to his write to M r . Carver, was sente
to him from y c Gov r , of which so much as is pertenente
to v e thing: in hand I shall hear inserte.

*o

S r : Your large letter writen to M r . Carver, and dated y e 6. of

July, 1621, I have received y c 10. of Novemb r , wherin (after

first grant, of which wo have any rcc- probably the oldest document in Mas-

ord, made by the great Plymouth Com- sachusetts officially connected with her

pany. It was first printed in 1854, in historv. — Ed.

4 Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. II. The * See page 55, note. — Ed.

original is now at Plymouth, and is f Yeckd in the manuscript. — Ed.

10*21.3 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 109

v° apologie made for your selfe) you lay many hcavie imputa-
tions upon him and us all. Touching him, he is departed this
life, and now is at rest [GS] in y e Lord from all those troubls
and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs
not my appologie ; for his care and pains was so great for y e
eommone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is
thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his days; of
whose loss w'e cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges *
in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses
may sustaine; but y e loss of his and many other honest and
industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed at any prise. Of
y° one, ther may be hope of recovery, but y c other no recom-
pence can make good. But I will not insiste in ^eneralls, but
come more' pcrtieulerly to y e things them selves. You greatly
blame us for keping y e ship so long in y e conntrie, and then to
send hereaway emptie. She lay 5. weks at Cap- Codd, whilst
with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indur-
ance -of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule winter
a place of habitation. Then wc went in so tedious a time to
make provission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute w ch labour,
many of our armes & leggs can tell us to this day we were not
necligent. But it pleased God to vissite us then, with death
dayly, and with so gcncrall a disease, that the living were scarce
able- to burie the dead ; and y e well not in any measure suf-
ficiente to tend y e sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for
not fraighting y e ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much dis-
courage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes ;
and doe you think we had not cause ? Yes, you tell us you be-
leeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands.
Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear
this check patiently amongst y e rest, till God send us wiser men.
But they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing
& consulting, &c, their harts can tell their toungs, they lye.
They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they
wounded others. Indeed, it is our callarnitic that wc are (bc-
yound expectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who
will never doe good, but eorrupte and abuse others, ccc.

The rest of y e letter declared how they had subscribed
those conditions* according to his desire, and sente him

* Sec pp. 45-47. — Ed.

110 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

y e former accounts very perticulerly ; also how y e ship
was laden, and in what condition their affairs stood ; that
y e coming of these [G9] people would bring famine upon
them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as M r .
Cushman could more fully informe him & y e rest of y c
adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in
all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he
remember his promise, &c.

After y e departure of this ship, (which stayed not above
14, days,*) the Gove r & his assistante haveing disposed
these late comers into severall families, as y ey best could,
tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store,
and proportioned y e same to y e number of persons, and
found that it would not hould out above G. months at
halfe alowance, and hardly that. ' And they could not
well give less this winter time till fish came in againc.
So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well
as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it
patiently under hope of supply.

Sone after this ships departure, y e great people of y e
]S T arigansets,f in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto
them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a great
sneak-skine ; which their interpretours tould them was a

* Smith, in his New England's Tri- February. Cushman, who was on
uls, says this ship returned for England board, writes, on page 120, that they
within a month, on the 13th of Decern- were carried into France and kept there
ber; which seems probable, as Wins- fifteen days, and pot well home the 17th
low's letter sent by her was dated on of February- — Ed.
the 11th of that month. Prince, I. 115, f The Narragansetts were a power-
conjectures that Bradford means " 14 ful and warlike tribe, that inhabited
days from her being unladen." nearly all the territory of what is now

Smith also says that this ship was included in the State' of Rhode Island,

"laded with clapboard, wainscot, and They appear to have escaped the rav-

Wahiut, with about three hogsheads of ages of the plague, which, a few years

heaver skins and some saxefras, and, before, had nearly annihilated some of

drawing near our coast, was taken by a the neighboring tribes ; and, in 1612,

Frenchman, set out by the Marquis of are supposed to have numbered thirty

Cera, Governor of He Deu, on the coast thousand. Gookin says that the ancient

of Poytou, where they kept the ship, Indians say they could at onetime mus-

imprisoned the master and company, ter above five thousand fighting men.

took from them to the value of about See Drake's Book of the Indians, p.

500 pounds, and after 11 days sent them 117; 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 147, 148.

home," where they arrived the 14th of — Ed.

iti'il.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. Ill

threatening & a chaleng. Upon which y e Gov r , with y°
a<l\ice of others, sente them a round answere, that if they
had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when
thrv would; they had done them no wrong, neither did
\" )'vAY them, or should they find them unprovided. And
i)v another messenger sente y e sneake-skine back with bul-
its in it; but they would not receive it, but sent it back
ajjainc. But these things I doe but mention, because they
are more at large allready put forth in printe, by M r .
Winslow, at y e requeste of some freinds * And it is like
y* reason was their owne ambition, who, (since y 6 death of
so many of y e lndeans,) thought to dominire & lord it
over y e rest, & conceived y 6 English would be a barr in
their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready
under their wings.

But this made them y e more carefully to looke to them
selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a
good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places,
with gates to shute, which were every night locked, and
a watch kept, and when neede required ther was also
warding in y e day time. And y e company was by y e Cap-
taine and y c Gov r [70] advise, devided into 4. squadrons,
and every one had ther quarter apoyntcd thenu unto
which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarmc.
And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were
appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet

* Winslow's book is entitled, " Good For notices of Edward Winslow, the

Xewes from New-England ; or A true most accomplished man of the old

Ildaiion of things ve°ry remarkable at comers, distinguished for the important

the Plantation ofPlimoth in New Eng- services he rendered the colony both at

hind," Sec, London, 1624, pp. 66, sm. home and abroad, and for the eminent

4to. This narrative embraces the pe- abilities which he displayed as the rep-

rind from the sailing of the Fortune, in resentative of the sister colony "to the

iWeinber, 1601, to the departure of English government, see Baylies's New

the author for England in the Anne, Plymouth, II. 17-20 ; Moore^s Amer-

^t'l'hHiiber 10th, 1623; taking up the ican Governors, pp. 93-13S. I" <>r

narrative where it is left by Mourt's genealogical notices of the family, see

lirhimn. It was printed before his re- Young, pp. 274, 275, note ; Historical

turn for New England, where he ar- and Genealogical Register, 1^ • -' J/

rived the next spring. - 303. — Ed.

112

HISTORY OF [BOOK

y c same, to prevent Indean treachery. This was accom-
plished very cherfully, and y e towne impayled round by y
begiuing of March, in which evry family had a prety gar-
den plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year.
Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth
then of waight. One y e day called Chrismas-day, y e Gov 1
caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but y e most" of
this new-company excused them selves and said it wente
against their consciences to work on y l day. So y e Gov r
tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he
would spare them till they were better informed. So he
led-away y e rest and left them ; but when they came home
at noons from their worke, he found them in y e streete at
play, openly; some pitching y e barr, & some at stoole-
ball *„ and sliuch like sports. So he went to them, and
tooke away their ' implements, and tould them that was
against his conscience, that they should play & others
worke. If they made y e keeping of it mater of devotion,
let them kcpe their houses, but ther should be no game-
ing or revelling in y e streets. Since which time nothing
hath been atempted that way, at least openly.

Anno 1622.

At y e spring of y e year they had apointed y c Massachusets
to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to
prepare for that vioag about y e later end of March. But
upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould
them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were

* "Stool-Ball. An ancient game at games where there is any hazard of

ball, played by both sexes. According loss are strictly forbidden ; not so much

to Dr. Johnson, it is a play where balls as a game at stool-ball for a Tansay or

are driven from stool to stool. See a a cross and pylc for the odd penny at

further notice of it in Strutt, p. 07. In a reckoning, upon pain of damnation/

Ikjwws English Presbyterian Elo- This quotation is given bv Brand in his

quence, p. 17, speaking of the tenets of Pop. Antiq." HalliwelPs Dictionary

the Puritans, he observes that < all of Archaic and Provincial Words— Ed.

1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTxVTION. 113

joynetl w lh y e Narighansets and might betray them if they
were not carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of
Squanto, by what he gathered from some private whisper-
ings bctweene him and other Indeans. But [71] they
resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10.
of their cheefc men abonte y s begining of Aprill, and both
Squanto & Hobamake with them, in regarde of y e jelotie
betweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, but
an Indean belonging to Squantos family came riming in
seeming great fear, and tould them that many of y G Narih-
gansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte,
were coming against them ; and he gott away to tell
them, not without danger. And being examined by y e
Gov r , he made as if they were at hand, and would still be
looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the
Gov r caused them to take armes & stand on their garde,
and supposing y e boat to be still within hearing (by rea-
son it was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote
of, the which y ey heard and came in. But no Indeans
apeared ; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was
scene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and
thought all was false ; yet y e Gov r caused him to send his
wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening
other occasions), but ther was nothing found, but all was
quiet. After this they proseeded on their vioge to y c
Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie,
blessed be God.

But by the former passages, and other things of like
nature, they begane to see y l Squanto sought his owne ends,
and plaid his owne game, by putting y e Indeans in fear,
and drawing gifts from them to enrich him sclfe ; making
them beleeve he could stur up warr against whom he
would, & make peece for whom he would. Yea, he
made them beleeve they kept y c plague buried in y e ground,
and could send it amongs whom they would, which did
much terifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on
15

114 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

him, and sccke more to him then to Massasoyte, which
pron cured him envie, and had like to have cost him his
life. For after y e discovery of his practises, Massasovt
sought it both privatly and openly ; which caused him to
stick close to y e English, & never durst goe from them till
he dyed. They also made good use of y e emulation y l grue
betweene Hobamack * and him, which made them can-
more squarely. And y e Gov r seemd to countenance \ K
one, and y* Captaine y e other, by which they had better
intelligence, and made them both more diligente.f

[72] Now in a maner their provissions were wholy
spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came.
But about y e later end of May, they spied a boat at sea,
which at first they thought had beene some French-man;
but it proved a shalop which came from a ship J which
M r . Weston & an other had set out a fishing, at a place
called Dainarins-cove,§ 40. leagues to y e eastward of them,
wher were y l year many more ships come a fishing. This
boat brought 7. passengers and some letters, but no vitails,
nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall set
downe.

M r . Carver, in my last leters by y e Fortune, in whom I\I r .
Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly ex-
pecte y e shipe back againc|| She departed hence, y e begining
of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided with
neecsaries, by reason of y e parsemonie of y e adventurers.°[[ I

* Hobamack rendered the colony im- incidents, see Winslow, in Young, pp.

portant service, and in the allotment of 285-292. — Ed.

land, in 1024, allusion is made to "Ho- J The Sparrow. Winslow, in Young,

bamac's ground." Further mention is p. 293. — Ed.

made of him, though not by name, in § The LJamariscove Islands, five or

New England's First Fruits, page 2, six in number, " lie to the west by

a tract published in London in 10-13. north from lUonhegan " ; they were

" Though he was much tempted by en- early resorted to by fishermen. Sue

ticements, scoffs, and scorns from the Williamson's Maine, I. 50.— Ed.

Indians, yet could he never be gotten || It will be perceived that the author,

from the English, nor from seeking who frequently gives only such abstracts

after their God, but died amongst them, of letters as he deems pertinent to the

leaving some good hopes in their hearts narrative, sometimes leaves the sentence

that his soul .went to rest." — Ed. unfinished. — Ed.

f For a more full narrative of these ^ Adventures in the manuscript.— El*.

1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 115

have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provissions
before shec come. They all answer they will doc great maters,
when they hear good news. Nothing before ; so faithfull, con-
stant, As carefull of your good, are your olde ec honest freinds,
that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no
supplie, A;c. I am now to relate y e occasion of sending this
ship, hoping if you give creditc to my words, you will have a
more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering
is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part
true, &c. M r . JB each amp and my sclfe bought this Uilc ship, and
have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold* y e plantation,
as well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up
what we are formerly out; though wc are otherwise censured,
Arc. This is y c occasion we have sent this ship and these pas-
sengers, on our owne accounte ; whom we desire you will frend-
ly entcrtainc A: supply with shuch necesaries as you cane spare,
and they wante, &c. , And among other things we pray you
lend or sell them some seed corne, and if you have y G salt re-
maining of y e last year, that y u will let them have it for their
presente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more
when wc have set our salt-pan to worke, which we desire may
be set up in one of y G litle Hands in your bay, ecc. And because
wc intende, if God plase, [73] (and y c generallitie doe it not,) to
send .within a month another shipe, who, having discharged her
passengers, shal goe to Virginia, &c. And it may be we shall
send a small ship to abide with you on y e coast, which I conceive
may be a great help to y c plantation. To y c end our desire may
be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will be also for your good,
we- pray you give them entertainmente in your houses y e time
they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, but may
presently goe in hand to fell trees A^ cleave them, to y c end
lading may be ready and our ship stay not.

Some of y e adventurers have sent you hearwith all some
directions for your furtherance in y e coinone bussines, who are
like those S l . James speaks of, y l bid their brother eat, and
warme him, but give him nothing ; so they bid you make salt,
^nd uphold y e plantation, but send you no means wherwithall
to doe it, Arc. By if next wc purpose to send more people on
ovr owne accounte, and to take a patentc ; that if 'your pcopl

* 1 know not \v<-*h way.

116 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

should be as vmhumane as some of y c adventurers, not to ad-
mite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme,
and which will never enter into my head to thinkc you have
any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfic.onr passen-
gers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons not
necessary to be writen, &c. I find y c generall so backward, and
your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand on
your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves."

Subscribed,

your loving freind,
Jan: 12, 1621/ Tho: Weston.

Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & im-
pertinent.

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie
bellies, and a slender performance of his former late prom-
iss ; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, as those y c
Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And
well might it make them remember what y e psalmist saith,
Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have
confidence in man. And Psa. 146. Put not you trust in
princes (much less in y e marehants) nor in f sone of man,
for tier is no help in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath f
God of Jacob for his help, whose hope is in y e Lord his
God. And as they were now fayled of suply by him and
others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was
caused by him and y e rest, who put so great a company of
men upon them, as y e former company were, without any
food, and came at shuch a time as they must live almost
a whole year before any could [74] be raised, excepte they
had sente some ; so, upon y e pointe they never had any
supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord
gave them otherwise) ; for all y c company sent at any
time was allways too short for those people y l came with it.

Ther came allso by y e same ship other leters, but of
later date, one from M r . Weston, an other from a parte of
y e adventurers, as foloweth.

* That is, 1022, new style. — En.

1G22.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 117

M r . Carver, sinee my last, to y c end \vc might y c more readily
proceed to help y c general], at a meeting of some of y c principal
adventurers, a proposition was put forth, & alowed by all prcs-
cnic (save Pickering), to adventure each man y° third parte of
wliat lie formerly had done. And ther arc some other y l folow
his example, and will adventure no furdcr. In regard wherof
y c greater part of y e adventurers being willing to uphold y e bnssi-
iics, finding it no reason that those y l are willing should uphold y c
bussines of those that arc unwilling, whose backwardnes doth dis-
courage those that are forward, and hinder other new-adventurers
from coming in, we having well considered therof, have resolved,
according to an article* in y e agreeinente, (thai it may be lawfull
by a gencrall consentc of y e adventurers ^ planters, upon just oc-
casion, io brcakc of their joynte stock,) to breakc it of; and doc
pray you to ratific, and eonfirmc y e same on your parts. Which
being done, wc shall y c more willingly goc forward for y° up-
holding of you with all things ncccsaric. But in any case you
must agree to y c artickls, and send it by y e first under your
hands & seals. So I end

Your loving frcind,

Tho : Weston.

Jan: 17. 1621.f

Another leter was write from part of y e company of y°
adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with i).
of their names, wherof M r . Wcstons & M r . Bcachamphs
were tow. Thes things seemed Strang unto them, seeing
this unconstancie & shrilling; it made them to thinkc ther
was some misterie in y° matter. And therfore y e Gov r con-
cealed these letters from y c publick, only imparted them
to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with
him, that this tended to disband & scater them (in regard
of their straits) ; and if M r . Weston & others, who seemed
to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with ship-
ing so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would
fall to him, to y 8 prejudice of them selves & y e rest of the
adventurers^ their freinds, from whom as yet they heard

* Sec third article in the agreement, f T* iat is > 1G ~ 2 , new style. — l"n ;
p. 1G. — Ed. J Adventures in the manuscript. — Ln.

118 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

nothing. And it was doubted whether he had not sentc
[75] over shuch a company in y c former ship,* for shucli
an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those 7. men which
this ship, which fished to if eastward, had kept till planting
time was over, and so could set no come; and allso want-
ing vitals, (for y ey turned them off w lh out any, and indeed
wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt-pan come,
so as y ey could not performe any of those tilings which M r .
Weston had apointed, and might have starved if y e planta-
tion had not succoured them ; who, in their wants, gave
them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to
Virginia, wher they sould both ship & fish/ of which (it
was conceived) M r . Weston had a very slender accounte.

After this came another of his ships ,f and brought letters
dated y° 10. of Aprill, from M r . Weston, as followeth.

M r . Bradford, these, &c. The Fortune is arived, of whose good
news touching your estate & proceeings, I am very glad to hear.
And how soever he was robed on y c way by y c French-men, yet
I hope your loss will not be great, for y c conceite of so great a
return e doth much animate y e adventurers, so y l I hope some
matter of importance will be done by them, &c. As for my
selfe, I have sould my adventure & debts unto them, so as I am
quit J of you, & you of me, for that matter, &e. Now though
I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst you, yet
I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it.
I perceive & know as well as another, y e dispositions of your ad-
venturers, whom y e hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they
have done ; and yet I fear y l hope will not draw them much fur-
der. Besids, most of them are against y c sending- of them of Ley-
den, for ivhose cause this bussines tuas first begune, and some of
y e most religious (as M r . Greene by name) excepts against
them. So y l my advice is (you may follow it if you please)
that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you have
warente to doe, both in law & conscience, for y e most parte of

* The Fortune. See p. 105. — Ed. having left London about the last of

' -j- The Charity, of one hundred tons, April. See Smith's Generall Ilistorie,

accompanied by a smaller vessel, the fol. ed., p. 23G ; Winslow, in Young,

Swan, of thirty tons ; they arrived in p. 29G. — Ed.
the end of June or beginning of July, J See how his promiss is fulfild.

1022.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 119

y u adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And
y e means you have thcr, which I hope will be to some purpose
by y e trade of this spring, may, with y e help of some freinds
hear, bear y e charge of trasporting those of Leyden ; and when
they are with you I make no question but by Gods help you
will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to
your discretion.

I desired divorce of y e adventurers, as M r . Peirce, M r . Greene,
& others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or
leters, to send them by these ships; and marvelling they sent not
so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they
had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he had one,
which was delivered him with [76] great charge of secrecie ; and
for more seeuritie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, & sow it be-
tweene y c soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking y e leter, won-
dering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found
this treacherous letter subscribed by y e hands of I\l r . Pickering
& M r . Greene. Wich leter had it come to you r hands without
answer, might have caused y e hurt, if not y e ruine, of us all.
For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed
us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in
distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occasion to have
set us togeather by y e cares, to y e distraction of us all. For I
doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines
hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but others also,
would have been violent, and heady against you, &c. I mente to
have sctled y e people I before and now send, with or near you, as
well for their as your more seeuritie and defence, as help on all
occasions. But I find y e adventurers so jealous & suspicions,
that I have altered my resolution, & given order to my brother
fc those with him, to doe as they and him selfe shall find fitte.
Thus. fcc.

Your loving freind,

Aprill 10. 1621 * Tho: Weston.

Some part of M r Pickerings letter before mentioned.

To M r . Bradford & M r . Brewster, ece.

My dear love remembred unto you all, ecc. The company
hath bought out JYI r . Weston, and are very glad they are freed

fc This should be 1622, the year beginning then on the 25th of the preceding
month. — Ed.

120 HISTORY OF [1300K II.

of him, he being judged ci man y l thought him selfc above y-
gcnerall, and not expresing so much y G fear of God as was mcelu
in a man to whom shueh trust should have been reposed in a
matter of so great importance. I am sparing to be so plaine as
indeed is clear against him ; but a few words to y e wise.

M r . Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships,
nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some rea-
son in rcspecte of him selfc, &c. His brother Andrew, whom he
doth send as principall in one of these ships, is a heady yong
man, & violente, and set against you ther, 6c y e company hear;
ploting with M r . Weston their owne ends, which tend to your 6c
our undooing in rcspecte of our estates ther, and prevention of
our good ends. For by credible iestimoney we are informed
his purpose is to come to your colonic, pretending he comes for
and from y e adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have
in readynes [77] into his ships, as if they came from y c company,
& possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. And
further to inform e them selves what spetiall places or things you
have discovered, to y e end that they may supres & deprive you, &c.

The Lord, who is y G watchman of Israll & slepeth not, preserve
you & deliver yon from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther
.is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man ;
so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thou-
sands, to the advancemente of y G glorious gospell of our Lord
Jesus. Amen. Fare well.

Your loving freinds,

Edward Pickering.
William Greene.
• I pray conceale both y c writing & deliverie of this leter, but
make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves
with in this month.

The heads of his answer,

M r . Bradford, this is y c leter y L I wrote unto you of, which to
answer in every perticuler is needles & tedious. My owne con-
science & all our people can and I thinke will testifie, y £ my end
in sending if ship Sparroiu was your good, &e. Now I will
not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, as these
men tcrme them ; yet I presume they will be governed by such
as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able to reclaimc

1(!22.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 121

them from y l profauenes that may scandalise y e vioage, but by
degrees to draw them to God, &c. I am so farr from sending
rude fellows to deprive you either by fraud e or violence of what
is yours, as I have charged y c m r . of y e ship Sparroiv, not only
to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of
fish,* &c. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill this
leier would or might have done, had it come to your hands &
taken y G effcete y e other desired.

Now if you be of y° mind y l these men are, deale plainly with
us, & we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as frcind-
ly as we have thought you to be, give us y e entertainment of
freinds, and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke,
nor lodging, but what we will, in one kind or other,, pay you for,
&c. I shall leave in y° countrie a lille shipj (if God send her
safe thither) with mariners & fisher-men to stay ther, who shall
coast, & trad with y Q savages, & y° old plantation. It may be
we shall 'be as helpfull to you, as you will be to us. I thinke
I shall see you y e next spring ; and so I comend you to y e pro-
tection of God, who ever keep you.

Your loving freind,

Tho : Weston.

[78] Thus all ther hops in regard of M r . Weston were
layed in y e dust, and all his promised helpe turned into
an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether
lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And they were
not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants,
haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but
others prepared & ready to glean up what y e cuntrie might
have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh cen-
sures & susspitions intimated in y e former and following
leters, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them
as they could, waighing them in y e hallance of love and
reason ; and though they (in parte) came from godly &
loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might
arise from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with
unmcete provocations, though they well saw M r . Weston

* Hut ye ^e] hft not his own men a bite of bread, f The Swan. — Ed.

16

122 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite.
For after the receit of y e former leters, the Gov r received
one from M r . Cushman, who went home in y e ship, and
was allway intimate with M r . Weston, (as former passages
declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was
heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it
was y e difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as
y e leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and
brought by him to y e Gov r . It was as followeth.

Beloved S r : I hartily salute yon, with trust of your health,
and many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got
well home y e 17. of Feb. Being robbed by y e French-men by
y e way, and carried by them into France, and were kepte ther
15. days, and lost all y l we had that was worth taking ; but
thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives & ship.* I see not
y l it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by Gods
grace to see you shortly, I hope in June neztc, or before. In y e
mean space, know these things, and I pray you be advertised
a litle. M r . Weston hath quite broken of from our company,
through some discontents y l arose betwext him and some of our
adventurers, & hath sould all his adventurs, & hath now sent
3.f smale ships for his periiculer plantation. The greatest wher-
of, being 100. tunc;\; M r . Reynolds goeth m r . and he with y e rest
purposeth to come him selfe; for what end I know not, *

The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray
you entertaine them not, neither x exchaingc man for man with
them, excepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a pa-
tente for him selfe. If they offerr to buy any thing of you, let
it be shuch as you can spare, and let them give y e worth of it,
If they borrow any thing of you, let them leave a good pawnc,
ecc. It is like he [79] will plant to y e southward of y e Cape, for
William Trevore § hath lavishly tould but what he knew or
imagined of Capewaek, Mohiggen, & y e Narigansets. I fear
these people will hardly deale so well with y e savages as they
should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are

Sec p. 1 10. — Ed. ^ hired to stay a year in the country, and

f ihe Sparrow, the Charity, and the on its expiration returned to England.

Swan. See pp. 1M, 118 — Ed. See list of passengers, in the Appendix.

f The Charity. — Ed. Ed.

§ He came in the Mayflower, was

1(522.] TLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 123

:l distinctc body from us, and we have nothing to doe with
them, neither must be blamed for their falts, much less can war-
rente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in
France. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you
as many as can this time. I hope all will turne to y e best, wher-
fore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to
goe thorow these dificulties cherfully & with courage in y l place
wherin God hath sett you, tin till y e day of refreshing come.
And y c Lord God of sea & land bring us comfortably togcather
againe, if it may stand with his glorie.

Yours, ROBART CUSHMAN.

On y e other sid of y e leafe, in y e same leter, came these
few lines from M r . John Peirce, in whose name the paten te
was taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken
in its place.

Worthy S r : I desire you to take into consideration that which
is writen on y e other side, and not any way to damnific your
owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be
more infeebled. And for y e leters of association, by y e next ship
we- send, I hope you shall receive satisfaction ; in y e mean time
whom you ad mite I will approve. But as for M r . Weston's
company, I thinke them so base in condition (for y e most parte)
as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans company. I wish
they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe,
but cease in these few lins, and so rest

Your loving freind,
. John Peirce.

All these things they pondred and well considered, yet
concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente ; partly
in regard of M r . Weston him selfe, considering what he
had heen unto them, & done for them, & to some, more
espetially ; and partly in compassion to y e people, who
were now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,)
and were by if ship* to be presently put a shore, (for she
was to cary other imssengers to Virginia, who lay at great
charge,) and they were alltogeather unacquainted & knew

* The Charity. See p. 118. — Ed.

124 history or [book n.

not what to doe. So as they had received his former
company of -7. men,** and vitailed them as their owne hith-
erto, so they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty
men), and gave [79] housing for them selves and their
goods ; and many being sieke, they had y e best means y e
place could aford them. They stayed hear y e most parte
of y e soihei; till y n ship came back againe from Virginia.
Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them,
they removed into y° Massachusset Bay, he having got a
patentef for some part ther, (by light of ther former dis-
covery in leters sent home). Yet they left all ther sieke
folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of ther
victails they had not any, though they were in great
wante, nor any thing els in recompence of any courtccie
done them ; neither did they desire it, for they saw they
were an unruly company, and had no good govermente
over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if
M/. Weston came not y e sooner amongst them ; and ther-
fore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of
them.

Amids these streigths, and y e desertion of those from
whoni they had hoped for supply, and when famine be-
gane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to
doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with
an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which
came from y e eastward J brought them a letter from a
' stranger, of whose name they had never heard before,
being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter
was as followeth. Being thus inscribed.

To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c.

Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours : I salute you, and wish
you all health and hapines in y e Lord. I make bould with

* Who crime in the Sparrow, See by the Indians W r essagusset or Wessa-

p. 11-1. — Ei>. guscus, included in the present town of

| Weston's patent is not extant, and AVeymouth. See Prince, I. 121, — Ed.
but little is known respecting it. His J Which belonged to the Sparrow,

brief settlement was at a place called See p. 114. — Ed.

1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 125

these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were unhumane,
I can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it selfe too fan* ; yet
I will so farr in forme you that my selfe, with many good freinds
in y e south-collonie of Virginia, have received shuch a blow, that
400. persons large will not make good our losses.* Therforc I
doe intrcat you (allthough not knowing you) that y e old rule
which I learned when I went to schoole, may be suffieente.
That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to
beware. And now againe, and againe, wishing all those y l
willingly would serve y e Lord, all health and happines in this
world, and everlasting peace in y e world to come. And so I
rest,

Yours,

John Hudlston.

By this boat y e Gov r returned a thankfull answer, as
was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them,
which was piloted by them, in which M r . Winslow was
sentef to procure what provissions he could of y°" ships,
who was kindly received by y e foresaid gentill-man, who
not only spared what he [90 J] could, but writ to others
to doe y e like. By which means he gott some good quan-
titie and returned in saftie, by which y e plantation had a
duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by y e food brought,
and secondly, they knew y e way to those parts for their
benifite hearafter. But "what was gott, & this small boat
brought, being* clevided among so many, came but to a
litlcv yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest.
It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each
person ; and y e Gov r caused it to be dayly given them,
otherwise,' had it been in their owne custody, they would
have eate it up & then starved. But thus, with what els
they could get, they made pretie shift till corne was ripe.

* The massacre by the Indians here f This was probably in June. See

alluded to, was on the 20d of March Winslow, in Young, p*. 294. — Ed.

»•! this year. Smith estimates the num- J Mr. Hunter writes : " Here is an

h'.T of English slain, in the several error in Bradford's pagination. Ho

l'^Uaiions, at three hundred and forty- passes from 79 to 90. No part of the

K'veu. Smith's Generall Historie, fol. manuscript is liere lost." 79 is rc-

**»., pp. Ml -149. — Ed. peated in the paging. — Ed.

126 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

This soiiier they builte a fort with good timber, both
strong & comly, which was of good defence, made with a
flate rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance were
mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially
in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting
house, and was fitted accordingly for that use.* It was a
great worke for them in this weaknes and time of wants ;
but y e deanger of y e time required it, and both y e continuall
rumors of y e fears from y e Indeans hear, espetially y e Nari-
gansets, and also y e hearing of that great massacre in Vir-
ginia, made all hands willing to despatch y e same.

Now y e wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which
all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to
a litle, in comparison of a full years supplie ; partly by
reason they were not yet well aquainted with y e maner of
Indean come, (and they had no other,) allso their many
other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante
of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much
was stolne both by night & day, before it became scarce
eatable, & much more afterward. And though many were
well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne,
yet hunger made others (whom conscience did not re-
straine) to venture. So as it well appeared y l famine
must still insue y e next year allso, if not some way pre-
vented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not
trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only y e

* The fort was built on Burial Hill, lock, in front of the captain's door ;
The following extract from a letter writ- tliey have their cloaks on, and place
ten by Isaac De Kasieres, who visited themselves in order, three abreast, and
Plymouth in 1627, will be read with in- are led by a sergeant without beat of
teresthere: — "Upon the hill they have drum. Behind' comes the Governor,
a large square house, with a flat roof, in a long robe ; beside him on the right
made of thick sawn planks, stayed with hand comes the preacher with his
oak beams, upon the top of which they cloak on, and on the left hand the cap-
have six^ cannons, which shoot iron tain with his side-arms and cloak on,
balls of four or five pounds, and com- and with a small cane in his hand ; and
mand the surrounding country. The so they march in good order, and each
lower part they use for their church, sets his arms down near him." See
where they preach on Sundays and the Winslow, in Young, p. 295 ; Russell's
usual holidays. They assemble by beat Guide to Plymouth, ed, 1855, p. 143.
of drum, each with "his musket or fire- — Ed.

1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 127

lndcans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold
now another providence of God; a ship* comes into y e
harbor, [91] one Captain Jons being cheefe therm, They
were set out by som-e marchants to discovere all y e har-
bors betweene this & Virginia, and y e shoulds of Cap-Cod,
and to trade along y e coast wher they could. This ship
had store of English-beads (which were then good trade)
and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates,
and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad
of y G occasion, and faine to buy at any rate ; they were
faine to give after y e rate of cento per cento, if not more,
and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3 3 -. per*S which in a few
years after yeelded 20 3 -. By this means they were fitted
againe to trade for beai^er & other things, and intended to
buy what come they could.

But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression.
Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name M r . John
' Poory ; he had been secretaire in Virginia, and was now
going home passenger in this ship. After his departure he
write a leter to y° Gov r in y e postscrite wherof he hath
these lines.

To your selfe and M r . Brewster, I must acknowledg my sclfe
many ways indebted, whose books I would have you tlnnke very
well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My
hast- would not suffer me to remember (much less to begg) M r .
Ainsworths elaborate worke upon y e 5. books of Moyses. Both
his & M r . Robinsons doe highly comend the authors, as being
most conversante in y e scripturs of all others. And what good
(who knows) it may please -God to worke by them, through my
hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente
in them. God have you all in his keeping.

Your unfained and firme freind,

Au". 28. 1622. John Port.

-*»•

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of y e au-
thors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly

* The Discovery. See Winslow, in Young, p. 298. — Ed.

128 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

acknowledge ; and him selfe after his returne did this poore-
plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck.
But to returne.

[92] Shortly after harvest M r . Westons people who were
now seated at y e Massachusets, and by disorder (as it
seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now
to perceive that want would come upon them. And hear-
ing that they hear had bought trading comodities & in-
tended to trade for corne, they write to y e Gov r and de-
sired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy
their small ship* in y e servise; and furder requested
either to lend or sell them so much of their trading comod-
ities as their part might come to, and they would under-
take to make paymente when M r . Weston, or their supply,
should come. The Gov r condesended upon equall terms
of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute y e Cap to y e south-
ward with y e ship, wher some store of corne might be
got Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was
apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guicl &
interpreter, about y e latter end of September ; but y e winds
put them in againe, & putting out y e 2. time, he fell sick
of a feavor, so y c Gov r wente him selfe.f But they could
not get aboute y e should of Cap-Cod, for flats & breakers,
neither could Squanto clirecte them better, nor y e m r .' durst
■venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay
and got w l J they could ther. In this place Squanto fell
sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at y e nose (which
y e Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few
days dyed ther; desiring y 8 Gov r to pray for him, that he
might goe to y e Englishmens God in heaven, and be-
queathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his English
freinds, as remembrances of his love ; of whom they had

* The Swan. See p. 121. The f " In lhe month of November."

Charity returned for England in the end Winslow, in Young, p. 300. — Ed.

of September, or beginning of October. J W ifl in the manuscript. — Ed.
Winslow, in Young, p. 299. — Ed.

1G22.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 129

a ^reat loss. They got in this vioage, in one place & other,
about 2C. or 28. hogsheads of come & beans, which was
more then y e Indeans could well spare in these parts, for
y° set but a litle till they got English hows. And so were
faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the
Cap, to have been better laden. After ward y e Gov r tooke
a few men & wente to y e inland places, to get what he
could, and to fetch it home at y e spring, which did help
them something *

[93] After these things, in Feb : a messenger came from
John Sanders, who was left cheefef over M r . Weston's
men in y e bay of Massachusets, who brought a letter shew-
ing the great wants they were falen into ; and he would
have borrowed a hfr of come of y e Indeans, but they would
lend him none. He desired advice whether he might not
take it from them by force to succore his men till he came
from y e eastward, whither he was going. The Gov r & rest
deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exas-
perate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all
of .us might smart for it ; for they had already heard how
they had so wronged y e Indeans by stealing their come,
Sec. as they were much incensed against them. Yea, so
base were some of their own company, as they wente &
tould y e Indeans y l their Gov 1 ' was purposed to come and
take their come by force. The which with other things
made them enter into a conspiracie against y e English, of
which more in y e nexte. Hear with I end this year.

* For a more full narrative of the ex- f After the sudden death at Plymouth

^editions made by Governor Bradford of " Master Richard Greene, brother-

and by Captain Standish, during this in-law to Master Weston, who from

winter and the following March, in him had a charge in the oversight and

• v < arch of provisions, see Winslow's government of his colony." AVins-

Guiul News, before cited. — Ed. low, in Young, p. 299. — Ed,

17

130 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

Anno Dom: 1623.

It may be thought Strang that these people* should fall
to these extremities in so short a time, being left compe-
tently provided when y e ship left them, and had an ad-
dition by that moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids
much they gott of y e Inclans wher they lived, by one
means & other. It must needs be their great disorder,
for they spent excesseivly whilst they had, or could get it ;
and, it may be, wasted parte away among y e Indeans (for
he y l was their cheef was taxed by some amongst them
for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And
after they begane to come into wants, many sould away
their cloathes and bed coverings ; others (so base were
they) became servants to y e Indeans, and would cutt them
woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of corne ; others
fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from y e Indeans,
of which they greevosly complained. In y e end, they came
to that misery, that some starved & dyed with could &
hunger. One in geathering shell-fish was so weake as he
stuck fast in y e mudd, and was found dead in y e place.
At last most of them left their dwellings & scatered up &
downe in y e [94] woods, & by y e water sids, wher they
could find ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten.
By which their cariages they became contemned & scorned
of y e Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over
them in a most insolente maner ; insomuch, many times
as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with
ground nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans
would come and eatc it up ; and when night came, wheras
some of them had a sorie blanket, or such like, to lappe
them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let y e other
lye all nighte in the could ; so as their condition was very
lamentable. Yea, in y e end they were faine to hange one

* That is, Weston's people. — Ed.

1(523. J PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 131

of their men, whom they could not reclaime from stealing
to ^ive y c Indcans contente.*

"Whilst things wente in this maner with them, y e Gov r &
people liear had notice y l Massasoyte ther freind was sick
& near unto death. They sent to vissete him, and withall
sentc him such comfortable things as gave him great con-
tents and was a means of his recovery; upon whichocca-
sion he discovers y e conspiracie of these Indeans, how they
were resolved to cutt of M r . Weston s people, for the con-
tinuall injuries they did them, & would now take oppor-
tnnitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had
conspired with other Indeans their neigbours their aboute.
And thinking the people hear would revenge their death,
they therfore thought to doe y e like by them, & had solis-
ited him to joyne with them. He advised them therfore
to prevent it, and that speedly by taking of some of y e
cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he asured them
of y c truth hereof.

. This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into
serious calibration, and found upon examenation other
evidence to give light hear unto, to longe hear to relate.
In y e mean time, came onef of them from y e Massachucts,

* || A waggish report became cur- from it that he was one of Weston's

rent," writes Judge Davis, in his edi- men who arrived in the Sparrow at

tion of the Memorial, '-'that the real Damariscove, alluded to on page 114;

ollender was spared, and that a poor that there were ten passengers, Instead

decrepit old man, that was unservice- of seven, the number mentioned by

able to the company, was hung in his Bradford. They arrive in April, take

Mead"; — which was the ground of the a shallop, under the direction of Mr.

Mory, says Hubbard, "with which the Gibbs, the mate, reach Smith's Isl-

incrry gentleman that wrote lludibras ands, sail thence to Cape Ann, remain

did, in liis poetical fancy, make so much about Massachusetts Bay four or five

sport.'' Thomas Morton, in his New days, fix on the south part of it, called

I'.nelish Canaan, says that a proposition Wessaguscus, for their settlement,

was made by one of the company, of the which they purchase of Aberdecest,

\iearious nature indicated, but it was the sagamore; a patent having been

not carried, and the real offender "was previously obtained of the Council bv

executed. — Ed. # Mr. Weston. Pratt and his associates

t Morton says, "This man's name visit Plymouth, where they are kindly

w!is I hinehas Pratt, who hath penned received. On the arrival of the Charity

wi»" particular of Ins perilous journey, and Swan, which bring more passen-

, »V"» ° tlier tnin ° s relalin S t0 tnis £ ers *° r this colony, Pratt says : il Then

tragedy." Pratt's narrative is extant, we make haste to settle our" plantation,

hut has not been published. It appears our number being near sixty men.

132 HISTORY OF [LOOK

I!.

with a small pack at his back ; and though he knew
not a foote of y e way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his
way, which was well for him, for he was pursued, and so
was mist. lie tould them hear how all things stood
amongst them, and that he durst stay no longer, he ap-
prehended they (by what he observed) would be all knoki
in y c head shortly. This made them make y° more has!.
& dispatched a boate away w th Capten Standish & some
men, who found them in a miserable condition, out of
which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef,
cut of some few of y e checfe conspirators, and, according
to his order, offered to bring them all hither if they
thought good ; and they should fare no worse then them
selves, till M r , Weston or some supplie came to them. Or,
if any other course liked them better, he was to doe them
any helpfullnes he could. They thanked him & y e rest.
But most of them desired he would help them with some
corne, and they would goc with their smale ship to y-
eastward, wher hapily they might here of M r . Weston, or
some supply from him, seing y e time of y e year was for
fishing ships to [95] be in y e land. If not, they would
worke among y e fishermen for their liveing, and get thcr
passage into England, if they heard nothing from M r .
Weston in time. So they shipped what tliey had of any
worth, and he got them all y e corne he could (scarce leav-
ing to bring him home), and saw them well out of y e bay,
under saile at sea, and so came home, not takeing y e worth
of a peny of any thing that was theirs. I have but
touched these things breeily, because they have allready
been published in printe more at large *

This was y e end of these that some time bosted of their
strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what they would

Near unto it is a town of later time age of ninety. See Morion's Memorial,

called Waymomh." Of their number p. 42 ; Felt's Ecclesiastical Hist, of New

is a Mr. Sal^bcry, a chirnrgeon. Pratt England, pp. 53, 54 ; Drake's Hist, vi

afterwards had lands allotted to him at Boston, p. 41 ; Hazard, I. 103. — K^*

Plymouth, where lie also married ; he * In Winslow's Good News, ia

died at Charlestown, in 1GS0, at the Young, pp. 313-345. — Ed.

1(523.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 133

doc & bring to pass, in comparison of y e people hear,
who had many women & children and weak ons amongst
them ; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the
wants hoar, that they would take an other course, and not
to fall into shuch a condition, as this simple people were
come too. But a mans way is not in his owne power ; God
can make y e -weake to stand; let him also that standeth
take heed least he fall.

Shortly after, M r . Weston came over with some of y e
fishermen, under another name, and y e disguise of a
blacke-smith, were he heard of y c mine and disolntion of
his colony. He got a boat and with a man or'2. came to
see how things were. But by y c way, for wante of skill,
in a storme, he cast away his shalop in y c botome of y Q bay
between Meremek river & Pascataquack, & hardly escaped
with life, and afterwards fell into the hands of y e Indcans,
who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, & striped
him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to
Pas.cataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got
means to come to Plimoth. A Strang alteration ther was
in him to such as had seen & known him in his former
florishing condition ; so uncertaine are y e mutable things
of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon
them, though they clayly see y e vanity therof.

After many passages, and much discourse, (former things
boyling in his mind, but bit in as was discernd,) he desired
to borrow some beaver of them ; and tould them he had
hope of a ship & good supply to come to him, and then
they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of.
They gave litle credite to his supplie, but pitied his case,
and remembered former curtesies. They tould him lie
saw their wants, and they knew not when they should
have any supply ; also how y e case stood betweene them
& their adventurers, he well knew ; they had not much
bever, & if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to
make a mutinie among y° people, seeing ther was no other

134 HISTORY of [hook n.

means to procure themfoode which they so much wanted
& cloaths' allso. Yet they tould him they would }u\->
him, considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly
for y e former reasons. So they let him have 100. beaver,
skins, which waighecl 170 }i . odd pounds. Thus they hel:»t
him when all y e world faild him, and with this means ]•<■
went againe to y e ships, and stayed his small ship \*
some of his men, & bought provissions and fited him
selfe ; and it was y e only foundation [96] of his after course.
But he requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter eni-
mie unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed
them any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evil!
words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of
their best freinds, whilst he yet had y e beaver in his boat ;
that he could now set them all togeather by y e ears, be-
cause they had done more then they could answer, in let-
ting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe
what he could. But his malice could not prevaile.

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew
they when they might expecte any. So they begane to
thinke* how they might raise as much come as they
could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that
they might not still thus languish in miserie. At length,
after much debate of things, the Gov r (with y e advise of
y e cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should set
corne every man for his owne perticuler,f and in that re-
gard trust to them selves ; in all other things to goe on in

t>

t>^

y e generall way as before. And so assigned to every fam-
ily a parcell of land, according to the proportion of their
number for that end, only for present use (but made no
devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys & youth
under some familie. This had very good success ; for it

* " The month of April being now cers, fishermen, &c, which could not

corne." Winslow, in Young, p. 34G. be freed from their calling without

— Ed. _ greater inconveniences. " Ibid., p. 317.

j " And bring in a competent por- — Ed.
tion for i\\e maintenance of public offi-

1G23.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 135

made all hands very industrious, so as much more cornc
was planted then other waise would have bene by any
means y c Gov r or any other could use, and saved him a
«reat deall of trouble, and gave fair better contente. Tlie
women now wente willingly into y e feild. and tooke their
litle-ons with them to set corne, which before would aledg
weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would
have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.*

The experience that was had in this comone course and
condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly
and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that con-
ceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded by some of
later times; — -that y e taking away of propertie, and bring-
ing in coiTmnitie into a comone wealth, would make them
happy and florishing ; as if they were wiser then God.
For this comunitie (so farr as it was) w T as found to breed
much confusion & discontent, and retard much imploy-
met that would have been to their benefite and comforte.
For y e yong-men that w r ere most able and fitte for labour
& service did repine that they should spend their time &
streingth to worke for other mens wives and children,
with out any recompence. The strong, or man of parts,
had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, then lie
that was weake and not able to doe a quarter y e other
could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver
men to be ranked and [97] equalised in labours, and vict-
ails, cloaths, &c, with y e meaner & yonger sorte, thought
it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for mens

* Judge Davis, in a note on Morton's rated, were not subscribed by the plant-
Memorial, remarks, that "the cominu- ers till a year after their arrival here,
nity of interest which the colonists had yet it may be supposed that the terms
hitherto maintained did not arise, as of the contract were complied with dur-
has been sometimes supposed, from any ing this period. It was only for reasons
peculiar fantastic notions, but was re- of the sternest necessity that the culo-
<;uired by the nature of their engage- nists were now compelled to deviate in
ments with the merchant adventurers the one particular stated in the text,
in England." Another allotment of land, it will he

Although the articles of agreement, seen, was made the next year. i?ce

for the reasons which have been nar- pp. 62, 72, 109. — Ed.

136 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

wives to be commanded to doc servise for other men, as
dresing their mcate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deerml
it a kind of slaveric, neither could many husbands well
brook® it. Upon y° poynte all being to have alike, and
all to doe alike, they thought them selves in y G like con-
dition, and one as good as another ; and so, if it did not-
cut of those relations that God hath set amongest men,
yet it did at least much diminish and take of y e mutuall
respects that should be preserved amongst them. And
would have bene worse if they had been men of another
condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, and
nothing to y e course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men
have this corruption in them, Gcd hi his wisdome saw
another course fiter for them.

But 'to returne. t After this course sctled, and by that
their core was planted, all ther victails were spente, and
they were only to rest on Gods providence ; at night not
many times knowing wher to have a bitt of any thing y e
next day. And so, as one well observed, had need to pray
that God would give them their clayly brade, above all
people in y e world. Yet they bore these wants with great
patience & allacritie of spirite, and that for so long a time
as for y e most parte of 2. years ; which makes me remem-
ber what Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying y G Spaniards)
in his 5. Decade, pag. 208.* They (sailh he) led a mis-
emble life for 5. clays iogcather, with if parched graine of
maize only, and that not to saturitie ; and then concluds,
that shiich pains, shuck labours, and shuch hunger, he
thought none living which is not a Spaniard could have en-
dured. But alass ! these, when they had maize (f is,
Iudeau* corne) they thought it as good as a feast, and

* The work here cited is "Be Nouo don, 1612. The last five Decades in

Orbc, or The llistorie of the west In- this volume were translated from the

dies," &c. "Comprised in Eight De- original Latin by " M. Lok, Gent. M ;

cades. Written by Peter Martyr, a Mil- the first three having been previously

lanoise of Anghria, chiefe Secretary translated by Richard Eden. This

to the Emperour Charles the fift, and same edition was also issued with dii-

his Priuie CouneeH," &e. &e. Lon- fetent titles. — Ed.

1(523.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 137

wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but some time 2.
or 3. months togeather, and neither had bread nor any
kind of come. Indeed, in an other place, in his 2. De-
cade, page 94. he mentions how others of them were worse
put to it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and
dead men, and so dyed almost all. From these extremi-
ties the Lord in his goodnes kept these his people, and in
their great wants preserved both their lives and healthes ;
let his name have y e praise. Yet let me hear make use of
his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied to this
people : That with their miseries they opened a way to these
nciv-lands ; and after these stormes> with what ease other
men came to inhahite in them, in respecte of y c calamities
these men suffered ; so as they seeme to c/oe to a bride feastc
wher all things are provided for them.

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well
fitted, they were devided into severall companies, 6. or 7.
to a gangg or company, and so wente out with a nett they
had bought, to take, bass & such like fish, by course, every
company knowing their turne. No sooner was y e boatc
discharged [98] of what she brought, but y e next company
tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did they re-
turn© till they had cauight something, though it were 5.
or 6. days before, for they knew ther was nothing at home,
and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente
to y e rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. If she
stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seeking of sliel-
fish, which at low-water they digged out of y e sands. And
this was their living in y e somer time, till God sente y m
beter ; & in winter they were helped with ground-nuts
and foule. Also in y e soiher they gott now & then a dear ;
for one or 2. of y e fitest was apoynted to range y e woods
for y l end, & what was gott that way was devided amongst
them.

At length they received some leters from y e adventurers,
too long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard

18

138 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

of their furder crosses and frustrations ; begining in this
maner.

Loving freinds,* as your sorrows & afflictions have bin great,
so our croses & interceptions in o.ur proceedings hear, have not
been small. For after we had with much trouble & charge sentu
y e Parragon away to sea,f and thought all y e paine past, within
14. days after she came againe hither, being dangerously leaked,
and brused with tempestious stormes, so as shee was faine to
be had into y e docke, and an 100*'. bestowed upon her. All yc
passengers lying upon our eharg for G. or 7. weeks, and much
discontent and distemper was occasioned hereby, so as some
dangerous evente had like to insewed. But we trust all shall be
well and worke for y e best and your benefite, if yet with patience
you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. Whilst
these things were doing, M r . Weston s ship J came and brought
diverce leters from you, &c. It rejoyseth us much to hear of
those good reports y l diverce have brought home from you, <fcc.

So farr of this leter.

This ship was bought by M r . John Peirce, and set out
at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These
•passengers, & y e goods the company sent in her, he tooke
in for fraught, for which they agreed with him to be de-
livered hear. This was he in whose name their first pa-
tented was taken, by reason of acquaintance, and some
aliance that some of their freinds had with him. But his
•name was only used in trust. But when he saw they
were hear hopfully thus seated, and by y e success God
gave them had obtained y e favour of y e Counsell of New-
England, he goes and sues to them for another patent of
much larger extente (in their names), which was easily
obtained. But he mente to keep it to him selfe and alow

* These letters were dated Des. 21. published two years later, he says,

1022. [Prince, I. 135, errs in giving "The Paragon with thirty-seven men,

December 22d as the date of these let- sent to relieve them, miscarried twice."*

ters.— Ed.] — Ed.

f Smith says, in his New England's % The Chanty, which left the colony

Trials, u To supply them this 16th of " in the end of September or the be-

October is going the Paragon with 67 ginning of October" previous. — Ed.
persons." In his Generall Historie, § See p. 107. — Ed.

1G23.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 139

them what he pleased, to hold of liirn. as tenants, and sue
to his court's as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which
follows. But y e Lord marvelously crost him ; for after
this first returne, and y e charge above mentioned, when
shoe was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in
more passengers, and those not very good to help to bear
his losses, -and sets out y e 2. time. But [99] what y e event'
was will appear from another leter from one of y e cheefe
of y e company, dated y e 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to y e Gov r
hear, as followeth.

Loving freind, when I write my last Jeter, I hoped to have re-
ceived one from you well-nigh by this time. But* when I write
in Des: I litle thought to have seen M r . John Peirce till he had
brought some good tidings from you. But it pleased God, he
brought 'us y e wofuli tidings of his returne when he was half-way
over, by extraime tempest, werin y e goodnes & mercie of God
appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so
great to M r . Peirce, &c, and y e companie put upon so great
charge, as veryly, &c.

•Now with great trouble & loss, we have got M r . John Peirce
to assigne over y e grand patcnte* to y e companie,f which he had
taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante.
I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke y l the hand of God
was justly against him, both y e first and 2. time of his returne ;
in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only
to use his name for y e company, should aspire to be lord over us
all, and so make you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, our
assurance or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means.
I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to part

* It appears from the Council rec- It appears also that the colony was

ords of Loudon, in the State Paper Of- called, in England, Peirce's Plantation,

fice, abstracts of which were made by Under the date of May 18th, 1G23, it is

the Hew J. B. Felt, that on the 20th of slated, that the difficulty between John

April, 1G22, Peirce obtained a grant for Peirce and his associates is settled,

himself and associates as a joint inter- This patent is not extant, and it may

cm ; but on the same day gave this up, never have been sent to the colony. In

am! procured a patent or " Deed Pole " the first patent, alluded to on page 107,

of the said lands to himself, for his heirs, Peirce is styled "citizen and cloth-

a^uciates, and assigns for ever. With worker of London." — Ed.
ibis proceeding the adventurers in f " By this Company seems to be

Plymouth colony find fault, and con- meant the Adventurers to Plymouth

ccive themselves deceived by Peirce. Colony." Prince,!. 136. — Ed.

140 HISTORY OF [liOOK II.

with his royall Lordship, and y e high-rate he set it at, which
was 500 u . which cost him but 50 H ., males many spcake and
judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship,
with charge aboute y e passengers, 640\ &c.

We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. tunes,
calcd y 3 Anne, which is to be ready y e last of this month, to
bring 60. passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c.

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623.

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this
mans dealing & proceedings ; for I thought it more meete
to render them in theirs then my owne words. And yet
though ther was never got other recompence then the res-
ignation of this patente, and y e shares he had in adventure,
for all y c former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued
them in most of y e cheefe courts in England, and when. he
was still cast, brought it to y e Parlemente. But he is now
dead, and I will leave him to y e Lord.

This ship suffered y u greatest extreemitie at sea at her
2. returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved ; as I
have been informed by M r . William Peirce who was then
m r . of her, and many others that were passengers in her.
It was aboute y e midle of Feb: The storme was for y e
most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days & nights to-
geather in most violent extremitie. After they had" cut
downe their mast, y e storme beat of their round house and
all their uper works ; 3. men had worke enough at y e
helme, and he that cund* y e ship before y e sea, was faine
[100] to be bound fast for washing away ; the seas did so
over-rake them, as many times those upon y e clecke knew
not whether they were within bord or withoute ; and once
she was so foundered in y 3 sea as they all thought she
would never rise againe. But yet y c Lord preserved them,
and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to y e won-

* CnnJi, Cond, or Conn, (sea-term,) the word of direction to the man at the

11 to conduct or guide a ship in the right helm how to steer." Phillips's World

course, fox he that conns stands aloft of Words. " lie that cund " the Par-

with a compass before him, and gives agon was probably not " a4oft." — Kn.

1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 141

der of all men y l saw in what a case she was in, and heard
what they had endured.

About y e later end of June came in a ship, with Cap-
taine Francis West, who had a comission to be admirali
of ]NTew-England,* to restraine interlopers, and shuch fish-
ing ships as came to fish & trade without a licence from
y e Coimsell of New-England, for which they should pay
a round sume of money. But he could doe no good of
them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found y e
fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And their owners,
upon complaintc made to y G Parlemente, procured an order
y l fishing should be free.-]- He tould y e Gov r they spookc
with a ship at sea, and were abord her, y l was coming for
this plantation, in which were sunclrie passengers, and
they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some mis-
cariage ; for they lost her in a storme J that fell shortly
after they had been abord. Which relation filled them
full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m r . of this ship
had some 2. Mi of pease to sell, but seeing their wants,
held them at 9 H . sterling a hoggshead, & under S H . he
would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under
rate. But they tould him they had lived so long with out,
and would doe still, rather then give so unreasonably. So
' they went from hence to Virginia. §

.* " Nov. 2d, 1622, Order for Captain The bill first reported on the 17th of
Francis West's commission, to be ap- March, 1623-4, passed, but never re-
pointed Admiral of New England, to ceived the royal assent. See Bancroft,
go out in the ship ealled the Plantation. I. 326, 327. — Ed.
Nov. 2d. Captain Thomas Squib was J Prince, I. 137, citing this History
commissioned as aid to the Admiral, at this place, says, "lost her mast in
Nov. 30th. Captain West's commission a storm," &c, whieh a ^inspection of
as Admiral of New England sealed." the original manuscript shows to be
Felt's Memoranda from the Council Rec- an inaccurate reading of the text. — Ed.
ords. — Ed. § I may not here omite how, not-
t The question of the fisheries occa- withstand all their great paines & in-
sioned an earnest debate in Parliament, dustrie, and y e great hops of a large
and the Great Patent of New England cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, A:
was denounced as a monopoly. "Shall take away the same, and to threaten
none," observed Coke to Sir F. Gorges, further £c more sore famine unto them,
** M&it the sea-coast for fishing? This by a great drought which continued
is to make a monopoly upon ihe seas, from ye 3. weeke in May, till about
which were wont to be free. If you ye rnidle of July, without any nimo,
alone are to pack and dry fish, you at- and with great heat (for y e most pane),
tempt a monopoly of the wind and sun." insomuch as y* corne begane to wither

142

HISTORY OF

[book II.

About 14. days after came in this ship, ealecl y e Anne.
wherof M r . William Peirce was m r ., and aboute a weekc
or 10. days after eame in y e pinass* which in foule
weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 41.
tuue,*}* which y c company had builte to stay in the cuntric.
They brought about GO. persons J for y e generall, some of
them being very usefull persons, and became good mem-

away, though it was set with fishe, the
moysture wherof helped it much. Yet
at length it begane to languish sore,
and some of y e drier grounds were
parlched like withered hay, part wherof
was never recovered. Upon which they
sett a parte a solemne day of humillia-
tion, to seek y e Lord by humble & fer-
vente prayer, in this great distrese.
And he was pleased to give them a gra-
cious & speedy answer, both to their
owne, & the Indeans admiration, that
lived amongest them. For all y e morn-
ing, and greatest part of the day, it was
clear weather &- very hotte, and not a
cloud or any signe of raine to be seen,
yet toward evening it begane to over-
cast, and shortly after to raine, with
shuch sweete and gentle showers, as
gave them cause of rejoyceing, & bles-
ing God. It came, without either wind,
or thunder, or any violence, and by de-
greese in yt abundance, as that y e earth
was thorowly wete and soked therwith.
Which did so apparently revive & quick-
en y e decayed corne & other fruits, as
was wonderfull to see, and made y e In-
deans astonished to behold ; and after-
wards the Lord sent them shuch season-
able showers, with enterchange of faire
warme weather, as, through Lis bless-
ing, caused a fruitfull & liberall harvest,
to their no small comforte and rejoycing.
For which mercie (in time conveniente)
they also sett aparte a day of thanks-
giveing. This being overslipt in its
place, I thought meet here to inserte
y e same.

[The ahove is written on the reverse
of page 103 of the original, and should
properly he inserted here. This pas-
sage, l * being overslipt in its place,"
the author at first wrote it, or the most
of it, under the preceding year; but,
discovering his error before completing
it, drew his pen across it, and wrote
beneath, " This is to be here rased out,
and is to be placed on page 103, wher

it is inserted." The compiler of the
Memorial, however, very blindly places
the passage under the year 1622. — Ld.

* " In the latter end of July, and the
beginning of August, came two ships
with supply unto us; who brought all
their passengers, except one, in health,
who recovered in short time ; who,
also, notwithstanding all our wants and
hardship, blessed be God ! found not
any one sick person amongst us at the
Plantation. The bigger ship, called the
Anne, was hired and there again freight-
ed back ; from whence we set sail the
10th of September. The lesser, called
the Little James, was built fur Vhe com-
pany at their charge. She was now also
fitted for trade and discovery to the
southward of Cape Cod." Winslow,
in Young, pp. 351 - 353. — Ed.

f The" Little James, " Mr. Bridges
being master thereof." Morton's Me-
morial, p. 48. — Ed.

J See list of passengers in Young,
p. 352. This list and that of the pas-
sengers who came in the Fortune, in .
1G21, are obtained from the record of
the allotment of lands, in 1624 ; for
which see Hazard, L 101-103. Among
the passengers in the Anne were George
Morton and family, which included his
son Nathaniel Morton, afterwards dis-
tinguished as the Secretary of the col-
ony, and the compiler of "New-Eng-
land's Memoriall." Nathaniel was
twelve years old when he arrived. In the
preface to his book he styles Governor
Bradford " my much honored uncle " ;
and it is said that his mother was a sis-
ter of Bradford. See Davis's edition
of the Memorial, preface.

Mrs. Alice South worth, widow, came
with these passengers, and on the 14th
of August, about a fortnight after her
arrival, was married to Governor Brad-
ford, heing the fourth marriage in the
colony. See p. 71, note *; Prince, I.
140. — Ed.

1G23.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 143

bers to y e body, and some were y e wives and children of
shucli as were hear allrcady. And some were so bad, as
they were fame to be at charge to send them home againe
y e next year. Also, besids these tlier came a company,
that did not belong to y e generall body, but came one* their
pcrticuler, and were to have lands assigned them, and be
for them selves, yet to be subjecte to y c generall Gover-
ment ; which caused some diferance and disturbance
[101] amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall hear
againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shucli
leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest
things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my owne,
as much as may be, without tediousness.

Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of your
healths & wellfare, being right sorie y l no supplie hath been
made to you all this while ; for defence wher of, I must referr
you to our generall leters. Naitheir indeed have we now sent
you many things, which we should & would, for want of money.
But persons, more then inough, (though not all we should,) for
people come flying in upon us, but monys eome creeping in to
us. Some few of your old freinds are eome, as, &c. So they
come droping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall
cnjoye them all. And because people press so hard upon us to
goe, and often shuch as are none of y e fitest, I pray you write
ernestly to y e Treasurer and directe what persons should' be
sente. It greeveth me to see so weake a company sent yon,
and yet had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must
still call upon the eompany hear to see y l honest men be sente
you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, &c.
We are not any way so much in danger, as by eorrupte an
noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my con-
scnte; but y e importunitie of their freinds got promise of our
Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we should take
any lewd men, for we may have honest men enew, &e.f

Your assured freind,

R. C.J

• 0».— -Ed. the Anne, which the adventurers hoped

t 'l'liere is no date to this and the to despatch by the end of April. See

fallowing letter, but they were probably p. HO. — Ed.

written about the time of *he sailing of J Robert Cushman. — Ed.

144 HISTORY OF [BOOK

II.

The following was from y e genrall.

Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love aii'l
harty affection ; being yet in hope y l the same God which hath
hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet continue
your lives and health, to his owne praise and all our comfort-.
Being right sory that you have not been sent unto all this time,
&c. We have- in this ship sent shuch women, as were willing
and ready to goe to their husbands and freinds, with their chil-
dren, &c. We would not have you discontente, because wu
have not sent you more of your old freinds, and in spetiall, him *
on whom you most depend. Farr be it from us to neelecte yon,
or contemn e him. But as y e intent e was at first, so y c eventc
at last shall shew it, that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer
your expectations to the full. Ther are also come unto you,
some honest men to plant upon their particulers besids you. A
thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong
both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more
inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will be
a strengthening to y e place, and good neighbours [102] unto
you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we have lik-
wise signified them hear. First, y e trade for skins to be retained
for the generall till y e devidente ; 2^. y : their setling by you, be
with shuch distance of place as is neither inconvenient for y e
lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your speedy & easie assem-
bling togeather.

We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, &c. Diverse
other provissions we have sente you, as will appear in your bill
of lading, and though we have not sent all we would (because
our cash is small), yet it is y l we could, &c.

And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more
rivers and fertill grounds then y l wher you are, yet seeing by
Gods providence y l place fell to you r lote, let it be accounted as
your portion ; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which may be
done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher. If your
place be not y e best, it is better, you shall be y e less envied and
encroached upon ; and shueh as are earthly minded, will not
sctle too near your border.f If y c land afford you bread, and
y e sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while contented, God will one

* I. R. f This proved rather, a propheti, then advice.

1G23.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 145

day afford you better fare. And all men shall know you are
neither fugetives nor discontents. But can, if God so order it,
take y c worst to your selves, with content,* & leave y e best to
your neighbours, with cherfullnes.

Let it not be greeveous unto you y l you have been instru-
ments to breake y e ise for others who come after with less difi-
cnliy, the honour shall be yours to y e worlds end, &c.

AVe bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection is '
towards you all, as are y e harts of hundreds more which never
saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as their owne,
as we our selves both doe & ever shall, that y e same God which
hath so marvclously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine,
will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you
honourable amongst men, and glorious in blise at y e last day.
And so y e Lord be with you all & send us joyfull news from
you, and inable us with one shoulder so to accomplish & per-
fecte this wbrke, as much.glorie may come to Him y l confound-
eth y e mighty by the weak, and maketh small thinges great.
To whose greatnes, be all glorie for ever & ever.

This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.

These passengers, when they saw their low & poore
condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, and
according to their diverse humores were diversly affected ;
some wished them selves in England againe ; others fell
a weeping, fancying their own ruiseric in what y ey saw
now in others ; other some pitying the distress they saw
their freinds had been long in, and still were under; in a
word, all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old
freinds rejoysed to see them, and y l it was no worse with
them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and
now hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And
truly it was [103] no marvell they should be thus affected,
for they were in a very low condition, many were ragged
in aparell, & some litle beter then halfe naked ; though
some y l were stord before, were well enough in this re-
gard. But for food they were all alike, save some y l had

* Contend in the manuscript. — Ed.

19

146 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

o-ot a few pease of y e ship y l was last hear. The best dish
they could presente their freinds with was a lobster, or ;>
peece of fish, without bread or any thing els but a cupj»
of fair spring water. And y c long continuance of this
diatc, and their labours abroad, had something abated x"
freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them
health and strength in a good measure ; and shewed them
by experience y e truth of y l word, Deut. 8. 3. Y c man Ik-
eth not by bread only, but by every wordy 1 proceedeth out of
y e mouth ofy e Lord doth a man live.

When I think how sadly y e scripture speaks of the fam-
ine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, Goe buy
us food, that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and
43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in the land ;
and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of
sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produsc
other food, as milke, butter & cheese, &c, and yet it
was counted a sore affliction ; theirs hear must needs be
very great, therfore, who not only wanted the staffe of
bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too.
But God fedd them out of y c sea for y e most parte, so
wonderfull is his providence over his in all ages ; for his
mercie endureth for ever.

On y e other hand the old planters were affraid that their
- corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to y c new-
comers, whose provissions w ch they brought with them
they feared would fall short before y c year wente aboute
(as indeed it did). They came to y° Gov r and besought
him that as it was before agreed that they should set cornc
for their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken ex-
traordinary pains ther aboute, that they might freely
injoyc the same, and they would not have a bitte of y c
victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne, and
let y° new-comers injoye what they had brought; they
would have none of it, excepte they could purchase any of
it of them by bargaine or exchainge. Their requeste was

1G23.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 147

granted them, for it gave both sides good contente ; for y c
new-comers were as much afraid that y c hungrie planters
would have eat up y e provissions brought, and they should
have fallen into y e like condition.

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by
y c help of many hands. Also they sente in her all y e
beaver and other furrs they had, & J\P. Winslow was sent
over with her,* to informe of all things, and procure such
tilings as were thought needfull for their presente con-
dition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of
famine, now God gave them plentie, and y e face of things
was changed, to y° rejoysing of y e harts of many, for which
they blessed God. And y e effect of their particular plant-
ing was well seene, for all had, one way & other, pretty
well to bring y c year aboute, and some of y e abler sorte
and more [104] industrious had to spare, and sell to oth-
ers, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been
amongst them since to this day.

. Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater
matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute
building great houses, and such pleasant situations for
them, as them selves had fancied ; as if they would be great
men & rich, all of a sudaine ; but they proved castls in
y° aire. These were y e conditions agreed on betw T eene y°
colony and them.

First, that y e Gov r , in y e name and with y e consente of
y" company, doth in all love and frendship receive and im-
hrace them ; and is to allote them competente places for
habitations within y c towne. And promiseth to shew
them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for
them to desire, or us to performe.

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such
laws & orders as are already made, or hear after shall be,
for f publick good.

• The Anne sailed the 10th of September. See p. Ill, note, and p. 142,
rune*. — Ed.

148

HISTORY OF

[BOOK II.

3. That they be freed and exempte from y e generall
imployments of the said company, (which their presents
condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte commune de-
fence, & such other imployments as tend to y e perpetuall
good of y e collony.

4 Iy . Towards y e maintenance of Gov rt , & publick officers
of y e said collony, every male above y e age of 16. years
shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or y e worth of it, into
y e commone store.

5 Iy . That (according to y e agreemente y e marchants made
with y m before they came) they are to be wholy debarcd
from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and
such like commodities, till y e time of y e comunallitie be
ended.

About y e midle of September arrived Captaine Eobart
Gorges * in y e Bay of y e Massachusets, with sundrie pas-

* Robert Gorges had a grant of land
in Massachu setts, from the Council of
New England, dated December 30th,
1622. lie was sent over to reform
abuses committed by the fishermen and
other interlopers, and to regulate the
affairs of the corporation. " My son
Robert-Gorges," writes Sir Ferdinand,
" being newly come out of the Venetian
war, was the man they were pleased to
pitch upon, being one of the Company,
and interested in a proportion of the land
with the rest of the patentees, in the
Bay of Majcchewsct ^containing ten miles
in breadth, and thirty miles into the
main land, who between my Lord Gorges
and myself was speedily sent away into
the said Bay of Nassechewset, where he
arrived about the beginning of August
following, Anno 1623, that being°the
place he resolved to make his residence,
as proper for the publie, as well as for
his private, where landing his provisions,
and building his storehouses, he sent to
them of New-Plymouth (who by his
commission were authorized to be his
assistants) to come unto him, who will-
ingly obeyed his order, and as carefully
discharged their duties," &c. See
Gorges's Briefe Narration, p. 33. Rob-
ert Gorges's patent, which is in the
same work, pp. 34-37, is described as

lying on the northeast side of Massa-
chusetts Bay, together with all the
shores and coasts along the sea, for ten
English miles in a straight line towards
the northeast, and thirty English miles
unto the main land. This was " loose
and uncertain." After his death the
grant fell to his eldest brother, John
Gorges, who, in January, 1628-0, con-
veyed a portion of the territory to Sir
William Brereton, who sent over fam-
ilies and servants to occupy it.

John Oldham was also interested in
a grant or " lease " under this 'patent,
and both he and Breretoa occasioned
some trouble to the Massachusetts Com-
pany, whose subsequent grant embraced
all this territory. Their claims were
not acknowledged, and the title of Old-
ham appears to have been considered
by this Company " void in law." For
a full history of these claims, see Hutch-
inson's History of Massachusetts, Hi
ed., I ; 6, 7; Maine Hist. Coll., II. 46,
47 ; Young's Chronicles of Massachu-
setts, pp. 51,52, 122, 123, 147, 148.
169-171. Possibly Governor Gorges
may have " pitched upon the place Mr.
Weston's people had forsaken" for his
settlement, supposing it to be embraced
within his grant. — Ed.

1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 149

sengers and families, intending ther to begine a planta-
tion ; and pitched upon y e place M r . Weston's people had
forsaken. He had a coinission from y e Counsell of New-
England, to be generall Gove r of y e ciratrie, and they ap-
poynted for his counsell & assistance, Captaine Francis
"West, y e aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite* Esquire,
and y e Gov* of Plimoth for y e time beeing, &c. Allso,
they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should
find fit. Allso, they gave (by their coinission) full power
to him & his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him
selfe was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them
should secme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and
Civill, &c., with diverce other instructions. Of which, &
his coinission, it pleased him to suffer y e Gov r hear to take
a coppy,

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before
they could visite him he w r ent to y e eastward with y e ship
he came in ; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a
good pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for
this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly enter-
tained ; he stayed hear 14. days. In y e mean time came
in M r . Weston with his small ship, which he had now re-
covered. [105] Captaine Gorges tooke hold of y° oppor-
tunitie, and acquainted y e Gov r hear, that one occasion of
his going to y c eastward w 7 as to meete with M r . Weston,

* On his return to England, Levett month, in which time he sent fur his
published an account of his " Voyage men from the east, who came over in
into New England, begun in 1G23, and divers ships. " At this place," he says,
ended in 1G24." During his residence " I met with the Governor [Gorges],
in the country, he appears to have con- who came thither in a bark which he
fined his attention chiefly to the eastern had from one M. Weston about twenty
coast, which he explored for the pur- days before I arrived in the land. The
pose of selecting a place for a settle- Governor then told me that I was joined
nicnt ; and pitched upon a spot called with him in commission as a council-
Quack, named by him York, for that lor, which being read I found it was so.
purpose. The location of this place is And he then, in the presence of three
uncertain,neither name being preserved, more of tbe council, administered unto
lie describes it as " about two leagues me an oath." Levett speaks of Cape
lo the cast of Cape Elizabeth." Soon Ann, Massachusetts, and Plymouth,
alter liis arrival, he visited the plantation neither of which places did he visit.
»»f Mr. Thompson at the mouth of the See Maine Hist, Coll., II. 79, 60, b4,
1'iscataqua, where he stayed about one 85. — Ed.

150 HISTORY OF [BOOK 11.

and call hiui to aceounte for some abuses he had to lay to
his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and
some other of his assistants, with y e Gov r of this place ;
and charged him, first, with y c ille carriage of his men at
y° Massachusets ; by which means the peace of y e euntriu
was disturbed, and him selfe & the people which he had
brought over to plante in that bay were therby much
prejudised. To this M r . Weston easily answered, that
what was that way done, was in his absence, and might
have bcfalen any man ; he left them sufficently provided,
and conceived they would have been well governed ; and
for any errour comitted he had sufficiently smarted. This
particular was passed by. A 2 d . was, for an abuse done to
his father, S r . Eerdenando Gorges, and to y e State. The
thing was this ; he used him & others of y e Counsell of
New-England, to procure him a licence for y e transporting
of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, pre-
tending great fortification hear in y e countrie, & I know
not what shipping. The which when he had obtained, he
went and soulcl them beyond seas for his private profite ;
for which (lie said) y° State was much offended, and his
father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to ap-
prehend him for it. M r . Weston excused it as well as he
could, but could not deney it ; it being one maine thing
(as was said) for which he with-drew himself. But after
many passages, by y e mediation of y e Gov r and some other
frcinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though he apre-
hended y e abuse of his father deeply) ; which, when M r .
Weston saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such
provocking & cutting speches, as made him rise up in great
indignation & distemper, and vowed y l he would either
curb him, or send him home for England. At which M r .
Weston was something danted, and came privatly to y c
Gov r hear, to know whether they would suffer Captaine
Gorges to apprehend him. He was tould they could not
hinder him, but much blamed him, y l after they had paci-

1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 151

ficd things, he should thus breakc out, by his owne folly
& rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe & them too*
He confest it was his passion, and prayd y e Gov r to entreat
for him, and pacifie him if he could. The which at last
he did, with much adoe ; so he was called againe, and y e
Gov r# was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to
make further answer, when either he or y e lords should
send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and
ther was a freldly parting on all hands.

But after he was gone, M r . Weston in lue of thanks to
y e Gov T and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind
their baks) for all their pains. That though* they were
but yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus
they parted at this time, and shortly after y e Gov r tooke
his leave' and went to, y e Massachusets by land, being very
thankfull for his kind entertainemente. The ship stayed
hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some
passengers ther to deliver; and with her returned sun-
drie of those from hence which came over on their per-
ticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of y e cuntrie ;
others by reason of a fire f that broke out, and burnt y e
houses they lived in, and all their provisions [10G] so as
they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned
by' some of y c sea-men that were roystering in a house
wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in very could
weather, which broke out of y e chimney into y e thatch,
and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses,J and consumed all y e
goods & provissions in y m . The house in which it begane
was right against their store-house, which they had much
adoe to save, in which were their coiiione store & all their

* That is, Governor Gorges. — Ed. J " Smith says there were seven

t " This was on the fifth of Novem- houses burnt ; but perhaps by mistake

ber, 1G24 [1623]." Morton's Memo- he may account therewith the two

rial, p. 51. Among those who met burnt in 1C21 ; and Mr. Hubbard seems

with losses by this fire, and went bade to mistake in writing as if the common

to England at this time, was Mr. Timo- house were burnt, whereas the fire was

thy llatherly, who came in the Anne, only right over against it, and greatly

He subsequently returned to the colony, endangered it." Prince, I. 142. — Kn.
Ibid., p. 47. — Ed.

152 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

provissions ; y e which if it had been lost, y e plantation
had been overthrowne. But through Gods mercie it was
saved by y e great dilligence of y e people, & care of y*
Gov r & some aboute him. Some "would have had y e goods
throwne out ; but if they had, ther "would much have been
stolne by the rude company y l belonged to these 2. ships,
which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company
was plased within, as w r ell as those that with wet-cloaths
& other means kept of y° fire without, that if necessitie
required they might have them out with all speed. For
y ey suspected some malicious dealling, if not plaine treach-
erie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows ;
but this is certaine, that when y e tumulte was greatest,
ther Avas a voyce heard (but from whom it was not
knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all
were not freinds y l were near them. And shortly after,
wiien the vemencie of y e fire w r as over, smoke was seen to
arise within a shed y l w r as joynd to y e end of y e store-
house, which was watled up with bowes, in y 8 withered
leaves wherof y e fire w T as kindled, which some, ruiiing to
quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, lying
under y e w T ale on y e inside, which could not possibly come
their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand,
in y e judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them
from this deanger, what ever was intended.

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, y c generall Gov r , was
come home to y e Massachusets, he sends a warrante to
arrest M r . Weston & his ship, and sends a m r . to bring
her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged
to him) to conducte him along. The Gov r & others hear
were very sory to see him take this course, and tooke ex-
ception at y e warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente ; and
withall write to him to disswade him from this course,
shewing him y l he would but entangle and burthen him
selfe in doing this ; for he could not doe M r . Weston a
better turne, (as things stood with him) ; for he had a

1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 153

great many men that belonged to him in this barke, and
was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and was in a mailer
out of victails (and now winter) ; all which would light
upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In y e mean time
M r . Weston had notice to shift for him sclfe ; but it was
conceived he cither knew not whither to goe, or how to
mend him selfe, but was rather glad of y e occasion, and so
stirred not. But y e Gov r would not be perswaded, but
[107] sent a very formall warren te under his hand &
seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to y c
state ; he also write that he had better considered of things
since he was hear, and he could not answer it to let him
goe so ; bcsids other things that were come to his knowl-
edge since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered
to proceedc, but he found in the end that to be true that
was tould him ; for when an inventorie was taken of what
was in y° ship, ther was not vitailes found for above 14.
days, at a pare allowance, and not much else of any great
worth, & the men did so crie out of him for wages and
diate, in y e mean time, as made him soone weary. So as
in conclusion it turned to his loss, and y c expence of his
owne provissions ; and towards the spring they came to
agreement, (after they had bene to y e eastward,) and y c
Gov r restord him his vessell againe, and made him satis-
faction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what
he* had made use of that was his, or what his men had
any way wasted or consumed. So M r . Weston* came
hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Vir-
ginie, & so for present I shall leave him.f

* Thomas Morton, in his New Eng- knew them well, admits that they were

Hsh Canaan, gives an incoherent account " men made choice of at all adven-

of Weston's arrest, and of the seizure tures, . . . many of them lazy persons

of his ship ; and intimates that the Ply- that would use no endeavor to take the

mouth planters connived at the act, benefit of the country." Christopher

which latter is not to be credited. Levett, before cited, bears a similar

M cston's misfortunes appear to have testimony. See New English Canaan,

excited the sympathy of Bradford. Of pp. 10G, 108, 113-115 ; Levett's Voy-

ihe character of the men composing his age, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII. 1S~-

plantation, all contemporary accounts — En.

agree. Even Thomas Morton, who f He dyed afterwards at Bristol!, in

20

154

HISTORY OF

[booi

K II.

The Gov r and some y l depended upon him returned for
England, haveing scarcly saluted y c cuntrie in his Gover-
mente, not finding the state of things hear to answer his
quallitie & condition. The peopl dispersed them selves,
some Avent for England, others for Virginia, some few re-
mained, and were helped with supplies from hence. The
Gov r brought over a minister with him, one M T . Morell,*
who, about a year after y e Gov r returned, tooke shipping
from hence. He had I know not what power and author-
ity of superintendancie over other churches granted him,
and sundrie instructions for that end ; but he never shewed
it, or made any use of it ; (it should seeme he' saw 7 it was
in vaine ;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going
away. This was in effect y 6 end of a 2. plantation in that
place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings
made in other places, as at Paskataway, by M r . David
Thomson,! at Monhigen, J and some other places by sun-
drie others.

y c time of the warrs, of y e sicknes in
yt place.

* Mr. William Worrell was an Epis-
copal clergyman, and a person of fine
classical taste. " During his residence
in the country he was employed in com-
posing a Latin poem descriptive of JSew
England, its inhabitants and produc-
tions/' of which he made a free trans-
lation into English verse ; and after his
return to England published them both
in one pamphlet. See 1 Mass. Hist,
Coll., 1, 125-139; Davis's edition of
the Memorial, pp. 108, 109. — Ed.

f Thompson was sent over by Mason
and Gorges, — who, the year before,
had procured the Laconia grant, — and
commenced the settlement, in the spring
of this year, at a place called Little
Harbor, on the west side of Piscata-
qua River, near its mouth. He proba-
bly remained there till 1G26, although
Hubbard states that " he removed down
into the Massachusetts Bay within a
year after" he began that plantation.
It is certain, from this History, that
he was residing at Piscataqua in 1G2G ;
for Bradford speaks of " Mr. David
Thomson, who lived at Pascataway,"

as joining Winslow and himself in a
trading expedition that year to Monhe-
gan. It further appears, from the Mass.
Colony Records, that " in and about the
year 1G26 " Thompson took possession
of the island in Boston harbor which
bears his name, " and did erect the form
of a habitation" there. He died soon
after, leaving an infant son, to whom
and his heirs, in 1648, the Court did
" grant the said island." See further
under the year 16*26 ; Winslow, in
Young, pp. 350, 351 ; Adams's Annals
of Portsmouth, p. 10 ; Records of Mas-
sachusetts, edited by Nathaniel B.
ShurtlefT, M. D., III. 129, 130. — Ed.
J Monhegan Island was in ancient
times the most famous one on the sea-
board of Maine. It was the land ar-
rived at and first mentioned by the orig-
inal voyagers and fishermen who visited
these shores. In 162G, Abraham Shurte
was sent over by El bridge and AUls-
worth, who purchased the island ot
Abraham Jennings, of Plymouth, Eng-
land, for which he gave £ 50. See
Williamson's History of Maine, p. CI.
— Ed.

1G23.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION, 155

It rests now y* I speake a word aboute y e piilass* spoken
of before, which was sent by y e adventurers to be imployed
in y° cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out,f
and I fear y e adventurers did over pride them selves in
her, for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly
in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a sufficiente
maister, yet she was ruclly mailed, and all her men were
upon shars, and none was to have any wages but y e m r .
2 1 -', wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent noth-
ing of any value to trade with. When the men came
hear, and mette with ill counsell from M r . Weston & his
erne, with others of y e same stampe, neither m r nor Gov r
could scarce rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they
were abused & deceived, for they were tould they should
goe for a man of warr, and take I know not whom, French
fc Spaniards, &c. They would neither trade nor fish, ex-
cepte they had wages ; in fine, they would obey no coinand
of y e maisters ; so as it was apprehended they would either
rune away with y e vessell, or get away w th y e ships, and
leave her ; so as M r . Peirce & others of their freinds per-
swaded the Gov r to chaing their condition, and give them
wages ; which was accordingly done. And she was sente
about y e Cape to y e Narigansets to trade, but they made
but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they
got,' but y e Dutch used to furnish them with cloath &
better comodities, they haveing only a few beads &
knives, which were not ther much esteemed. Allso, in
her returne home, at y e very entrance into ther owne liar-
bore, she had like to have been cast away in a storme,
and was forced to cut her maine mast by y e bord, to save
herselfe from driving on y e flats that lye without, caled
Hrowns Hands, J the force of y e wind being so great as

# The Little James, See p. 140.— Ed. er's Plymouth, p. 331. On the 6th of

t ^ ith herflages, & streamers, pen- October, 1G35, *' two shallops, going,

dents, &. wastcloaths, &c. laden with goods, to Connecticut, wore

_ t t\ hich lie " about half a mile east taken in the night with an easterly

by north from Beach Point." Thach- storm, and cast away upon Brown's

156 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

made her anchors give way and she drive right upon
them ; but her mast & talding being gone, they held her
till y e wind shifted.

Anno Dom: 1624.

The time of new election of ther officers for this year
being come, and y e number of their people increased, and
their troubls and occasions therwith, the Gov r desired
them to chainge y e persons, as well as renew y e election ;
and also to adde more Assistans to y e Gov r for help &
counsell, and y c better carrying on of affairs. Showiug
that it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour
or benefite, it was fitte others should be made pertakers of
it; if it was a burthen, (as doubtles it.was,) it was but
equall others should help to bear it ; and y l this was y*
end of Aiiuall Elections. The issue was, that as before
ther was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the
Gov r a duble voyce ; * and aftwards they increased them
to 7. which course hath continued to this day.

.They having with some truble & charge new-masted
and rigged their pinass, in y c begining of March they
sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She
arived safly at a place near Damarins cove, and w T as there
w r ell harbored in a place wher ships used to ride, ther
bqing also some ships allready arived out of England.
But shortly after ther [109] arose such a violent & extra-
ordinaire storme, as y e seas broak over such places in y c
harbor as was never seene before, and drive her against
great roks, which beat such a hole in her bulke, as a
horse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her
into deep-water, wher she lay sunke. The m r . was
drowned, the rest of y e men, all save one, saved their
lives, with much a doe ; all her provision, salt, and what

Island, near the Gurnett's Nose, and * Governor Bradford was not suffered
the men all drowned." Savage's Win- to retire, but was re-elected. — Ed.
throp, I. 109. — Ed.

162-1.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 157

els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to
lye till afterward.

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticu-
ler, begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie
to a strong faction that was among y e adventurers in Eng-
land, on whom sundry of them did depend, by their pri-
vate whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of y e *
company to their side, and so filld them with discontente,
as nothing would satisfie them excepte they might be
suffered to be in their perticuler allso ; and made great
offers, so they might be freed from y e generall. The Gov r
consulting with y e ablest of y e generall body what was
best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them
so to doe, upon equall conditions. The conditions were
the sanie in effect with y e former before related. Only
some more added, as that they should be bound here to
remaine till y e generall partnership was ended. And also
that they should pay into y e store, y e on halfe of all such
goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above
their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed
out for them, with some such like things. This liberty
granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that
undertooke this course when it came too ; and they were
as sone weary of it. For the other had pers waded them,
& M r . Weston togeather, that ther would never come more
supply to y e generall body ; but y e perticulers had such
freinds as would carry all, and doe for them I know not
what.

Shortly after, M r . Winslow came over,* and brought a

* Morton says, "in the month of mentioned it ; and we are therefore led

March." According lo this History, it to infer that an error exists either in the

appears that Winslow andLyford came Colony Records, or in this History, as

in the same ship which brought the first to the name of this ship. It will be ob-

cattlc ; and this is called the Charity, served that she is called the " Charine"

In the Plymouth Records relative to the in Shcrley's letter on the following page,

division of cattle, in 1G27, it is stated It appears, further on, that the master

that they ^verc brought in the Ann. If of this ship was " one Baker,*' who

both ships had arrived at this time, with proved " a drunken beast " ; but Mr.

passengers and supplies for the colony, it William Peireewas to oversee the busi-

eccius probable that Bradford would have ness and to be the master of the ship

158 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing
fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers & a bull,
the first begining of any catle of that kind in y e land, with
some cloathing & other necessaries, as will further appear;
but withall y e reporte of a strong faction amongst the ad-
venturers* against them, and espetially against y e coming
of y e rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply
was procured, and how, by their strong & long opposision,
bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne
too late for y e fishing season, but the best men were taken
up of y e fishermen in y e west countrie, and he was forct
to take such a m r . & company for that imployment as he
could procure upon y e present. Some letters from them
shall beter declare these things, being as followeth.

[110] Most worthy & loving freinds, your kind & loving
leters I have received, and render you many thanks, &e. It
hath plased God to stirre up y e harts of our adventurers* to raise
a new stock for y e seting forth of this shipe, ealed y e Charitie,
with men & necessaries, both for y e plantation and y e fishing,
though accomplished with very great difficulty ; in regard we
have some amongst us which undoubtedly aime more at their
owne private ends, and y e thwarting & opposing of some hear,
and other worthy instruments f of Gods glory elswher, then at
y e generall good and furtherance of this noble & laudable action.
Yet againe we have many other, and I hope y e greatest parte,
very honest Christian men, which I am perswaded their ends
and intents are wholy for y e glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in
y e propagation of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore
salvages to y e knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe.
One seabed sheep may marr a whole floek, so these maleeontent-
ed persons, & turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to with-
draw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even from
y° generall bussines ; and yet under show and pretence of godly*
nes and furtherance of y e plantation. Wlieras the quite con-
trary doth plainly appeare ; as some of y e honester harted men
(though of late of their faction) did make manifest at our late

home. See Davis's edition of the Me- * Adventures in the manuscript. —

morial, p. Ill, note, and Appendix, pp. Ed.

381 - 386. — Ed. t He means M'. Robinson.

1(524.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 159

meeting. But what should I trouble you or my selfe with these
resiles opposcrs of all goodnes, and I doubte will be continuall
disturbers of our frendly meetings & love. On Thurs-day y e S.
of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the artiekls between e you &
us; wrier they would rejeete that, which we in our late leters
prest yon to grante, (an addition to y c time of our joynt stock).
And their reason which they would make known .to us was, it
trobled their conscience to exacte longer time of you then was
agreed upon at y e first. But that night they were so followed
and erost of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied,
and offered to sell their adventurs ; and some were walling to
buy. But I, doubting they would raise more scandale and false
reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of in
such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adventurers
amongst us, would not suffer them. But on y c 12. of Jan : we
had another meting, but in the interime diverse of us had talked
with most of them privatly, and had great combats co reason-
ing, pro & con. But at night when we mete to read y e generall
letter, we had y e loveingest and frendlyest meeting that ever I
knew,* and our greatest enemise offered to lend us oO^. So. I
sent for a potle of wine, (I would you could f doe y e like,) which
we - dranke freindly together. Thus God can turne y e harts of
men when it pleaseth him, &c. Thus loving freinds, I hartily
salute you all in y e Lord, hoping ever to rest,

Yours to my power,
Jan: 25. 1623.f James Sherlkt.

[Ill] Another later.

Beloved S r ., &c. We have now sent you, we hope, men &
means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, and
boat making ; if you can bring them to pass to some perfection,
your wants may be supplyed. I pray you bend you selfe what
yon can to setle these bussinesses. Let y e ship be fraught away
as soone as you can, and sent to Bilbow. You must send some

* But this lasted not long, they had ther is now more cause to complaine of

now provided Lyford & others to send ye excess and ye abuse of wine(through

over. " mens .corruption) even to drunkennes,

f It is worthy to be observed, how then of anydefeeteor wanteof y e same.

> e Lord doth ehaing times & things ; Witnes this year 1G4C. The good Lord

for what is now more plentifull then lay not ye sins & unthankfuilnesol men

wine ? and that of ye best, coming from to their charge in this perticuler. ^
Malago, ye Cannarics, and other places, % That is, 1024, new style. — l'*n.
■sundry ships lading in a year. So as

160 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

discreete man for factore, whom, once more, you must also
authorise to eonfirme y e conditions.* If M r . Winslow could be
spared, I could wish he came againe. This ship carpenter is
thought to be the fittest man for you in the land, and will no
double doe you much good. Let him have an absolute eomand
over his servants & such as you put to him. Let him build you
2. eatehes, a lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as soone as you
can. The salt-man is a skillfull & industrious man, put some
to him, that may quickly apprehende y e misterie of it. The
preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man,
though none of y e most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing
him into office use your owne liberty & discretion ; he knows he
is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome.fe universal-
itie may make him forget him selfe. M r . Winslow & my selfe
gave way to his going, to give contente to some hear, and we
see no hurt in it, but only his great charge. of children.

We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, &e. I am sory ther
is no more discretion used by some in their leters hither.f Some
say you are starved in body & soule ; others, y l you eate piggs
& doggs, that dye alone; others, that y e things hear spoaken of,
y e goodnes of y c cuntry, are gross and palpable lyes ; that ther
is scarce a foule to be scene, or a fish to be taken, and many
such like. I would such discontented men were hear againe,
for it is a miserie when y c whole state of a plantation shall be
thus exposed to y e passionate humors of some discontented
men. And for my selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some yt
would goe, and have not better composed their affections ; mean
space it is all our crosses, and we must bear them.

I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things, but

in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile y e ship,

provide salte & other fishing implements, &e. as we could not

provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger, &e. I hope the

retnrne of this ship, and the James, will put us in cash againe.

The Lord make you full of courage in this troublesome bussi-

nes, which now must be stuck unto, till God give us rest from

our labours. Fare well in all harty affection.

Your assured freind,
Jan: 24. 1623.t R . q

* See page 109. -Ed. j That is, 1024, new style. -Ed.

f This was John Oldome & his like.

1G21.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 161

With y e former letter write by M r . Shcrley, there were
scnte sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth.
"These are the cheefe objections which they [112] that
arc now returned make against you and the countrie. I
pray you consider them, and answer them by the first con-
venience." These objections were made by some of those
that came over on their perticuler and were returned
home, as is before mentioned,* and were of y e same suite
with those y l this other letter mentions.

I shall here set them downe, with y e answers then made
unto them, and sent oyer at y e returne of this ship ; which
did so confound y e objecters, as some confessed their falte,
and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their
words, & some others of them have since come over againc
and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both
in their owne & other mens judgments.

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans : We know
no such matter, for here was never any controversic or
opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,)
since we came.

2. ob : Neglecte of familie duties, one y e Lords day.
Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our

selves & others ; and they that thus reporte it, should have
shewed their Christian love the more if they had in. love
tould y e offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them
behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them
selves had given better example.

3. ob : Wante of both the sacrements.

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept
from us, by whom we might injoye them ; for we used to
have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptismc as
often as ther was occasion of children to baptise.

4. ob : Children not catechised nor taught to read.
Ans : Neither is true ; for diverse take pains with their

* See page 151. — Ed.

21

162 HISTORY OF " [BOOK II.

owne as they can ; indeede, we have no coinone schoole for
want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one ;
though we desire now to begine.

5. ob : Many of y c perticuler members of y e plantation
will not work for y e general!.

Ans : Tliis allso is not w r holy true ; for though some doc
it not willingly, & other not honestly, yet all doe it ; and
he that doth worst gets his owne foode & something besids.
But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them
y e best we cane, or else to quitte y e plantation of them.

6. ob : The water is not wholsome.

Ans : If they mean, not so wholsome as y e good beere
and wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) Ave will
not dispute with them ; but els, for water, it is as good
as any in y e world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is whol-
some enough to us that can be contente therwith.

7. ob : The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse.
[113] Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better &

some worse ; and if they well consider their words, in Eng-
land they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their
feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as
fatt as need be ; we wish we had but one for every hun-
dred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as
some other, are ridiculous to all here wdiich see and know
y e contrary.
. 8. ob : The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.

Ans : This is as true as that which was written, that
ther is scarce a foule to be seene or a fish to be taken.
Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher so many saylo
of ships come yearly a fishing ; they might as well say,
there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sower-
ing.

9. ob : Many of them are theevish and steale on from
an other.

Ans : Would London had been free from that crime,
then we should not have been trobled with these here ;

1G24.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 1G3

it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so
are y e rest like to doe, if they be taken.

10. ob : The cuntrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.
Ans : So are many other good cniitries too ; but poy-

son, traps, and other such means will help to destroy them.

11. ob : The Dutch are planted nere Iludsons Bay, and
are likely to- overthrow the trade.

Ans : They will come and plante in these parts, also, if
Ave and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them.
We rather commend them, then conclemne them for it,

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes.

Ans : They are too delicate and imfitte to begine new-
plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of
a muskeeto ; Ave would A\ r ish such to keepe at home till
at least 'they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as
free as any, and experience teaclietli that y e more y e land
is tild, and y° Avoods cut doAvne, the fewer ther will be,
and in the end scarse any at all.

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle
things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from
M r , Robinson their pastor ; the one to y e Gov r , y e other to
M r . BreAA^ster their Elder, which Avill give much light to
y c former things, and express the tender loA 7 e & care of a
true pastor 0A r er them.

His leter to y e Gov r .

My loving & much beloved freind, whom God hath hithertoo
preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his glorie, and y e good
of many; that his blessing may make your godly and Avise en-
deavours answerable to y e valuation which they ther have, & set
upon y e same. Of your love too and care for us here, Ave never
doubted ; so are we glad to take knowledg of it in that fullnes
Ave doe. Our love & care to and for you, is mutuall, though
our hopes of coming [114] unto you be small, and weaker then
^ver. But of this at large in M r . BreAA^sters letter, with whom
you, and he with you, mutualy, 1 knoAV, comunicate your letters,
as ] desire you may doe these, &c.

164

HISTORY OF

[book 11.

Concerning y e killing of those poor Indeans * of which \vc
heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation,
oh! how happy a thing had it been, if you had converted some,
before you had killed any ; besids, wher bloud is one begune to
be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long time after. You will
say they deserved it. I grant it; but upon what provocations
and invitments by those heathenish Christians?! Besids, you,
being no magistrate over them, were to consider, not what they
deserved, but what you were by necessitie constrained to in-
fliete. Necessitie of this, espetially of killing so many, (and many
more, it seems, they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks
on or tow principals should have been full enough, according to
that approved rule, The punishmente to a few, and y e fear to
many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you
seriouly to consider of y e dispossition of your Captaine, J whom

* At Wessaguseus, in March, 1G22-3,
briefly alluded to on page 132, and of
which there is a full account by "Wins-
low, in Young, pp. 32G-34G. It ap-
pears that the lives of seven Indians
were taken in that encounter. The
sentimenls of Mr. Robinson in relation
to this transaction are highly honorable
to him. The few brief extracts from
this letter which were preserved by
Prince, have always commended th em-
selves to the humane reader. " They
indicate," remarks Judge Davis, "a
generous philanthropy, which must al-
ways gain our affection , and should ever
be cherished. Still, the transactions
to which they relate are defensible. As
to Standish, Dr. Belknap plares his de-
fence on the rules of duty imposed by
his character as the military servant of
the colony. The government, it is pre-
sumed, will be considered as acting un-
der severe necessity, and will require
no apology, if the reality of the conspir-
acy be admitted, of which there can be
little doubt. It is certain they were
fully persuaded of its existence ; and
with the terrible example of the Vir-
ginia massacre in fresh remembrance,
they had solemn duties to discharge.
The existence of the whole settlement
was at hazard." See Davis's edition
of the Memorial, p. 91 ; Belknap, II.
330. —Ed.

| Mr. AVestons men.

J Standish was born in Lancashire,
went over into the Low Countries when

young, and was a soldier there, and
there became acquainted with the
church at Leyden. He was a man of
small stature, but of unquestioned cour-
age and resolution. His wife, Rose,
who came with him in the Mayflower,
died on the 09th of January, "1620-1.
His second wife was named Barbara.
He removed to Duxbury about the year
1G30, and there died in 1G56. From a
manuscript note of Prince, taken from
Deputy-Governor William Bradford's
Table-Book, it appears that Standish
died on the 3d of October. In his will,
which is dated March 7, 1G55, (proba-
bly 1656, new style,) he enumerates
fouT sons then living, and also his " dear-
ly beloved wife Barbara." Among his
bequests are three pounds to " Marcyc
Robenson, whom I tenderly love for her
grandfather's sake." She was a daugh-
ter of Isaac Robinson. He also gives
to his " son and heir apparent, Alexan-
der Standish," certain lands " given to
me as right heir by lawful descent,
but surreptitiously detained from me ;
my great-grandfather being a second
or younger brother from the house of
Standish of Standish." See Morton's
Memorial, p. 143; Hubbard, p. Ill;
Young, pp. 125, 12G ; Russell's Guide
to Plymouth, p. 243; Davis's ed. of
the Memorial, pp. 262, 263, note ; New
England Hist, and Geneal. Register, "V .
335, 33G, 4G4; Prince's Introduction
to Mason's Pequot War, p. iii. — Ed-

1G24.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 165

I love, and am perswaded y e Lord in great mercie and for much
good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He is a man
humble and meek amongst you, and towards all in ordinarie
course. But now if this be meerly from an humane spirite, thcr
is cause to fear that by occasion, espetially of provocation, ther
may be wanting y 1 tendernes of y e life of man (made after Gods
image) which is meete. It is also a thing more glorious in
mens eyes, then pleasing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians,
to be a terrour to poore barbarous people ; and indeed I am
afraid least, by these occasions, others should be drawn e to af-
fecte a kind of rufling course in the world. I doubt not but you
will take in, good part these things which I write, and as ther is
cause make use of them. It were to us more comfortable and
convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in presence,
but seeing that canot be done, we shall always long after you,
and love you, and waite Gods apoynted time. The adventurers
it seems have neither money nor any great mind of us, for y e
most parte. They deney it to be any part of y e covenants be-
twixte us, that they should trasporte us, neither doe I looke for
any further help from them, till means come from you. We
hear are strangers in efiecte to y e whole course, and so botli we
and you (save as your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed
you- further) of principals intended in this bussines, are scaree
aeeessaries, &c. My wife, with me, resaluts you & yours. Unto
him who is y e same to his in all places, and nere to them which
are farr from one an other, I comend you and all with you,
resting.

Yours truly loving,

John Robinson.*
Leyden, Des : 19. 1623.

His to M r . Brewster.

Loving and dear freind and brother: That which I most de-
sired of God in regard of you, namly, y e continuance of your
life and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto you, that
1 most gladly hear of, and praise God for the same. And 1

* An earlier letter of Robinson to the III. 45. Tt is written from Leyden, June

church at Plymouth, received after their 30, 1021, after tidings received frmn

arrival here, is preserved in Bradford's the colonists by the Mayflower, and

Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., probably came in the Fortune. — Ko.

166 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

hope M rs . Brewsters weake and decayed state of body will
have some repnring by the coming of her daughters,* and the
provisions in this and former ships, I hear is made for you;
which males us with more patience bear our languishing state,
and y e deferring of our desired trasportation ; w ch I call de-
sired, rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are borne in hand
by any others. For first, ther is no hope at all, that I know,
or can conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end;
so that all must depend [115] upon returns from you, in which
arc so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie
can thence be concluded. Besids, howsoever for y e presentc the
adventurers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an in-
vincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others with-
out doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, we
must dispose y e adventurers into 3. parts ; and of them some 5.
or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, above any others.
Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed adversaries. The rest, be-
ing the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, & loveingly also
towards us ; yet such as have others (namly y e forward preach-
ers) nerer unto them, then us, and whose course so farr as ther is
any difterance, they would rather advance then ours. Now what
a ha'nek f these men have over y e professors, you know. And
I perswade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling
I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an eye
that way them selves ; as thinking if I come ther, ther market
will be mard in many regards. And for these adversaries, if
they have but halfc y e witte to their malice, they will stope my
course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth
them very opportunly. And as one restie jade can hinder, by
hanging back, more then two or 3. can (or will at least, if they be
not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. A nota-
ble t cxperimente of this, they gave in your messengers presence,
constraining y e company to promise that none of the money
now gathered should be expended or imployed to y e help of any
of us towards you. Now touching y c question propounded by
you, I judg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom.
12. 7. S. & 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach &
exhorte and labore in y e word and doctrine, to which y e sacrc-

* Fear and Patience, who came in f Hank, influence. — Ed.
the Anne, in 1G23. — Ed. J Notabe in MS. — Ed.

1624.] TLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 1G7

incnts are aiiexed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were
hwiull. Whether any larned man will come unto you or not,
1 Know not; if any doc, you must Consiliu capere in arena. Be
you most hartily saluted, & you r wife with you, both from rne
t\: mine. Your God & ours, and y G God of all his, bring us
together if it be his will, & keep us in the mean while, and all-
ways to his glory, and make us servisable to his majestic, and
faithfull to the end. Amen.

Your very loving brother,
Lcyden, Des: 20. 1623. John Robinson."

These things premised, I shall now prosecute y e proced-
in2*s and afairs here. And before I come to other thinirs
I must speak a word of their planting this year; they
having found y c benifite of their last years harvest, and
setting come for their particuler, having therby with a
great deale of patience overcome hunger & famine. "Which
males me remember a saing of Senecas, JEpis; 123. That
a great parte of Ubertie is a well governed belly> and to be
patienie in all wants. They hegane now highly to prise
come as more prctious then silver, and those that had
some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale
tilings, by y e quarto, potle, & peck, &c. ; for money they
had none, and if any had, corne was prefered before it.
That they might therfore encrease their tillage to better
advantage, they made suite [116] to the Gov r to have
some portion of land given them for continuance, and not
by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which y G more in-
dustrious had brought into good culture (by much pains)
one year, came to leave it y e nexte, and often another might
hijoye it ; so as the dressing of their lands were the more
Weighted over, & to lese profite. Which being well con-
sidered, their request was granted. And to every person
was given only one acrre of land, to them & theirs, as
nere y e towne as might be, and they had no more till y c 7.

1 his letter, with the omission of into the Plymouth Church Records. "
a few lines, was eopicd by Morton — Ed.

168 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

years were expired.* The reason was, that they might be
kept close together both for more saftie and defence, and
y° better improvement of y e generall imployments. Which
condition of theirs did make me often thinke, of what I
had read in Plinie f of y c Eomans first beginings in Rom-
ulus time. How every man contented him selfe with 2.
Acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap.
3. It was thought a great reward, to receive at y e hands of
y t people of Home a pinte of come. And Jong after, the
greatest presente given to a Captaine y l had gotte a victory
over their enemise, was as much ground as they could till in
one day. And he tvas not counted a good, hut a dangerous
man, that would not contente him selfe with 7. Acres of land.
As also how they did pound their come in morters, as these
people were forcte to doe many years before they could
get a millc.

The ship which brought this supply, was speedily dis-
charged, and with her m r . & company sente to Cap-Anne
(of which place they had gott a patented as before is

■ * The record of the allotment of ter, it would seem to be invalid, inas-
lands made at this time may be seen in much as that division was never con-
Hazard, 1. 101 — 1 OIJ , and in the Ap- firmed by the crown. It appears, how-
peudix to Davis's edition of the Memo- ever, that Sheffield had been interested
rial, pp. 377-350. — Ed. in lands somewhere in New England ,
f Plin : lib: IS. chap. 2. individually, by purchase. This patent,
J This patent was taken out in the like those to Kobert Gorges and to John
names of Robert Cushman and Edward Peirce, from the Council, contemplated
Window, for themselves and their as- the erection of a government upon the
M.cmtrs. h was granted by Edmond place; but a grant of this nature obvi-
JaihI Sheffield, a member of the Coun- ously rested upon no authority, while
cil for New England, and is dated Jan- the royal sanction was wanting. Braii-
u:iry 1st, 10*23— t. The original parch- ford is silent as to any plans which the
nicnt has been discovered within a few Plymouth people had formed respecting
years, and has been published in a su- Cape Ann, simply relating the fact thai
pcrior manner, in facsimile, entitled they had established a fishery there,
* 4 'liie Landing at Cape Anne," edited and employed a person to trade there
by Mr. J. V* . Thornton. The location in skins. This spot, we infer, w:.*
and boundaries of this patent are some- early abandoned by them, as fishing
\\hat vajrue, perhaps necessarily so, and was " a thing fatal" to the Plymouth
its terms conditional. ]f Sheffield's plantation. Besides, a difficulty winch
right to make this grant depended upon occurred there the following year, ar.,1
any claim which he had or expected to which will be recited in its place, le«l
have to this territory, from the division Governor Bradford to write to the Coun-
' of the country among the patentees cil for New England, under date of June
holding under the great Plymouth char- 28, 1G25, that the adventurers who had

Ui-24/j

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 1(J()

shewed) on fishing, and . because y c season was so farr
spente some of y e planters were sent to help to build their
stage, to their owne hinderance," . But partly by y e latenes
of y c year, and more espetialy by y e basnes of y c iii r € , one
Baker, they made a poore viago of it. He proved a very
drunken beast, and did nothing (in a maner) but drink,
& gusle, and consume away y e time & his victails ; and
most of his company followed his example; and though
M r . William Peirce'was to over see the busines, & to be
m T . of y e ship home, yet he could doe no good, amongst
them, so as y e loss was great, and would have bene more
to them, but that they kept. one a trading ther, which in
those times got some store of skins, which was some help
unto them. ■'*'- ■■:'■

forsaken them had " entered into a par- the "coursc'of the next year, when ther,
tienlar course of trading, and have, hy with a few others, removed to Naum-
violence and force', taken at their pleas- keap. Bradford makes no reference to
nre our possession at Cape Ann." th*r Dorchester settlement at Cape Ann.
We learn nothing further from Bradford In the work above alluded to r (Land-
respecting this patent, and will cite the' ing at Cape Anne,) Mr. Thornton gives
bricf.and only allusion to it by Hubbard, a history of the Dorchester settlement
who remarks, that li the Company of at that place, and not only is of opiu-
Xrw Plymouth had obtained a itselcss ' ion' that that is the true commencement
patent of Cape Ann about the year of the Massachusetts colony, but lie
1C2.V Christopher Levitt and John aims also to connect its history with this
Smith, contemporary writers, both speak Sbtefiield patent, in the same manner as
of the new settlement begun at this pla-ea ;.J}*$ history of Massachusetts is identified
by the people of Plymouth. ""'witlv the charter which brought that

The Dorchester fishing Company, government into existence; and to hliow
with \vhich the Reverend John 'White that Conant was Governor under this
of that place was connected, commenced instrument, precisely as was "Winthrop
a settlement at Cape Ann, probably in under the charter of that colony. This
the autumn of 1623, which is thus al- *"Sha*5eId grant, it will be remembered,
!ui]ed to by Captain Smith, at the end was to Cushman and Winslow and their
of his Generall Historie, first published associates; and although' it appears-from
in 1GC4 : "At Cape Anne there is ti_ Smith that the Dorchester people at
plantation beginning by the Dorchestet < Cape Ann in some way held of those of
men, which they hold of those of New Plymouth, yet there is no evidence that
Plymouth, who also by them have set the. settlements of the two companies
>'P a- fishing work. 7 ' According to * tTiere -were in any sense identical ; nei-
Ilubbard, about the year. 1G25, Hoger ther does it appear that the Dorchester
Conant, John Lyford, and John Oldham, Company was ever in possession of this
vvho had left the Plymouih colony^**! patent, or that its government was based
were then residing at Nantasket, were "upon its provisions. Sec Thornton's
invited by the Company in England to Landing at Cape Anne, pp. 1G, 31 -3.">,
>i» that settlement ; the first named to 60-71; Hubbard, pp. 102, 10G, 110,
he its overseer or "governor J' Conant- 231 ; Hazard, 1. 301 ; 1 Mass. Hist. Coll.,
and Lyford accepted, and there Vc- hL 33; Planter's Plea, pp. GS-T:*;
trained until the settlement broke up in Felt's Ecclesiastical History, 1. 74. — Kd.

22 V.

170 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest
and very industrious man, and followed his labour very
dilligently, and made all that were imployed with him
doe y e like ; he quickly builte them 2. very good & strong
shalops (which after did them greate service), and a great
and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for 2. catches ;
but that was lost, for he fell into a feaver in y e hote sea-
son of y e year, and though he had the best means y e place
coukl aforde, yet he dyed; of whom they had a very
[117] great loss, and were very sorie for his death. But
he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, fool-
ish, selfwilld fellow ; he bore them in hand he could doe
great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to
seeke out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some
serch he tould y e Gov" that he had found a sufficente
place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise
very conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short
time to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great
profile; but he must have 8. or ten men to be constantly
imployed. He was wisht to be sure that y e groiind was
good, and other things answerable, and y l he could bring
it to perfection ; otherwise he would bring upon them a
great charge by imploying him selfe and so many men.
But he was, after some triall, so confidente, as he caiised
them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large
house, to receive y c salte & such other uses. But in y'
end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of y e ground,
in which he w r as deceived ; but if he might have the lighter
to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now
though y e Gov r & some other foresaw that this would
come to litle, yet they had so many malignant spirits
amongst them, that would have laid it upon them, in their
letters of complainte to y e adventurers, as to be their falte
y l would not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to per-
fection ; for as he by his bould confidence & large prom-
ises deceived them in England that sente him, so he had

1624.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 171

wound him selfc in to these mens high esteeme hear, so
as they were faine to let him goe on till all men saw his
vanity. For he could not doe any thing but hoyle salt in
pans, & yet would make them y l were joynd with him
beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie
to he attained, and made them doe many unnecessary
things to blind their eys, till they discerned his sutltie.
The next yere he was sente to Cap-Anne, and y e pans
were set up ther wher the fishing was ; but before somer
was out, he burte the house, and the fire was so vehemente
as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was
the end of that ehargable bussines.

The 3 J ' eminente person (which y e letters before men-
tion) was y° minister which they sent over, by name John
Lyford, of whom & whose doing I must be more large,
though I shall abridg things as much as I can. "When
this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that
reverence & humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed
made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them,
and would have kissed their hands if they would have
[118] suffered him;* yea, he wept & shed many tears,
blessing God that had brought him to see their faces ; and
admiring y e things they had done in their wants, &c. as if
he had been made all of love, and y e humblest person in
y e world. And all y e while (if we may judg by his after
caria'gs) he was but like him mentioned in Psa: 10. 10.
That croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore may fall
by his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,*f who,
when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and mette
them y l were coming to offer incence in y e house of y e
Lord; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to slay them.
They gave him y c best entertainment y ey could, (in all sim-
plisitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of y e store then
any other had, and as the Gov 1 had used in all waightic

K Of w^ii were many witneses. f Jer. 41. 6.

172 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

affairs to consulte with their Elder, M r . Brewster, (togeither
with his assistants,) so now he calcd M r . Liford also to coim-
sell with them in their waightiest bussineses. Ater some
short time he desired to joyne himselfe a member to y
clmrch hear, and was accordingly received. He made a
large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of
his former disorderly walking, and his being intangled with
many corruptions, which had been a burthen to his con-
science, and blessed God for this opportunitie of freedom
& libertie to injoye y e ordinances of God in puritie among
his people, with many more such like expressions. I must
hear speake a word also of MX John Oldom* who was
a copartner with him in his after courses. He had bene
a cheefe sticler in y e former faction among y e perticulers,
and an intelligencer to those in England. But now, since
the coming of this ship and he saw y e supply that came,
he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of y e chcefc
amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them
wrong both by word & deed, & writing into England;
but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with
them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart
smite him, neither should those in England ever use him
as an instrumentc any longer against them in any thing.
He also desired former things might be forgotten, and that
they would looke upon him as one that desired to close
with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now
whether this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden
* pangc of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only
knows. Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his
love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called
him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y e other.
without any distrust at all.

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and
smotlily on amongst, them, at which they did much rc-

* Oldham came in the Anne, and was one of those who " were on their
perticuler." — Ed.

1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 173

joyce ; but this lasted not [119] long, for both Oldom and
he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great ma-
lignancie, drawing as many into faction as they could ;
were they, never so vile or profane, they did nourish &
back them in all their doings ; so they would but cleave
to them and speak against y e church hear ; so as ther was
nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst
them ; they feeding themselves & others with what they
should bring to pass in England by the faction of their
freinds their, which brought others as well as them selves
into a fools paradise. Yet they could not cary so closly
but much of both their doings & sayings were discovered,
yet outwardly they still set a faire face of things.

At lenght when y c ship was ready to goe, it was ob-
served Liford was long in writing, & sente many letters,
and could not forbear to comunicate to his intimats such
things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought
he had done ther errand sufficiently. The Gov r and some
other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England,
and what hurt these things might doe, tooke a shalop and
wente out with the ship a league or 2. to sea, and calcd
for all Lifords & Oldums letters. M r . William Pence
being m r . of y e ship, (and knew well their evill dealing
both in England & here,) afforded him all y e assistance he
could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many of
them larg, and full of slanders, & false accusations, tend-
ing not only to their prejudice, but to their mine & utter
subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, only tooke *
copys of them, but some of y c most materiall they sent
true copyes of them, and kept y e originalls, least he should
dcney them, and that they might produce his owne hand
against him. Amongst his letters they found y c coppycs
of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to
M r . John Pemberton, a minster, and a great opposite of
theirs. These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppycs
were one of them write by a gentle-man in England to

174 HISTORY OF [BOOK 11.

M r . Brewster here, the other by M r . Winslow to M r . Rob-
inson, in Holand, at his coming away, as y* ship lay at
Gravsend. ' They' lying sealed in y e great cabin, (whilst
M r . "Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of y e sliip,) this
slye marchante* taks & opens them, taks these coppys,
& seals them up againe ; and not only sends the coppyes
of them thus to his friend and their adversarie, but adds
thertoo in y e margente many scurrilous and flouting aiiota-
tions. This ship went out towards eYmg, and in the night
y e Gov r retufed. They were somwaht blanke at it, but
after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then
were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been knowne,
but all was gone currente, and that the Gov r went but to
dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the Gov**&
rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things
ripen, that they [120] might y e better discover their in-
tents and see who were their adherents. And y e rather
because amongst y e rest they found a letter of one of their
confederats, in w ch was writen that M r . Oldame & M r .
Lyford intended a reformation in church and commoue
wealth ; and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended
to joyne togeather, and have the sacrements, &c.

For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he was so
bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as
deepe in y e mischeefe as the other. And thinking they
were- now strong enough, they begane to pick quarells
at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according
to order) refused to come, fell out with y e Capten, caled
him raskell, and beggerly raskell, and resisted him, drew
his knife at him ; though he offered him no wrong, nor
gave him no ille termes, but with all fairnes required him
to doe his duty. The Gov r , hearing y e tumulte, sent to
quiet it, but he ramped more like a furious beast then a
man, and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other

* Merchant. — This was sometimes equivalent to chap ox fellow. See Hal-
used as a familiar form of address, H well's Dictionary. — Ed.

1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 175

such foule language as I am ashamed to remember ; but
after he was clapt up a while, he came to him selfe, and
with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his be-
haviour for further censure.

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this
esseue, that Lyford with his complicies, without ever
speaking one" word either to y e Gov r , Church, or Elder,
withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting aparte,
on y e Lord's day ; with sundry such insolente cariages,
too long here to relate, begining now publikly to acte
what privatly they had been long plotting.

It was now thought high time (to prevent further mis-
cheefe) to calle them to accounte ; so y° Gov r called a
courte and suiiioned the whol company to appeare. And
then charged Lyford & Olclom with such things as they
were guilty of. But they were stifFe, & stood resolutly
upon y e deneyall of most things, and required proofe.
They first alledged what was write to them out of Eng-
land, compared with their doings & pactises hear ; that
it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and
disturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill &
church state, which was most injurious ; for both they
and all y e world knew they came hither to injoye y e liber-
tie of their conscience and y e free use of Gods ordinances ;
and for y l end had ventured their lives and passed throwgh
so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and their freiuds
had borne the charg of these beginings, which was not
small. And that Lyford for his parte was sent over on
this charge, and that both he and his great family * was
maintained on y e same, and also was joyned to y e church,
& a member of them ; and for him to plote against
them & seek their ruine, was most unjust & perfidious.
And for [121] Oldam or any other that came over at their
owne charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they

"\\ hen he left Plymouth he had a " wife and children, four or five." ^'e uf
Knglish Canaan, p. 120. — Ed. ' .

176 HISTORY OF [l)OOK II.

were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they
came only to seeke shelter & protection under their wings,
not being able to stand alone, that they, (according to y°
fable,) like the TIedghogg whom y e conny in a stormy day
in pittie received into her borrow, would not be content
to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp
pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow;
so these men with the like injustice indevored to doe y"
same to thos that entertained them.

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them
in England, or knew of their courses, and made other
things as strange that he was charged with. Then his
letters were prodused & some of them read, at which he
was struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage furiously,
because they had intercepted and opened his letters,
threatening them in very high language, and in a most
audacious and mutinous maner stood up & caled upon
y c people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts % now
shew your courage, you have oft complained to me so &
so ; now is y e time, if you will doe any thing, I will stand
by you, &c. Thinking y l every one (knowing his humor)
that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in their
discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side
w lh him in open rebellion. But he was deceived, for not
a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, being strnck-
en with the injustice of y e thing. Then y e Gov r turned
his speech to M r . Lyford, and asked him if he thought
they had done evill to open his letters ; but he was silentc,
& would not say a word, well knowing what they might
reply. Then y e Gov r shewed the people he did it as a
magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent
y e mischeefe & mine that this conspiracie and plots of
theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids
his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds
y l trusted him, & stole their letters & opened them, and
sent coppies of them, with disgracefull aiiotations, to his

1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 177

freincls in England. And then y e Gov 1 produced them and
his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could
not deney,) and caused them to be read before all y e peo-
ple; at which all his freinds were blanke, and had net a
word to say.

It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his let-
ters (which would almost fill a volume), though I have
them by me. I shall only note a few of y e cheefe things
collected out of them, with y e answers to them as they
were then given ; and but a few of those many, only for
instance, by which the rest may be judged of

[121 *] 1. First, he saith, the church would have none
to live hear but them selves. 2 ly . Neither are any willing
so to doe if they had company to live els-wher.

Ans : ' Their answer was, that this was false, in both
y e parts of it ; for they were willing & desirous y l any
honest men may live with them, that will cary them
selves peacably, and seek y c comone good, or at least doc
them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that will not
live els wher so long as they may live with them.

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not
of y e seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c.

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false cal-
lumniation, for they had many amongst them that they
liked well of, and were glad of their company ; and should
be of any such like that should come amongst them.

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins
raised from 2. Sam : 12. 7. First, that ministers must sumc
times perticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons ;
2 ly , that great men may be reproved as well as meaner.

A. Their answer was, that both these were without
either truth or colour of y e same (as was proved to his
face), and that they had taught and beleeved these things
long before they knew M r . Liford.

* 121 is repeated in the paging of the original. — Ed.

23

178 HISTORY OF [1300K II.

4. That they utterly sought y e mine of y e perticulcrs;-
as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer any of y c
generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing
one comoditie for another.

Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of
all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men ;
for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them
as often as they had any occation. Yea, and allso both
lend & give to them when they wanted ; and this the per-
ticuler persons them selves could not deney, but freely
confest in open court. But y e ground from whence this
arose made it much worse, for he was in counsell with
them. When one was called before them, and questioned
for receiving powder and bisket from y c guiier of y e small
ship, which was y e companys, and had it put in at his
window in the night, and allso for biiying salt of one, that
had no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being
one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating his
falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mis-
cheeous & most false slander : That because they would
not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought
their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine.

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this ; that
they turned [122] men into their perticuler, and then
sought to starve them, and deprive them of all means of
subsistance.

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong,
for they turned none into their perticuler ; it was their
owne importunitie and ernest desire that moved them, yea,
constrained them to doe it. And they apealed to y e per-
sons them selves for y c truth hereof. And they testified
the same against him before all present, as allso that they
had no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind
usage.

6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and
writeth, that it was a Strang difference, that some have

1624.] PLYMOUTH ^PLANTATION. 179

bene alowed 16 H . of meale by y e weeke, and others but 4}\
And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some mens months
and bellies are very litle & slender over others.

Ans : This might seerae strange indeed to those to
whom he write his leters in England, which knew not y c
reason of it ; but to him and others hear, it could not be
strange, who knew how things stood. For the first com-
ers had none at all, but lived on their corne. Those w ch
came in y* Anne, y e August before, & were to live 13. months
of the provissions they brought, had as good alowance in
meal & pease as it would extend too, y e most part of y c
year ; but a litle before harvest, when they had not only
fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had but V\
of meall a week, lived better then y e other, as was well
knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that
Lyforcl & his had allwais the highest alowance.

Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of,
with many aggravations ; as that he saw exseeding great
wast of tools & vesseles ; & this, when it came to be exam-
ened, all y e instance he could give was, that he had seen
an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken how
or tow lefte carlesly in y e feilds by some. Though he
also knew that a godly, honest man was appointed to lookc
to these things. But these things & such like was write
of by him, to cast disgrace & prejudice upon them ; as
thinking what came from a [123] minister would pass for
currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say,
that ther was not above 7. of y e adventurers y l souight y c
good of y G collony. That M r . Oldam & him selfe had had
much to doe with them, and that y e faction here might
match y° Jesuits for politie. With many y° like greevious
complaints & accusations.

1. Then, in the next place, he conies to give his freinds
counsell and directtion. And first, that y e Leyden com-
pany (M r . Robinson & y e rest) must still be kepte bade,
or els all will be spoyled. And least any of them should

180 HISTORY OF [BOOK J I.

be taken in privatly somewher on y e coast of England, (as
it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the m r . of
y e ship (M r . William Peirce), and put another allso in
Winslows stead, for marchante, or els it would not be
prevented.

2. Then he would have such a number provided as
might oversway them hear. And that y e perticulers
should have voyces in all courts & elections, and be free
to bear any office. And that every perticuler should come
over as an adventurer, if he be but a servante ; some other
venturing 10 H ., y° bill may be taken out in y e servants
name, and then assigned to y e party whose money it was,
and good covenants drawn betweene them for y e clearing
of y° matter ; and this (saith he) w T ould be a means to
strengthen this side y e more.

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they.spoake
of should come over hither as a generally he w r as per-
swaded he would be chosen Capten ; for this Captaine
Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempte.

4. Then he shows that if by y e formentioned means
they cannot be strengthened to cary & over-bear things,
it will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves ;
and would have it artickled by them that they might
make choyse of any place that they liked best within 3.
or 4. myls distance, shewing ther were farr better places
for, plantation then this.

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came
not over to bear them up here, then ther would be no
abiding for them, but by joyning with these hear. Then
he adds : Since I begane to write, ther are letters come
from your company, wherin they would give sole author-
ise in diverce things unto the Gov r here ; which, if it take
place, then, Vee nobis. But I hope you will be more vigi-
lante hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a mailer.

* That is, on " the general," — as one of the company ? — Ed.

162-1.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 181

I suppose (saith he) M r . Oldame will write to you fur-
ther of these things. I pray you conceall me in the dis-
covery of these things, &c.

Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things' in his
leters, and shall now returne to their procceeding with
him. After the reading of his leters before the whole
company, he was demanded what he could say to these
things. [124] But all y e answer he made was, that Bil-
lington and some others had informed him of many things,
and made sundrie complaints, which they now deneyed.
He was againe asked if that was a sufficiente ground for
him thus to accuse & traduse them by his letters, and
never say word to them, considering the many bonds be-
tweene them. And so they went on from poynte to
poynte ; and wisht him, or any of his freinds & confed-
erats, not to spare them in any thing ; if he or they had
any proofe or witnes of any corrupte or evill dealing of
theirs, his or their evidence must needs be ther prcsente,
for ther was the whole company and sunclery strangers.
He said he had been abused by others in their informa-
tions, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And
this was all the answer they could have, for none would
take his parte in any thing ; but Billington, & any whom
he named, deneyed the things, and protested he wronged
them, and would have drawne them to such & such
things which they could not consente too, though they
were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then they delte
with him aboute his dissembling with them aboutc y e
church, and that he professed to concur with them in all
things, and what a large confession he made at his ad-
mittance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he
had a new calling, &c. And yet now he contested against
them, and drew a company aparte, & sequestred him selfe ;
and would goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall
caliiig) without ever speaking a word unto them, either as
magistrats or brethcrcn. In conclusion, he was fully con-

182 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

victed, and burst out into tears, and " confest he feared he
was a reprobate, his sinns were so great that he doubted
God would not pardon them, he was unsavorie salte, &c. ;
and that he had so wronged them as he could never make
them amends, confessing all he had write against them
was false & nought, both for matter & mailer." And all
this he did with as much fullnes as words & tears could
express.

After their triall & conviction, the court censured them
to be expeld the place ; Oldame presently, though his wife
& family had liberty to' stay all winter, or longer, till he
could make provission to remove them comfortably, Ly-
ford had liberty to stay 6. months. It tvas, indeede, with
some eye to his release, if he caried him selfe w r ell in the
meane time, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford
acknowledged his censure was farr less then he deserved.

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in y e church,
with tears more largly then before. I shall here put it
downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it from
his owne words, as him selfe utered them. Acknowl-
edging [125] " That he had don very evill, and slander-
ously abused them ; and thinking most of y e people would
take parte with him, he thought to cary all by violence
and strong hand against them. And that God might
justly lay iiiocentc blood to his charge, for he knew not
what hurt might have come of these his writings, and
blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to
take knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken,
but shut his eyes & ears against all the good ; and if God
should make him a vacabund in y e earth, as was Caine, it
was but just, for he had sined in envic & malice against
his brethren as he did. And he confessed 3. things to be
y e ground & causes of these his doings : pride, vaineglorie,
& selfe love." Amplifying these heads with many other
sade expressions, in the perticulers of them.

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of

1624]" PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 1S3

him upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach
amongst them as before ; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon
amongst them), and some other tender harted men amongst
them, were so taken with his signes of sorrow & repent-
ance, as they professed they would fall upon their knees
to have his censure released.

But that which made them all stand amased in the end,
and may doe all others that shall come to hear y° same,
(for a rarer president can scarse be showne,) was, that
after a month or 2. notwithstand all his former confFes-
sions, convictions, and publick acknowledgments, both in
y e face of y e church and whole company, with so many
tears & sadde censures of him selfe before God & men, he
should goe againe to justifie what he had done.

For secretly he write a 2 d . leter to y e adventurers in
England, in w ch he justified all his former writings, (save
in some things which tended to their damage,) the which,
because it is brcfer then y e former, I shall here inserte.

Worthy S rs : Though the filth of mine ownc doings may justly
be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetuall si-
lence, yet that y e truth may not herby be injuried, your selves
any longer deluded, nor injurious* dealing caried out still, with
bould out facings, I have adventured once more to write unto yon.
Firest, I doe freely confess I delte very indiscreetly in some of
my perticulcr leters w ch I wrote to private freinds, for y e courses
in coming hither & the like ; which I doe in no sortc seeke to
justifie, though stired up ther unto in the beholding y e indirecte
courses held by others, both hear, & ther with you, for effecting
their designes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to y e glory
of God & mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters being
intercepted by the Gov 1 ", I have for y e same undergone y e cen-
sure [126] of banishmente. And had it not been for y e respecte
1 have unto you, and some other matters of private regard, I
had returned againe at this time by y e pinass for England ; for
hear I purpose not to abide, unless I receive better incourag-

* Inuriovs in MS. — Ed.

184 'HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

mentc from you, then from y e church (as they call themselves)
here I doe receive. I purposed before I came, to undergoc hard-
nes, therfore I shall I hope chcrfully bear y e conditions of y*
place, though very mean ; and they have chainged my wages
ten times allready. I suppose my letters, or at least y c coppice
of them, are come to your hands, for so they hear reporte;
which, if it be so, I pray you take notice of this, that I have
writen nothing but what is certainly true, and I could make so
apearc planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours be cast
to darken y e truth, and some ther are very audatious this way ;
besids many other matters which are farre out of order hear.
My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any further, but in respecte
of diverse poore souls here, y c care of whom in parte belongs to
you, being here destitute of the mefis of salvation. For how so
ever y e church are provided for, to their contente, who are y*
smalest number in y e collony, and doe so appropriate y c minis-
trie to them selves, houlding this principle, that y e Lord hath
not appointed any ordinary ministrie for y e conversion of those
y l are without, so y l some of y e poor souls have w th tears com-
plained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in
generall. Though in truth they have had no ministrie here
since they came, but such as may be performed by any of yon,
by their owne possition, what soever great pretences they make;
but herin they equivocate, as in many other things they doc.
But I exceedc y c bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting thus,
untill I hear further from you, so it be within y c time limited

' me. I rest, &c,

Remaining yours ever,

John Lyford, Exille.
Dated Aug: 22. An : 1624.

They made a breefe answer to some things in this leter,
but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to
this purpose: That if God in his providence had not
brought these things to their hands (both y e former &
later), they might have been thus abused, tradused, and
calumniated, overthrowne, & undone ; and never have
knowne by whom, nor for what. They desired but this
equal! favoure, that they would be pleased to hear their

]G24.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 18.)

just defence, as well as his accusations, and waigh them
in y e balance of justice & reason, and then censure as they
pleased. They had write breefly to y c heads of things
before, and should be ready to give further [127] answer
as any occasion should require ; craving leave to adde a
word or tow to this last.

1. And first, they desired to examene what filth that
was y l he acknowledged might justly be throwne in his
face, and might cause blushing & perpetuall silence ; souk?
great mater sure ! But if it be looked into, it amounts to
no more then a poynte of indiscretion, and thats all ; and
yet he licks of y l too with this excuse, that he was stircd
up therunto by beholding y e indirecte course here. But
this point never troubled him here, it was counted a light
matter both by him & his freinds, and put of witli this, —
that any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds
to come over for their best advantage. All his sorrow &
tears here was for y e wrong & hurt he had done us, and
not at all for this he pretends to be done to you : it was
not counted so much as indiscretion.

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks
he may lay load of us here. And first complains that we
have changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with
him for any wages, nor made any bargen at 'all with him,
neither know of any that you have made. You sent him
over to teach amongst us, and desired he might be kindly
used ; and more then this we know not. That lie hath
beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves from
us,) he shall be judged first of his owne mouth. If you
please to looke upon that writing of his, that was sent you
amongst his leters, which he cals a generall relation, in
which, though he doth otherwise traduse us, yet in this
lie him selfe clears us. In y e latter end therof he hath
these words. I speak not this (saith he) out of any HI
affection to the mm* for I have found them very kind $f
loving to me. , You may ther see these to be his owne

24

186 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

words under his owne hand. 2 ly . It will appere by this
that he hath ever had a larger alowance of food out of v
store for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede
hath required ; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and
a man wholy at his owne comand to tend his private af-
fairs. What cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge
ye ; and. what he means in his speech we know not, except
he aluds to y l of Jaacob & Laban. If you have promised
him more or other wise, you may doe it when you please.

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you
take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but
what is certainly true, yea, and he could make it so ap-
peare- plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed doth
astonish us and causeth us to tremble at y e deceitfullncs
[128] and desperate wickednes of mans harte. This is
to devoure holy things, and after voues to enquire. It is
admirable that after such publick confession, and acknowl-
edgmente in court, in church, before God, & men, with
such sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting
into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie all
againe. If things had bene done in a corner, it had been
some thinge to deney them ; but being done in y e open
view of y e cuntrie & before all men, it is more then
strange now to avow to make them plainly appear io
any indifferente men; and here wher things w*ere done,
and all y e evidence that could be were presente, and yet
could make nothing appear, but even his freinds con-
demnd him & gave their voyce to his censure, so grosc
were they ; we leave your selves to judge herein. Yet least
this man should triumph in his wikednes, we shall be
ready to answer him, when, or wher you will, to any
thing he shall lay to our charg, though we have done it
sufficently allready.

4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some
poore souls here who are destiute of y e means of salva-
tion, &c. But all his soothing is but that you would u>e

1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 187

means, that his censure might be released that he might
here continue ; and tinder you (at least) be sheltered, till
lie sees what his freinds (on whom he depends) can bring
about & effecte. For such men pretend much for poor
souls, but they will looke to their w r ages & conditions ; if
that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what they
will, they will shift for them selves, and seek poore souls
some wher els among richer bodys.

Next he fals upon y e church, that indeed is y e burthen-
some stone that troubls him. First, he saith they hold
this principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordi-
narie ministrie for y c conyerssion of those without. The
church needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in tills,
haveing Gods word for her warrente ; that ordinarie offi-
cers are bound cheefly to their flocks, Acts 20. 28. and
are not to be extrayagants, to goe, come, and leave them
at their pleasurs to shift for them selves, or to be devoured
of wolves. But he perverts y e truth in this as in other
things, for y e Lord hath as well appoynted them to con-
verte, as to feede in their severall charges ; and he wrongs
v e church to say other wise. Againe, he saith he was
taxed for preaching to all in generall. This is a meere
untruth, for this dissembler knows that every Lords day
some are appointed to visite suspected places, & if any.be
found idling and neglecte y e hearing of y e word, (through
idlnes or profanes,) they are punished for y e same. Now
to procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him for
preaching to all, were to play y e mad men.

[129] 6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie
since they came, what soever pretences they make, &c.
We answer, the more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept
from us by these mens means, and then reproach us for it
when they have done. Yet have we not been wholy dis-
titute of y e means of salvation, as this man would make
y c world beleeve ; for our reve d Elder hath laboured dili-
gently in clispencing the word of God unto us, before lie

188 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

came ; and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfc
in preaching the same ; and, be it spoaken without osten-
tation, he is not inferriour to M r . Lyford (& some of his
betters) either in gifts or lerning, though he would never
be perswaded to take higher office upon him. Nor ever
was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he
may take it to him selfe ; what y e church houlds, they
have manifested to y e world, in all plaines, both in open
confession, doctrine, & writing.

This was y e sume of ther answer, and hear I will let
them rest for y e presente. I have bene longer in these
things then I desired, and yet not so long as the things
might require, for I pass many things in silence, and
many more deserve to have been more largly handled.
But I will returne to other things, and leave y e rest to its
place.

The pinass that was left sunck & cast away near
Damarins-cove, as is before showed,* some of y e fishing
maisters said it was pity so fine a vessell should be lost,
and sent them word that, if they would be at y e cost, they
would both directe them how to waygh her, and let them
have their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them,
& sente men aboute it, and beaver to defray y e charge,
(without which all had been in vaine). So they gott
coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of cask, and
being made tight and fastened to her at low-water, they
boyed her up ; and then hired sundrie carpenters to work
upon her, and other to saw planks, and at last fitted her
& got her home. But she cost a great deale of money, in
thus recovering her, and buying riging & seails for her,
both now and when before she lost her mast; so as she
proved a chargable vessell to y e poor plantation. So they
sent her home,t an d with her Lyford sent his last letter,

* See pages 155, 15G. — Ed. letter, and Prince (I. 150) conjectures

\ The pinnace probably sailed about that Mr. Winslow went in her. — E°-
the 22d of August, the date of Lyford's

1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 189

in great secrecie ; but y e party intrusted with it gave it
v fl Gov r .

The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie affairs,
without any spetiall mater worth noteing; saveing that
many who before stood something of from y e church, now
seeing Ly fords unrighteous dealing, and malignitie against
y e church, -now tendered them selves to y e church, and
were joyned to y e same ; proffessing that it was not out of
y e dislike of any thing that they had stood of so long, but
a desire to fitte them selves beter for such a state, and
they saw now y e Lord cald for their help. [130] And so
these troubls prodused a quite contrary effecte in sundrie
hear, then these adversaries hoped for. Which was looked
at as a great worke of God, to draw on men by unlickly
means;' and that in reason which might rather have set
them further of. And thus I shall end this year.*

Anno Dom: 1625.

At y e spring of y e year, about y e time of their Election
Court, Oldam came againe amongst them; and though it
was a part of his censure for his former mutinye and mis-
cariage, not to returne without leave first obtained, yet in
his dareing spirite, he presumed without any leave at all,
being also set on & hardened by y e ill counsell of others.
And not only so, but suffered his unruly passion to rune

* Captain Smith, under date of 1624, It appears from Prince that on the

on the last leaf of hisGenerall Historic, 17th of June of this year there was

first published this year, thus writes : " born at Plymouth to Governor Brad-

i( At New-Plymouth there is about ISO ford, his son William, who afterwards

persons, some cattle and goats, but becomes Deputy-Governor of the colo-

many swine and poultry, thirty-two ny." Annals, I. 147.

dwelling houses," &c. " The place it " August 5th. The ninth marriage

seems is healthful, for in these last at New Plymouth is of Mr. Thomas

three years, notwithstanding their great Prince with Mrs. Patience Brewster."

want of most necessaries, there hath Ibid., I. 150. Morton records, in his

not one died of the first planters." He Memorial, the death of his father,

says the general stock already employed George Morton, which took place in

by the adventurers is about seven thou- the month of June of this year. — Kd.
«and pounds.

190 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

beyond y e limits of all reason and modestie ; in so much
that some strangers which came with him were ashamed
of his outrage, and rebuked him ; but all reprofes were
but as oyle to y c fire, and made y e flame of his coller greater.
He caled them all to nought, in this his mad furie, and a
hundred rebells & traytors, and I know not what. But
in conclusion they comited him till he was tamer, and
then apointed a gard of musketers w ch he was to pass
throw, and ever one was ordered to give him a thump on
y° brich, with y e but end of his musket, and then was
conveied to y e water side, wher a boat was ready to cary
him away. . Then they bid him goe & mende his maners.
Whilst this was a doing, M r . AVilliam Peirce and M r .
"Winslow came lip from y e water side, being come from
England ; but they were so busie with Oldam, as they
never saw them till they came thus upon them. They
bid them not spare either him or Liford, for they had
played y° vilans with them. But that I may hear make
an end with him, I shall hear once for all relate what be-
fell concerning him in y° future, & y l breefly. After y e
removall of his familie from hence, he fell into some straits,
(as some others did,) and aboute a year or more after-
wards, towards winter, he intended a vioage for Virginia ;
but it so pleased God that y e barke that caried him, and
many other passengers, was in that danger, as they dispaired
of life ; so as many of them, as they fell to prayer, so also
did they beginc to examine their consciences [131] and
confess such sins as did most burthen them. And M r .
Ouldame did make a free and large confession of y e wrongs
and hurt he had done to y e people and church here, in
many perticulers, that as he had sought their mine, so
God had now mette with him and might destroy him;
yea, he feared they all fared y e worce for his sake; he
prayed God to forgive him, and made vowes that, if y°
Lord spard his life, he would become otherwise, and y e like.
This I had from some of good credite, yet living in y e Bay,

1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 191

and were them selves partners in the same dangers on y e
shoulds of Cap-Codd, and heard it from his owne mouth.
It pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their
viage; and in time after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe
fairly towards them, and acknowledged y e hand of God to
be with them, and seemed to have an honourable respecte
of them ; and so farr made his peace with them, as he in
after time had libertie to goe and come, and converse with
them, at his pleasure. He went after this to Virginia,
and had ther a great sicknes, but recovered and came
back againe to his familie in y e Bay, and ther lived till
some store of people came over. At lenght going a trad-
ing in a smale vessell among y e Indians, and being weakly
mand, upon some quarell they knockt him on y e head witli
a hatched, so as he fell downe dead, & never spake word
more. 2. litle boys that were his kinsmen were saved,
but had some hurte, and y e vessell was strangly recovered
from y e Indeans by another that belonged to y e Bay of
Massachusets ; and this his death was one ground of the
Pequente warr which followed/''

* Oldham came over in the Anne, as to commit to his charge that " trouble-
in 1G23. In the allotment of lands some planter, Mr. Thomas Morion, '*
in the spring of 1621, ten acres were when he was sent prisoner to England
assigned to him "and those joyncd in the summer of 1G23. He probably did
with him." On leaving Plymouth he not return to New England till 1030.
repaired to Nantasket, where a habita- Besides an interest which he claimed
tion appears to have been early erected in lands in Massachusetts under iho
to" accommodate the trade with the In- patent of Robert Gorges, he and Ilich-
dians, and where he resided for a time ard Vines secured a grant from the
in company with Lyford and others, Council of a tract of land in Maine, on
who also retired thither with their fam- the Saco River, which is nearly do-
ilies. He may have intended to return scribed by the boundaries of the present
to England after his second expulsion town of Biddeford, and which bcais
from Plymouth, as Governor Bradford, date February 12, 1629-30. He was
in a letter to Cushman, dated June 9 admitted a freeman of the Massachusetts
of this year, and sent over by Standish, Colony in May, 1631, and became a rot-
writes : " We have rid ourselves of the ident of Watertown, where he is found
company of many of those who have as early as 1632. His death occurred
been so troublesome unto us, though I in July, 163G. See Hazard, I. 103^ ;
fear we are not yet rid of the troubles Davis's ed. of the Memorial, pp. 117,
themselves. I hear Ouldham comes 118, note, and Appendix, p. 37'J ;
himself into England, the which if he 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 30, 62, 03 ;
y do, beware of him, for he is very ma- Folsom's Hist, of Saco and Biddeford,
I cious, and much threatens you." As pp. 26, 317-319 ; Records of Ma-.n.
stated in the text, he subsequently be- Colony, I. 95, 366 ; Savage's W in-
came reconciled to the people of Ply- throp, I. 189. — Ed.
mouth, and they so iar confided in him

192 HISTORY OF [lJOOK 11.

I am now come to M r . Lyford. His time being now
expired, his censure was to take place. He was so fane
from answering their hopes by amendmente in y e time, as
he had dubled his evil!, as is before noted. But first be-
hold y e hand of God conceifing him, wherin that of y c
Psalmist is verified. Psa: 7. 15. He hath made a pitte, &
digged it, and is fallen into the pitte he made. He thought
to bring shame and disgrace upon them, but in stead ther-
of opens his owne to all y e world. For when he was delte
with all aboute his second letter, his wife was so affected
with his doings, as she could no longer conceaill her
greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens y e same to one of
their deacons & some other of her freinds, & after uttered
y e same to M r . Peiree upon his arrivall. Which was to
this purpose, that she feared some great judgment of God
would fall upon them, and upon her, for her husbands
cause ; now that they were to remove, she feared to fall
into y e Indeans hands, and to be defiled by them, as he
had defiled other women ; or some shuch like [132] judg-
mente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. I
will raise up evill against y e , and will take thy wives &
give them, &c. And upon it showed how he had wronged
her, as first he had a bastard by another before they were
maried, & she having some inkling of some ill cariage
that way, when he was a suitor to her, she tould him
what she heard, & deneyd him ; but she not certainly
knowing y e thing, otherwise then by some darke & secrete
muterings, he not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie her
tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. Upon
whieh she gave consente, and maried with him ; but after-
wards it was found true, and y e bastard brought home to
them. She then charged him with his oath, but he prayed
pardon, and said he should els not have had her. And
yet afterwards she could keep no maids but he would be
medling with them, and some time she hath taken him in
y e maner, as they lay at their beds feete, with shuch other

1625.J PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 193

circumstances as I am ashamed to relate. The woman
being a grave matron, & of good cariage all y e while she
was hear, and spoake these things out of y c sorrow of her
liarte, sparingly, and yet w th some further intimations.
And that which did most seeme to affecte her (as they
conceived) was, to see his former cariage in his repent-
ance, not only hear with y e church, but formerly about
these things ; sheding tears, and using great & sade ex-
pressions, and yet eftsone fell into the like things.

Another thing of y e same nature did strangly concurr
herewith. When M r . Winslow & M r . Peirce were come
over, M r . Winslow informed them that they had had y"
like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England, as they
here had with him selfe and his freinds hear, aboutc his
letters & accusations in them. And many meetings and
much clamour was made by his freinds theraboute, crying
out, a minister, a man so godlj r , to be so esteemed & taxed
they held a great skandale, and threated to prosecute law
against them for it. But things being referred to a further
meeting of most of y e adventurers, to heare y e case and
decide y e matters, they agreed to chose 2. eminente men
for moderators in the bussines. Lyfords faction chose
M r . White, a counseler at law, the other parte chose
Reve d . M r . Hooker, y e minister, and many freinds on both
sids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. In
y e mean time, God in his providence had detected LyfonVs
evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst y e com-
pany, who made it knowne to M r . Winslow, and directed
him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would testifie y e
same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. The thing was
this ; he being gott into Ireland, had wound him selfe
into y e estecme of sundry godly & zelous professours in
those parts, who, having been burthened with y e ceremo-
nies in England, found ther some more liberty to their
consciences ; amongst whom were these 2.. men, which
gave [133] this evidence. Amongst y 6 rest of his hearers,
25

194 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

ther was a godly yonge man that intended to marie, and
cast his affection on a maide which lived their aboute ;
but desiring to chose in y e Lord, and preferred y e fear of
God before all other things, before he suffered his affec-
tion to rune too farr, he resolved to take M r . Lyfords ad-
vise and judgmente of this maide, (being y c minister of
y e place,) and so broak y e matter unto him ; & he prom-
ised faithfully to informe him, but would first take better
knowlcdg of her, and have private conferance with her;
and so had sundry times ; and in conclusion coiiiended
her highly to y e yong man as a very' fitte wife for him.
So they were maried togeather ; but some time after mar-
iage the woman was much troubled in mind, and afflicted
in conscience, and did no tiling but weepe and mourne,
and long it was before her husband could get of her what
was y e cause. But at length she discovered y e thing, and
prayed him to forgive her, for Lyford had overcome her,
and defiled her body before marriage, after he had comend-
ed him unto her for a husband, and she resolved to have
him, when he came to her in that private way. The cir-
cumstances I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to
hear them related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her,
yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.) These things
being thus discovered, y e womas husbancL tooke some
godly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this evill.
At length he confest it, with a great deale of seeming sor-
row & repentance, but w T as forct to leave Irland upon it,
partly for shame, and partly for fear of further punish-
mente, for y e godly withdrew them selves from him upon
it; and so coming into England unhapily he was light
upon & sente hither.

But in this great assembly, and before y e moderators, in
handling y e former matters aboute y e letters, upon provo-
cation, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords defend-
ers, ftl r . Winslow let fall these words, That he had delte
knavishly; upon which on of his freinds tooke hold, &*

1G25.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 195

caled for witneses, that he cald a minister of y e gospell
knave, and would prosecute law upon it, which made a
great tumulte, upon Avhich (to be shorte) this matter broke
out, and the witnes were produsecl, whose persons were
so grave, and evidence so plaine, and y e facte so foule, yet
delivered in such modest & chast terms, and with such
circumstances, as strucke all his freinds mute, and made
them all ashamed ; insomuch as y e moderators with great
gravitie declared that y e former matters gave them cause
enough to refuse him & to deal with him as they had
done, but these made him unmeete for ever to bear minis-
trie any more, what repentance soever he should pretend ;
with much more to like effecte, and so wisht his freinds
to rest.quiete. Thus was this matter ended. . ■.

From, hence Lyford wente to Xatasco, in y° Bay of y e
i\Iassachusets, with some other of his freinds with him,*
wher Oldom allso lived. From thence he removed to Nam-
beke, since called Salem ; but after ther came some people
over, wheather for hope of greater profite, or what ends els

* Among these friends of Lyford was they went after leaving Plymouth, Hub-
probably Roger Conant, who sympa- bard remarks: " There Mr. Roger Co-
thized with him in his religious views, nant, with some few others, after Mr.
but whose name Bradford does not men- Lyford and Mr. Oldham were (for some
tion in this History ; for what is known offence, real or supposed) discharged
of him at this early period we are in- from having anything more to do :it
debted wholly to Hubbard, who is sup- Plymouth, found a place of retirement
posed to have derived his information and reception for themselves and fani-
from. Conant himself. It is uncertain ilies, for the space of a year and some
when he arrived in New England. In few months, till a door was opened for
a petition which he addressed to the them at Cape Anne, . . . whither they
General Court, in May, 1671, (being removed about the year 1G25." If the
then nearly eighty years of age,) he residence of Lyford and Conant at Nan-
states that" he 'has ''been a planter in tasket corresponded to the time indicated
New England forty-eight years and up- above, — "a year and some few months/'
ward." This would date his arrival — and if we may suppose that they re-
before 1623. If he had been a resident tired thither at the same time, it would
at Plymouth at so early a period, it seem to point to a later period than is
would seem that his name would be stated by Hubbard for their removal to
found among those who had lands allot- Cape Ann. Oldham may have resided
ted to them in the spring of 1621. He at Nantasket from the time of his first
may have been one of the ten joined to expulsion from Ptymouth, the year he-
Oldham, whose names do not appear ; fore. See Hubbard, pp. 102, 100, 10* ;
or he may have come over the next year New England Hist, and Geneal. Keg-

or lie may have come over the next year
with .jyford. Concerning the residence
of these persons at Nantasket, whither

ister, II. 333-335. — Ed.

196 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

I know not, he left his freinds that followed him, and went
from thence to Virginia, wher he shortly after dyed, and
so I leave him to y e Lord. His wife afterwards returned
againe to this cuntry, and thus much of this matter.*

[134] This storme being thus blowne over, yet sundrie
sad effects followed y e same; for the Company of Adven-
turers broake in.peeces here upon,-}" and y e greatest parte
wholy deserted y e colony in regarde of any further supply,
or care of their subsistance. And not only so, but some
of Lyfords & Oldoms freinds, and their adherents, set out
a shipe on fishing, on their owne aecounte, and getting y e
starte of y° ships that came to the plantation, they tooke
away their stage, & other necessary provisions that they
had made for fishing at Cap-Anne y e year before, at their
great charge, and would not restore y e same, excepte they
would fight for it. But y e Gov v sent some of y e planters
to help y e fisher men to build a new one, and so let them
keepe it. J This shipe also brought them some small sup-

* The account here given of Lyford " The dispute grew to be very hot, and
and Oldham is copied by Morton in an high words passed between them, which
abridged form into the Plymouth Church might have ended in blows, if not in
Records ; for, besides eopying into these blood and slaughter, had not the pru-
Reeords that portion of this History dence and moderation of Mr. Roger
alluded to on page 80, and which was Conant, at that time there present, and
printed by Dr. Young in his Chronicles Mr. Peirce's interposition, that lay just
of the Pilgrims, Morton continued to by with his ship, timely prevented,
make extracts from this work as he pro- For Mr. Hewcs had barricaded his
ceeded in his Church History, some- company with hogsheads on the stage-
times taking whole letters. — Ed. head, while the demandants stood upon

f That is, upon the developments the land, and might easily have been

made in England concerning Lyford, cutoff; but the ship's crew, by advice

just narrated, an account of which was promising to help them build another,

brought over by Mr. Winslow and Cap- the difference was thereby ended."

tain Peirce. — En. Hubbard, pp. 110, 111.

% Hubbard gives a minute account of Bradford, in a letter to the Council for
this aiiair at Cape Ann, which he may New England, under date of June 23th
have received from Conant, who ap- of this year, complains of the course
pears to have been present at the time ; which the adventurers had pursued to-
not, however, as a resident, for Lyford wards them. -"They have not only
and his friends at this period had but cast us olT, but entered into a particular
recently left Plymouth. The person course of trading, and have by violence
who had command of this ship, and who and force taken at their pleasure our
seized upon this fishing-stage, was one possession at Cape Ann." His wish is
Mr. Hewcs. Captain Standish was to be " free from them." See Brad-
there present, and il very eagerly and ' ford ? s Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. Hist,
peremptorily demanded" the stage. Coll., 111. 37, 38. — Ed.

1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 197

ply, of little value ; but they made so pore a bussincs of
their fishing, (neither could these men make them any re-
turne for y e supply sente,) so as, after this year, they never
looked more after them.

Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in y° name
of y e rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of from y°
plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine conditions, of
reuniting againe. The which because they are longe &
tedious, and most of them aboute the former things al-
ready touched, I shall omite them ; only giveing an in-
stance in one, or tow. 1. reason, they charged them for
dissembling with his majestie in their petition, and with
y e adventurers about y e French discipline * Sec. 2 !> \ fur
receiving f a man J into their church, that in his concession
renownced all, universall, nationall, and diocessan church-
es, &c, by which (say they) it appears, that though they
deney the name of Browists, yet they practiss y e same, &c.
And therfore they should sine against God in building-
up such a people.

Then they adde : Our dislikes thus laid downe, that we
may goe on in trade w lh better contente & credite, our de-
sires are as followeth. First, that as we are partners in
trade, so we may be in Gov rt ther, as the patente doth give
us power, &c.

2. That the French discipline may be practised in the
plantation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in y c
substance; wherby y e scandallous name of y e Brownists,
and other church differences, may be taken away.

3. Lastly, that M r . Eobinson and his company may not
goe over to our plantation, unless he and they will recon-
cile themselves to our church by a recantation under their
hands, &c.

Their answer in part to these things was then as foloweth.
Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestic A:*

* See pp. 34, 35. — Ed. J This was Lyford hiroselfc.

f Receive in the manuscript. — Ed.

198 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

y e adventurers aboute y e French discipline, you doe us wrong,'
for we both hold & practice y e discipline of y° French & other
reformed churches, (as they have published y e same in y e Har-
mony of Confessions,*) according to our means, in effect e & sub-
stance. But wheras you would tye us to the French discipline
in every circumstance, you derogate from y° libertie we have in
Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have none to follow
him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, much less ought
any Christian or church in y e world to doe it. The French may
erre, we may erre, and other churches may erre, and doubtless
doe in many circumstances. That honour therfore belongs only
to y e infallible word of God, and pure Testamcnte of Christ, to
be propounded and followed as y e only rule a-nd pattern for
direction .herin to all churches & Christians. And it is too ^reat
arrogancie for any man, or church [135] to thinke y l he or they
have so sounded y e word of God to y e bottome, as precislie to
sett downe y e churches discipline, without error in substance or
circumstance, as y l no other without blame may digress or differ
in any thing from y e same. And it is not difficulte to shew,
y l the reformed churches differ in many circumstances amongest
them selves.

The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to
prosecute these men or their doings any further, but shall
returne to y e rest of their freinds of y e company, w dl
stuck to them. And I shall first inserte some part of
their letters as followeth ; for I thinke it best to render
their minds in ther owne words.

* To our loving freinds, ccc.j

Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and y e evill
we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett you,
nor our freindship and fellowship which togeather we have had

* <; An Harmony of the Confessions Bradford. "Now follows the first let-
of the Faith of the Christian and Re- ters we received after the breach ; for
formed Churches, with verie shorte Mr. Thornell and the rest never replied
Notes, translated out of Latine into nor writ more unto us, being parllv
English," 15SG. Another edition, 1G43. ashamed of what they had done and
— Ep. _ written." It is addressed, "To our

f This letter is here considerably beloved friends, Mr. William Bradford,

abridged from the copy preserved in Mr. Isaac Allertoii, Mr. William Brew-

Bradford's Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. Hist.* ster, and the rest of the general society

Coll., III. 29-34. Immediately pre- of Plymouth in New England; salu-

ceding it there, is the following note of tations." —Ed.

1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 199

some years ; whcrin though our expressions have been small,
yet our harty affections towards you (unknown by face) have
been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, to our owne selves.
And though this your freind M r . Winslow can tell you y e state
of things hear, yet least we should seemc to neglecte you, to
whom, by a wonderfull providence of God, we are so nearly
i . united, we have thought good once more to write unto^ you,

to let you Know what is here befallen, and y° resons of it ;
as also our purposes & desirs toward you for hereafter.

The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved
from what it was ; and wheras you & we were formerly sharers
and partners, in all viages & deallings, this way is now no
more, but you and we are left to bethmke our sellves what
course to take in y c future, that your lives & our monies be not
lost.

The reasons and causes of this alteration have been these.
First and mainly, y e many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses
of sea-men, w ch have caused us to rune into so much charge,
debts, & ingagements, as our estats & means were not able lo
goe on without impoverishing our selves, except our estats had
been greater, and our associats cloven beter unto us. 2^, as
here hath been a faction and siding amongst us now more then
2. years, so now there is an uter breach and sequestration
amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and forsak-
ing of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more with
you. And though we are perswaded the maine cause of this
their doing is wante of money, (for neede wherof men use to
make many excuses,) yet other things are pretended, as that you
are Brownists, &c. Now what use you or we ought to make
of these things, it remaineth to be considered, for we know y°
hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would
admonish some thing therby, and to looke what is amise. And
allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent & stay
these things, yet it is not to late to exercise patience, wisdom,
and conscience in bearing them, and in caring our selves in &
under them for y e time to come.

[13G] And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all occa-
sions that may tend to y c furthranee of so hopefull a work, rather
admiring of what is, then grudging for what is not ; so it.
must rest in you to make all good againe. And if in nothing
else you can be approved, yet let your honestie & conscience be

200 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

still approved, & lose not one jote of you r innoeencie, amids
your erosses & afflictions. And surly if you upon this alltera-
tion behave your selves wisly, and goe on fairly, as men whose
hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to wound
your adversaries ; for when your righteousnes is revealled as
y e light, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly
have sought your overthrow.

Now we thinke it but reason, that all sueh things as ther
apertaine to the generall, be kept & preserved togeather, and
rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled
away for any private ends or intents whatsoever. And after
your necessities are served, you gather togeather such comodities
as y° cuntrie yeelds, & send them over to pay debts & clear in-
gagements hear, which are not less then 1400 11 . And we hope
you will doe your best to free our ingagements, &e. Let us
all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what time
will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for
us. We still are perswaded you are y e people that must make
a plantation in those remoate places when all others faile and
return e. And your experience of Gods providence and preser-
vation of you is sueh as we hope your harts will not faile you,
though your freinds should forsake you (which we ourselves

• shall not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well
appereth). Yet surly help would arise from some other place
whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we should
leave you allso.

And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and
carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as y l no man

' may make just exceptions against you. And more espetially
that y c favour and countenance of God may be so toward you,
as y l you may find abundante joye & peace even amids tribula-
tions, that you may say with David, Though my father &
mother should forsake me, yet y e Lord would take me up.

We have sent you hear some catle, eloath, hose, shoes, leather,
6ce., but in another nature then formerly, as it stood us in hand
to doe ; we have comitted them to y e charge & custody of M r -
Allerton and M r . Winslow, as our factours, at whose discretion
they are to be sould, and coinodities to be taken for them, as is
fitting. And by how much y e more they will be chargable unto
you, the better * they had need to be husbanded, &c. Goe on,

* Bet- in MS. — Ed.

1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 201

good freinds, comfortably, pluck up your spirits, and quitte your
selves like men in all your difficulties, that notwithstanding all
displeasure and threats of men, yet y e work may goe on you are
aboute, and not be neglected. Which is so much for y e gloric
of God, and the furthranee of our countrie-men, as that a man
may with more comforte [137] spend his life in it, then live y*
life of Mathusala, in wasting y e plentie of a tilled land, or eating
y e fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to you
all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves,
this 18. of Des : 1624.

Your assured freinds to our powers,

J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. tec*

By this leter it appears in what state y c affairs of* y rt
plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought,
but they were at deare rates, for they put 40. in y e hun-
dred upon them, for profite and adventure, outward bound ;
and because of y e vnture of y e paiment homeward, they
would have 30.f in y e 100, more, which was in all 70. p r .
cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some, and too
great an oppression upon y e poore people, as their case
stood. The catle were y e best goods, for y e other being
ventured ware, were neither at y e best (some of them) nor
at y e best prises. Sundrie of their freinds disliked these
high rates, but coming from many hands, they could not
help it.

They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne
acoiinte ; the one was y e pinass that was cast away y c last

* " James Sherley (sick), William to the plantation to begin a stock for the

Collier, Thomas Fletcher, Robert Hoi- poor." Cushman concludes by entreat-

land. This letter was wrote with Mr. ing the Governor " to have a care of

Cushman's hand ; and it is likely was my son as of your own " ; alluding here

penned by him at the others' request." to his son Thomas, who came over with

-Bradford's Letter-Book, in 1 Mass. Hist, him in the Fortune, and was left behind

Coll., III. 3*1. in the colony, being then fourteen ycins

Governor Bradford received a letter of age. He also expresses the hope

from Mr. Cushman at the same time, to come to them by the next ships. S-c

dated December 22d, in which he speaks further under the year 162G ; Brad-

of Mr. Sherley as lying at the point of ford's Letter-Book ; Cushman Genc.il-

death, and of the loss which the colony ogy, p. S9. — Ed.
will sustain "if God should take him f l{ 1 mistake not, it was not much

now away. . . He hath sent you a less. [30 h \ in the manuscript. — J*.»»-J
cheese, &c. ; also he hath sent an heifer

26

202 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

year hear in y e cuntrie, and recovered by y e planters, (as
was before related,) who, after she came home, was at-
tached by one of y e company for his perticuler debte, and
now sent againe on this accounted The other was a great
ship, who was well fitted with an experienced m r . & com-
pany of fisher-men, to make a viage, & to goe to Bilbo or
Sabastians with her fish ; the lesser, her order was to load
with cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for England,
y 1 should be received for y e goods sonld to y c plantation.
This bigger ship made a great viage of good drie fish, the
which, if they had gone to a market w lh , would have yeeld-
ed them (as such fish was sould y l season) 1800 H . which
would have enriched them. But because ther was a
bruite of warr with France, y e m r . neglected (through tinf-
erousnes) his order, and put first into Plimoth, & after
into Portsmouth, and so lost their opportunitie, and came
by the loss. The lesser ship had as ill success, though
she was as hopfull as y e other for y e marchants profite ;
for they had fild her with goodly cor-fish taken upon y c
banke, as full as she could swime; and besids she had
some 800 11 . weaight of beaver, besids other furrs to a good
value from y e plantation. The m r , seeing so much goods
come, put it abord y e biger ship, for more saftie ; but M r .
Winslow (their factor in this busines) was bound in a
bond of 500 H . to send it to London in y e smale ship; ther
was some contending between y e m r . & him aboute it.
But he tould y e m r . he would follow his order aboute it ;
if he would take it out afterward, it should be at his perill.
So it went in y e smale ship, and he sent bills of lading in
both. The m r . was so carfull being both so well laden,
as they went joyfully home togeather, for he towed y c lescr

* The Little James, it appears, was of his misfortunes. Bradford says, ** Sin*
sent over at this time by Thomas Flelch- and the beaver in her, which was sen!
er, one of the adventurers, who sus- for the goods we bought the other year,
tained a oreat loss by her. In Bradford's ' being for the most part his, and" was
Letter-Book is a letter from him, dated taken by the Turks, to his utter m>-
November 25, 1625, in which he speaks doing." — Ed.

1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 203

ship at his sterne all y 6 way over bound, and they had
such fayr weather as he never cast her of till they were
shott deep in to y e English Chanell, almost within y e sight
of Plimoth; and yet ther she was unhaply taken by a
Turks man of warr, and carried into Saly, # wher y e m r ,
and men were made slaves, and many of y e beaver skins
were sould for 4 d * a peece. [138] Thus was all their hops
dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to cary home turned
to heavie tidings. Some thought this a hand of God for
their too great exaction of y e poore plantation, but Gods
judgments are unseerchable, neither dare I be bould ther-
with ; but however it shows us y e uncertainty of all hu-
mane things, and what litle cause ther is of joying in
them or trusting to them.

In y e bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Stan-
dish from y e plantation, w th leters & instructions, both to
their freinds of y e company which still clave to them, and
also to y e Honourable Counsell of New-England. To y c
company to desire y l seeing that they ment only to let
them have goods upon sale, that they might have them
upon easier termes, for they should never be able to bear
such high intrest, or to allow so much per cent; also that
what they would doe in y l way that it might be disburst
in money, or such goods as were fittc and' needfull for
them, & bought at best hand ; and to aquainte them with
y e contents of his leters to y e Counsellf above said, which
was to this purpose, to desire their favour & help ; that
such of y e adventurers as had thus forsaken & deserted
them, might be brought to some order, and not to keepe
thern bound, and them selves be free. But that they might
either stand to ther former covenants, or ells come to some
faire end, by dividente, or composition. But he came in a
very bad time, for y e Stat was full of trouble, and y e plague

* Sallee. — Ed. one to Cushman, dated June 9th, and

t This letter to the Council, which sent at the same time, are preserved m
bears date June 28 of this year, and also Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed.

204 HISTORY OF [BOOK J I.

very hote in London, so as no bussines could be done ; yet
he spake with some of y e Honourd Counsel!, who prom-
ised all helpfullnes to y e plantation which lay in them.
And sundrie of their freinds y e adventurers were so weak-
ened with their losses y e last year, by y e losse of y e ship
taken by y e Turks, and y e loss of their fish, w ch by reason
of y e warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, and
so came to litle ; so as, though their wills w r ere good, yet
they 1 power was litle. And ther dyed such multituds
weekly of y e plague, as all trade was dead, and litle
money stirring. Yet with much adooe he tooke up 150 h .
(& spent a good deal of it in expences) at 50. per cent.
Avhich he bestowed in trading goods & such other most
needfull comodities as he knew requiset for their use ; and
so returned passenger in a fhishing ship, haveing prepared
a good way for y e compossition that was afterward made.

In y e mean time it pleased y e Lord to give y e plantation
peace and health and contented minds, and so . to blese
ther labours, as they had corne sufficient, (and some to
spare to others,) with other foode ; neither ever had they
any supply of foode but what they first brought with
them. After harvest this year, they sende out a boats
load of corne 40. or 50. leagues to y e eastward, up a river
' called Kenibeck ; it being one of those 2. shalops which
their carpenter had built them y e year before ; for bigger
vessell had they none. They had laid a litle deck over
her midships to keepe y e corne drie, but y e men were faine
to stand it out all weathers without shelter ; and y l time
[139] of y e year begins to growe tempestious. But God
preserved them, and gave them good success, for they
brought home 700 H . of beaver, besicls some other funs,
having litle or nothing els but this corne, which them
selves had raised out of y e earth. This viage was made
by M r . Winslow & some of y e old standards,* for seamen
they had none.

* First written as in the text, then altered to standcrss. — Ed.

1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 205

Anno Bom: 1626.

About y e begining of Aprill they heard of Captain Stan-
dish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, and
y e things he had brought. Welcome he was, but y° news
he broughte was sadd in many regards ; not only in re-
garde of the former losses, before related, which their
freinds had suffered, by which some in a manor were un-
don, others much disabled from doing any further help,
and some dead of y e plague, but also y l M r . llobinson,
their pastor, was dead, which struck them with much sor-
row & sadnes, as they had cause. His aud their adver-
saries had been long & continually plotting how they
might hinder his coming hither, but y° Lord had appoint-
ed him a better place; concerning whose death & the
maner therof, it will appere by these few lines write to y 6
Gov' & J\! r . Brewster.

Loving & kind frinds, &c. I know not whether this will ever
come to your hands, or misearie, as other my letters have done ;
yet in regard of y e Lords dealing with us hear, I have had a
great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a
parte with us, both in our joyes, & sorrows; as we' doe w lh you.
These are therfore to give you to understand, that it hath pleased
the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, your and our loving
& faithfull pastor, and my dear & Reve d brother, M r . John llob-
inson, who was sick some 8. days. He begane to be sick on
Saturday in y e morning, yet y e next day (being the Lords day)
he taught us twise. And so y e weeke after grew weaker, every
day more then other ; yet he felt no paine but weaknes all y c
time of his sieknes. The phisick he tooke wrought kindly in mans
judgments, but he grew weaker every day, feeling litle or no
paine, and sensible to y e very last. He fell sicke y e 22. of Feb :
and departed this life y e 1. of March.* He had a coniimiall

* These dates, and that of this letter moirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden, it :ip-

from Leyden, are probably expressed pears that Robinson was buried tlirrti

in New Style, which generally prevailed days after his death, on March Jih,

at that time on the Continent, but wiiich under the pavement of the aisle ot in<*

England was slow in adopting. From Peter's church. See 3 Ma*s. Him.

Mr. George Sumner's interesting Me- Coll., IX. 50, 71. — Ed.

206 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

inwarde ague, but free from infection, so y l all his freinds came
freely to him. And if either prayers, tears, or means, would
have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having
faithfully finished his course, and performed his worke which
y e Lord had appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with
y e Lord in etemall hapines. We wanting him & all Church
Gov rs , yet we still (by y e inereie of God) continue & hould close
togeather, in peace and quietnes ; and so hope we shall doe,
though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were y e will of
God) that you & we were againe united togeather in one, either
ther or here; but seeing it is y e will of y e Lord thus to dispose
of things, w T c must labour w th patience to rest contented, till it
please y e Lord otherwise to dispose. For [140] news, is here
not much ; only as in England we have lost our old king James,
who departed this life aboute a month agoe,* so here they have
lost y e old prince, Grave Mourise ;f who both departed this life
since my brother llobinson. And as in England we have a
new-king Charls, of whom ther is great hope, so hear they have
made prince Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, &e. Thus
with my love remembred, I take leave & rest,

Your assured loving freind,

Roger White.
Leyden, Aprill 28.
An°: 1625.

Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this
world near aboute one time. Death maks no difference.

He further brought them notice of y e death of their
auuiente freind, M r . Cush-man, J whom y e Lord tooke away

* March 27th. — Ed. at Plymouth during Cushman's brief
| AVho died five days before this visit there in 1C21, of which, writes
letter was written. — Ed. Judge Davis, in 1785, " unquestionable
J All that is known of Robert Cush- tradition renders certain that he was the
man may be found in this History, if author, and even transmits to us a
we except some writings attributed to knowledge of the spot where it was de-
liim elsewhere, which incidentally may livered." The original is a small quarto
throw light upon his character. At the of nineteen pages, besides six pages of
end of Mourt's Relation is a paper The Epistle Dedicatonj. The following
which bears his initials, entitled " Ilea- transcript of the title-page is taken from
sons and Considerations touching the a copy of the first edition, in the posses-
Lawfulness of removing out of England sion of Mr. Edward A. Crowninshield
into the Parts of America." Reference of Boston, probably the only one in the
has already been made, on page 55, for country. if A Sermon Preached at
another purpose, to the sermon preached Piimmoth in New-England December 9.

1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 207

allso this year, & aboute this time, who was as their right
hand with* their freincls y e adventurers, and for divorce
years had done & agitated all their bussines with them
to thcr great advantage. He had write to y e Gove r but
some few months before,* of y c sore sicknes of M r . James
Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to y e plantation, and lay
at y e pointe of death, declaring his love & helpfn lines, in
all things ; and much bemoned the loss they should have
of him, if God should now take him away, as being v"
stay & life of y e whole bussines. As allso his ownc pur-
poss this year to come over, and spend his days with
them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, knew
not y l his owne death was so near. It shows allso that a
mas ways are not in his owne power, but in his hands
who hath y e issues of life and death. Man may purpose,
but God doth dispose.

Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to
them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss ; *j* and though
their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no
probabilitie of means, how it might be effected, but con-
cluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and
many, being aged, begane to drop away by death.

All which things (before related) being well weighed

IG21. In an assemblie of his Majesties It was the purpose of the discourse to
fahhfull Subieets, ihere inhabiting, exhort the planters to be faithful to
"Wherein is shewed the danger of selfe- their engagement with the adventurers,
loue, and the sweetnesse of true Friend- in the trying system of conmumuy
ship. Together with a preface shewing which had been adopted. As lias I«*en
the state of the Country, and condition seen, Cnshman came over in thti 1 'or*
of the Savages. Rom. 12. 10. Be tune, and immediately returned in Imt
affectioned to loue one another with to London, " for so Mr. Weston and
brotherly hue. Written in the yeare the rest, 1 ' writes Governor Bradford,
1621. London Printed by I. D. for "had appointed him. for their hv\u.x
Iohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at information " ; though from the cum-
ins shop at the two Grey-hounds in mencement of Weston's letter, on \w.o
Corne-hill, neere the Royal! Exchange, 114, it would be inferred that lie did tm\
1022." It is dedicated " To His Lov- expect Mr. Cushman's return in ti»<*
ing Friends, The Adventurers for New- ship. See pages 105, 103, 114,201. I* ,r
England; Together with all well-will- an ample account of his deseemJaRis,
ers and well-wishers thereunto. Grace see " Cushman Genealogy." — l"-i'« ^
$ Peace, &c."; and is dated " Plim- * Under date December 22d, !*'-*».
moth in New-England, December 12. See p. 201. — Ed.
1621." The text is from 1 Cor. 10.24. -f See Bradford's Letter-Book. — hr>.

20S HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great
perplexitie ; and to looke humanly on y e state of things as
they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it
did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But
they gathered up their spirits, and y e Lord so helped
them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they
were at lowest* they begane to rise againe, and being
striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he
brought things aboute other wise, in his devine provi-
dence, as they were not only upheld & sustained, but
their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others ;
as by y e sequell will more appeare, if y e Lord spare me
life & time to declare y e same.

Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to in-
tend, but only their trading & planting, they sett them
selves to follow the same with y e best industrie they could.
The planters finding their corne, what they could spare
from ther necessities, to be a comoditie, (for they soulcl it
at 6 s - a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting y e same.
And y e Gove r and such as were designed to manage the
trade, (for it was retained for y e generall good, [141] and
none were to trade in perticuler,) they followed it to the
best advantage they could ; and wanting trading goods,
they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen,
& belonged to some marchants of Plimoth was to breake
up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould ; the
Gove r and M r . Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and
went thither. But M r . David Thomson, who lived at Pas-
cataway,-}* understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie

* Note. probably in reference to this a number

| From the petition of his son, it of curious depositions were made, which

appears that " in and about " this year furnish a good illustration of the hazard

Thompson took possession of the island of relying too implicitly upon statements

in Massachusetts Bay bearing his name, made by ancient people, wholly from

and there erected a habitation. About memory, concerning events which trans-

the year 1650, a controversy existed pired many years before, and of making

between the inhabitants of Dorchester them the basis of definite historical con-

and John Thompson, the son of David, elusions. These depositions are printed

respecting Thompson's Island; and in the New England Historical and Gen-

1626.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

209

to goe with them, which was some hinclerance to them
both; for they, perceiveing their joynte desires to buy,
held their goods at higher rates ; and not only so, but
would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte
they sotild all. So, lest they should further prejudice one
an other, they agreed to buy all, & devid them equally
between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats,
which they distributed at home as they saw necde & occa-
sion, and tooke come for them of y e people, which gnve
them good content. Their moyety of y c goods came to

ealogical Register. The Sagamore of
Aggawam deposes, " that in the year
1(519, or thereabouts, as I remember, I
went in my own person with. Mr. David
Thompson, and that, he took possession
of the island before Dorchester," &c.
William Trevore testifies that Thomp-
son's Island is the same with that for-
merly called " Island of Trevore, which
island I, the said Trevore, took posses-
sion of in 1G 19, and declared the same
unto Mr. David Thompson of London,"
who thereupon obtained a patent of it.
Miles Standish deposes, that " in the
year 1620 I came into this country, and,
I take it, the same year, I was in the
Massachusetts Bay with William Tre-
vore," and ihen, being upon the said isl-
and, called it "Island Trevore." It is
difficult to see what precise point is at-
tempted to be proved by these declara-
tions, aside from the obvious one of the
priority of Thompson's claim to that of
Massachusetts ; but it will at once be
seen that they are inconsistent with each
other. The application of a few ad-
ditional facts to these depositions will
show how little they are to be relied
upon as definite historical data. Wil-
liam Trevore came over with his fellow-
deponent, Standish, in the Mayflower;
and it is well known that the first visit
which the Plymouth people made to
Boston harbor was in September of the
next year, 1G21. Standish was one of
the ten in that expedition, and Trevore
may have been of the numher. This is
the earliest period at which these two
could have been together at Thompson's
Island, being two years after the time
when the latter, as he states, took pos-

27

session. Trevore went back to Kug-
land after having been a year in the
country ; probably returning in the For-
tune, which did not arrive at London
till the middle of February of the next
year. He may then have communicated
with Mr. Thompson, as he states above.
This shows the value to be placed upon
the testimony of the Sagamore, who de-
clares that Thompson took possession
himself in 1G19; though he adds the
important qualification, as to time, uf
''thereabouts." It is possible that
Thompson may have had a grant of the
island which bears his name for some
time previous to his occupancy of it, and
before he came' over in the early part of
the year 1623. From the Rev. Mr.
Felt's Memoranda from the Stale P;:p»T
Office, previously referred to, bein'j ex-
tracts from what is supposed to be the
Records of the Council for New Hol-
land, is the following : il November
16th, 102-2. Mr. Thompson's patent
signed. December 3d. Mr. Thompson
proposes to transport ten persons." We
have nothing further to show the iden-
tity of this Mr. Thompson with our
David, or to indicate the location of this
patent. It appears from this History,
on page 122, that Trevore, on his return
to England, communicated freely n»
others "what he knew or imagined "
of different parts of the country here.
He is probably the same person we find
in Winthrop, I. 100. See pane 1j1;
Records of Mass. Colony, HI. 202, 2*C,
217; New England Hist, and Gen«-:>1.
Reg., IX. 248; Mourt, in Youncr, ;■;»*
224-229; List of Passengers in the
Mayflower, in Appendix, No. I. — Co.

210 HISTOllY OF [BOOK II.

above 400 H . sterling. Ther was allso that spring a French
ship cast away at Sacadahock, in w ch were many Biscaie
ruggs & other comodities, which were falen into these
mens hands, & some other fisher men at Damerins-cove,
which were allso bought in partnership, and made their
parte arise to above SOO* 1 . This they made shift to pay
for, for y e most part, with y e beaver & comodities they had
gott y e winter before, & what they had gathered up y l
somer. M r . Thomson having some thing overcharged him
selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they re-
fused except he would let them have his French goods
only; and y e marchant (who was one of B'ristol) would
take their bill for to be paid y e next year. They were
both willing, so they became ingaged for them & tooke
them. • By which means they became very well furnished
for trade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments
w ch lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine
Standish, and y e remains of former debts. With these
goods, and their cornc after harvest, they gott good store
of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagements
against y e time, & to get some cloathing for y e people,
and- had some comodities before hand. But now they
begane to be envied, and others wente and fild y e Indeans
with corne, and beat downe y e prise, giveing them twise
as much as they had done, and under traded them in
other comodities allso.

This year they sent M r . Allerton into England, and
gave him order to make a composition with y e adventur-
ers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which sonic
way had ben made y e year before by Captaine Standish);
but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they
knew y e termes, and had well considered of them ; but to
drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr y e con-
clusion to them. Also they gave him a coinission* under

* Bearing date July 2, 1626. Mr. sterling, for the space of two years M
Allerton was authorized to negotiate Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ed.
for a loan of "one hundred pounds

1G27.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 211

their hands & seals to take up some money, provided it
exeeded not such a suirie specified, for which they engaged
them selves, and gave him order how to lay out y e same
for y e use of y c plantation.

And finding they raiie a great hazard to goe so long
viages in a smale open boat, espetialy y c winter season,
they began e" to thinke how they might gett a small piiiass ;
as for y e reason afforesaid, so also because others had
raised y e prise with y e Indeans above y e halfe of what they
had formerly given, so as in such a boat they could not
[143*] carry a quantity sufficient to answer their ends.
They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew
how to get one at presente ; but they having an ingenious
man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought
with y e ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their
boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a
triall that way of his skill ; and tooke one of y e bigest of
ther shalops and sawed her in y e midle, and so lenthencd
her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her with timbers,
and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so made
her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt & com-
fortable for their use, which did them servise 7. years
after ; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles
& anchors, y° insuing year. And thus passed y° affairs
of this year.

Anno Dom: 1627.

At y e usual! season of y e coming of ships M r . Allerton
returned, and brought some usfull goods with him, ac-
cording to y e order given him. For upon his commission
he tooke up 200 u . which he now gott at 30. per cent. The
which goods they gott sally home, and well conditioned,
which was much to the comfort & contente of y e planta-

* Here occurs another error in the paging of the original ; 142 is oinittoJ.

212 HISTORY OF [BOOK IT.

tion. He declared unto them, allso, how, with much adoe
and no small trouble, he had made a composition with y e
adventurers, by the help of sundrie of their faithfull freinds
ther, who had allso tooke much pains ther about. The
agreement or bargen he had brought a draught of, with a
list of ther names ther too annexed, drawne by the best
counsell of law they could get, to make it firme. The
heads wherof I shall here inserte.

To all Christian people, greeting, &c. Wheras at a meeting
y ti 26. of October last past, diverse & sundrie persons, whose
names to y e one part of these presents are subscribed in a sched-
ule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in New-
England in America, were contented and agreed, in considera-
tion of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred pounds
sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme foiling,) to sell, and
make sale of all & every y c stocks, shares, lands, marchandise,
and challes, what soever, to y e said adventurers, and other ther
fellow adventurers to New Plimotb aforesaid, any way accruing,
or belonging to y p generalise of y e said adventurers aforesaid ;
as well by reason of any sume or sumes of money, or marchan-
dise, at anytime heretofore adventured or disbursed by them, or
other wise howsoever ; for y e better expression and setting forth
of which said agreemente, the parties to these presents subscrib-
ing, doe for [144] them selves severally, and as much as in them
is, grant, bargan, alien, sell, and transfere all & every y e said
shares, goods, lauds, marchandice, and chatles to them belong-
ing as aforesaid, unto Isaack Alerton, one of y e planters resi-
dent at Plimoth aftbresaid, assigned, and sent over as agente for
y e rest of y e planters ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth
afibresaid as y e said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther
arrivall, shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or
partake in y e premisses, their heirs, & assignes, in as large, am-
ple, and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes,
as y e said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or
performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, &a to the said adven:
in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belonging, the
said adven : doe warrant & defend unto the said Isaack Allerton,
his heirs and assignes, against them, their heirs and assignes,
by these presents. And therfore y e said Isaack Allerton doth,

1627.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

213

for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant, promise, & grant too &
with y e adven : whose names arc here unto subscribed, \hvr
heirs, &c. well cg truly to pay, or cause to be payed, unto y c
said adven : or 5. of them which were, at y l meeting affbrsaid,
nominated & deputed, viz. John Pocock, Joint Beachamp, liobart
Keane, Edward Base, and James Sherley, marehants, their heirs,
&c. too and for y e use of y e generallitie of them, the sume of
I800 li . of .lawfull money of England, at y e place appoynted fur
y e receipts of money, on the west side of y e Koyall Kxclming in
London, by 200 li . yearly, and every year, on y e feast of St.
Migchell, the first paiment to be made An : 162S. &c. AlLso
y e said Isaack is to indeavor to procure & obtaine from y c plant-
ers of N. P. aforesaid, seeuritie, by severall obligations, or writ-
ings obligatory, to make paiment of y e said sume of 1S00''. in
forme affbrsaid, according to y e true meaning of these presents.
In testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining
with y e said Isaack Allerton, y e said subscribing adven : have
sett to their names,* &c. And to y c other part remaining with
y e said adven : the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his
name, y e 15. Nov br . An : 1G26. imf 2. year of his Majesties raigne.

This agreemente was very well liked of, & approved by
all y e plantation, and consented unto ; though they knew

* Below are the names of the adven-
turers subscribed to this paper, taken
from Bradford's Letter-Book, 1 Mass.
Hist. Coll., III. 48 ; being forty-two in
number. The names of six of these
persons are found subsequently among
the members of the Massachusetts Com-
pany, viz. John White, John Pocock,
Thomas Golfe, Samuel Sharpe, John
Revell, and Thomas Andrews. Mr.
Haven, who edited the Records of the
Massachusetts Company, is of opinion
that the first person on the list is the
celebrated clergyman of Dorchester, the
reputed author of the Planter's Plea.
Emnu. Alltham is probably the same
person named in the Council Rec-
ords, under date January 21, 1622-3 :
M Emanuel Altum to command the
Pinnace buiit for Mr. Peirce's Planta-
tion." Smith ypeaks of u Captaine
Alto/n " as commanding this vessel!,
but Morton says the name of the master
of the Little James was Mr. Bridges,
who it appears was drowned at Dama-
riscove, in March, 1624. See Coll. of

the Amer. Antiq. Soc, III. 20, Gv\
Preface ; Felt's MS. Memoranda In mi
the Council Records ; Smith** General!
Historic, p. 239 ; Morton's Memorial,
p. 48.

John White,
John Pocock,
Robert Kcan,
Edward Bass,
William Hobson,
William Penington,
William Qnarlcs,
Daniel Poynton,
Richard Andrews,
Xewman Rookcs,
Henry Browning,
Richard Wright,
John Ling,
Thomas Goftc,
Samuel Sharpe,
Robert Holland,
James Sherley,
Thomas Mott,
Thomas Pletchcr,
Timothy Hathcrly,
Thomas Brewer,

John Thorned,
Mvles Ivnowle?,
William Collier,
John Rcvcll,
Peter Gudkim,
Emnu. Alltham,
John Beanchatnp,
Thomas Hudson,
Thomas Andrew*,
Thomas Ward,
Pria. Xcwbnld,
Thomas llcaih,
Joseph Tildon,
William IVrrin,
Eliza Knight,
Thomas Govern n,
Robert AUdeii.
Lawrence Asuhonv.
John Knid'l,
Matihew Thurr.hi!!,
Thomas MilNop.

— Ko.

214 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

not Avell how to raise y e payment, and discharge their
other ingagements, and supply the yearly wants of y«
plantation, seeing they were forced for their necessities to
take up money or goods at so high intrests. Yet they
undcrtooke it, and 7. or 8. of y e eheefc of y e place became
joyntly bound for y e paimente of this 1800 H . (in y e behalfe
of y e rest) at y e severall clays. In which they rane a
great adventure, as their present state stood, having many
other heavie burthens allready upon them, and all things
in an uncertaine condition amongst them. So y e next
returne it was absolutly confirmed on both sids, and y e
bargen fairly ingrossed in partehmente and in many things
put into better forme, by y e advice of y e learnedest counsell
they could gett ; and least any forfeiture should fall on y e
whole for none paimente at any of y e days, it rane thus :
to forfitc 30 3 - a weeke if they missed y e time ; and was
concluded under their hands & seals, as may be seen at
large by y e deed it selfe *

[145] Now though they had some untowarde persons
mixed amongst them from the first, which came out of
England, and more afterwards by some of y e adventurers,
as freindship or other affections led them, — though sun-
drie were gone, some for Virginia, and some to other
places, — yet diverse were still mingled amongst them,
about whom y° Gove r & counsell with other of their cheefe
freinds had serious consideration, how to setle things in
regard of this new bargen or purchas made, in respecte
of y e distribution of things both for y e presente and future.
For y c present, excepte peace and union were preserved,
they should be able to doe nothing, but indanger to over
throw all, now that other tyes & bonds were taken away.
Therfore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all
amongst them, that were either heads of families, or single
yonge men, tlias were of abillity, and free, (and able to
governe them selvs with meete descretion, and their af-

* Which is not here inserted. — Ed.

1G27-] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 215

fairs, so as to be helpfull in y e comone-welth,) into tins
partnership or purchass. First, y ey considered that they
had need of men & strength both for defence and carrying
on of bussinesses. 2 Iy , most of them had borne ther parts
in former miseries & wants with them, and thcrfore (in
some sort) but equall to partake in a better condition, if
y e Lord be pleased to give it. But cheefly they saw not
how peace would be preserved without so doing, but dan-
ger & great disturbance might grow to their great hurie
& prejudice other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such
a mean in distribution of lands, and other courses, as
should not hinder their growth in others coming to them.
So they caled y e company togeather, and conferred with
them, and came to this conclusion, that y e trade should be
managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all such
persons as were above named should be reputed and in-
rouled for purchasers ; single free men to have a single
share, and every father of a familie to be alowed to pur-
chass so many shares as he had persons in his family;
that is to say, one for him selfe, and one for his wife, and
for every child that he had living with him, one. As for
servants, they had none, but what either their maistors
should give them out of theirs, or their deservings should
obtaine from y e company afterwards. Thus all were to
be cast into single shares according to the order above-
said ; and so every one was to pay his part according to
his proportion towards y e purchass, & all other debts,
what y e profile of y e trade would not reach too ; viz, a
single man for a single share, a maister of a famalie for so
many as he had. This gave all good contente. And first
accordingly the few catle which they had were devidcd *
which arose to this proportion ; a cowe to 6. persons or
shars, & 2. goats to y e same, which were first equalised

* This division of cattle, concluded The rule for division there indicated aj»-

upon at a public court held May 22d of pears to be, one cow and two goat* 10

this year, may be seen in Davis's thirteen persons. — Ed.
edition of the Memorial, pp. 381-3S6.

216 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

for age & goodnes, and then lotted for; single persons
consorting- with others, as they thought good, & smaler
familys likwise; and swine though more [146] in number,
yet by y c same rule. Then they agreed that every person
or share should have 20. acres of land devided unto them,
besids y e single acres they had allrcady ; * and they ap-
poynted were to begin first on y e one side of y e towne, &
how fan* to goe ; and then on y e other side in like maner ;
and so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by
name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine nils to proceed
by ; as that they should only lay out settable or tillable
land, at least such of it as should butt on y e water side,
(as y e most they were to lay out did,) and pass by y e rest
as refuse and commie ; and what they judged fitte should
be so taken. And ,they were first to agree of y e goodnes
& fitnes of it before the lott was drawne, and so it might
as well prove some of ther owne, as an other mans ; and
this course they were to hould throwout. But yet seeke-
ing to keepe y e people togither, as much as might be, they
allso agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before
any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall
next y c towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they should
take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they best liked ;
and should suffer them to plant corne with them for 4.
years ; and afterwards they might use as much of theirs
for as long time, if they would. Allso every share or 20.
acers was to be laid out 5. acres in breadth by y e water
side, and 4. acres in lenght, excepting nooks & corners,
which were to be measured as y ey would bear to best ad-
vantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at all, nor
were not of many years after, because they were but
straight of meadow grounds ; and if they had bene now
given out, it would have hindred all addition to them
afterwards ; but every season all were appoynted wher

* This division of lands was agreed upon at a Court held January 3d, 1627-S.
See Hazard, I. ISO, 181. — Ed.~

1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 217

they should mo we, according to y e proportion of catle
they had. This distribution gave generally good contentc,
and setlcd mens minds. Also they gave y e Gove r & 4. or
5. of y e spetiall men amongst them, y e houses they lived
in ; y e rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent rate,
and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a better
alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as 3; valua-
tion wente.

Ther is one thing that fell out in y e begining of y e win-
ter before, which I have refferred to this place, that I may
handle y e whole matter togeither. Ther was a ship, with
many passengers in her and sundrie goods, bound for
Virginia, They had lost them selves at sea, either by y°
insufficiencie of y e maister, or his ilnes; for he was sick
& lame of y e scurvie, so that he could but lye in y Q cabin
dore, & give direction ; and it should seeme was badly
assisted either w lh mate or mariners ; or else y e fear and
unrulines of y e passengers were such, as they made them
stear a course betwecne y e southwest & y e norwest, that
they might fall with some land, what soever it was they
cared not. For they had been 6. weeks at sea, and had
no water, nor beere, nor any woode left, but had burnt up
all their emptie caske ; only one of y e company had a
hogshead of wine or 2. w T hich was allso allmost spent e,
so as they feared they should be starved at sea, or con-
sumed with diseases, which made them rune this desper-

f

ate course. But it plased God that though they came so
neare y e shoulcls of Cap-Codd [147] or else ran stumbling
over them in y e night, they knew not how, they came right
before a small blind harbore, that lyes aboute y e miclle of
Manamoyakc Bay, to y e southward of Cap-Codd, witli a
small gale of wind ; and about highwater toucht upon a
ban* of sand that lyes before it, but had no hurte, y° sea
being smoth ; so they laid out an anchore. But towards
the eveing the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so rough,
as broake their cable, & beat them over the barr into y*

28

218 HISTORY OF [BOOK U.

harbor, wher they saved their lives & goods, though much
were hurte with salt water ; for w th beating they had sprung
y c but end of a planke or too, & beat out ther occome ;
but they were soone over, and ran on a drie flate within
the harbor, close by a beach ; so at low water they gatl
out their goods on drie shore, and dried those that were
wette, and saved most of their things without any great
loss ; neither was y e ship much hurt, but shee might be
mended, and made servisable againe. But though they
were not a litle glad that they had thus saved their lives,
yet when they had a litle refreshed them selves, and be-
gane to thinke on their condition, not knowing wher they
were, nor what they should doe, they begane to be struck-
en with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians
come to them in canows, which made them stand upon
their gard. But when they heard some of y c Indeans
speake English unto them, they were not a litle revived,
especially when they heard them demand if they were the
Gove r of Plimoths men, or freinds ; and y l they would
bring them to y e English houses, or carry their letters.

They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many giftes ;
and sente 2. men and a letter with them to y e Gove r , and
did intreat him to send a boat unto them, with some pitch,
& occume, and spiks, w th divers other necessaries for y*
mending of ther ship (which was recoverable). Allso
they besought him to help them with some corne and sun-
drie other things they wanted, to enable them to make
their viage to Virginia ; and they should be much bound
to him, and would make satisfaction for any thing they
had, in any comodities they had abord. After y e Gov r
was well informed by y e messengers of their condition, lie
caused a boate to be made ready, and such things to be
provided as they write for ; and because others were
abroad upon trading, and such other affairs, as had been
fitte to send unto them, he went him selfe, & allso carried
some trading comodities, to buy them corne of y e Indeans.

1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 219

It was no season of y e year to goe withoute y e Cape, but
understanding wher y e ship lay, he went into y e bottom of
y e bay, on y e inside, and put into a crick called Nanmska-
chett,* wher it is not much above 2. mile over [148] land
to y e bay wher they were, wher he had y c Indeans ready
to cary over any thing to them. Of his arrivall they were
very glad, -and received the things to mend ther ship, &
other necessaries. Allso he bought them as much cornc
as they would have; and wheras some of their sea-men
were rune away amonge the Indeans, he procured their
returne to y e ship, and so left them well furnished and
contented, being very thankfull for y e curtesies they rc-
ceaved. But after the Gove r thus left them, he went into
some other harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with
corne, which he traded, and so went home. But he had
not been at home many days, but he had notice from
them, that by the violence of a great storme, and y c bad
morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was put
a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now wholy
unfitte to goe to sea.-j" And so their request was that they
might have leave to repaire to them, and soujourne with
them, till they could have means to convey them selves to
Virginia ; and that they might have means to trasport
their goods, and they would pay for y e same, or any thing
els wher with y e plantation should releeve them. Consid-
ering their distres, their requests were granted, and all
helpfullnes done unto them ; their goods transported, and
them selves & goods sheltered in their houses as well as
they could.

The cheefe amongst these people was one M r . Fells and

* " In the northwest quarter of the f The beach where this ship^ was

township, on Barnstable Bay, is Nam- stranded still bears the name of OiJ

&keket Creek, which is three quarters Ship, and it is said that some portions

of a mile long, and which, as far as it of the wreck were to be seen about mm-

*uns, is the dividing- line between Or- enty years ago. See 1 Mass. Hi>t-

leans and Harwich [now Brewster]." Coll., VIII. 144.— Ed.
Ucbcrintion of Orleans, in 1 Mass. Hist.
Coll., VIII. 183. — Ed.

220 HISTOllY OF [BOOK l\

M r . Sibsie, which had many servants belonging unto them,
many of them being Irish. Some others ther were y l had
a serf ante or 2. a peece ; but y e most were servants, and
sucli as were ingaged to the former persons, who .allso
liad y e most goods. Affter they were hither come, and
some thing setled, the maisters desired some ground to
imploye ther servants upon ; seing it was like to be y c
latter end of y e year before they could have passage for
Virginia, and they had now y e winter before them ; they
might clear some ground, and plant a crope (seeing they
had tools, & necessaries for y e same) to help to bear their
charge, and keep their servants in imployment; and if
they had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe,
they would sell it on y e ground. So they had ground
appointed them in convenient places, and Fells & some
other of them raised a great deall of corne, which they
sould at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other
servants, had a maid servante which kept his house & did
his houshold affairs, and by the intimation of some that
belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep her, as his
concubine ; and both of them were examined ther upon,
but nothing could be proved, and they stood upon their
justification ; so with admonition they were dismiste. But
afterward it appeard she was with child, so he gott a small
boat, & ran away with her, for fear of punishmente. First
he went to Cap- Anne, and after into y e bay of y e Massa-
chussets, but could get no passage, and had like to have
been cast away ; and was forst to come againe and sub-
mite him selfe ; but they pact him away & those that be-
longed unto him by the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all
the rest as soone as could, being many untoward people
amongst them ; though ther were allso some that earied
them selves very orderly all y e time they stayed. And the
plantation [149] had some .benefite by them, in selling
them corne & other provisions of food for cloathing ; for
they had of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, & other

1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 221

stuffs, besids hose, & shoes, and such like coiiiodities as
y e planters stood in need of. So they both did good, and
received good one from another; and a cuple of barks
caried them away at y e later end of somer. And sundrie
of them have acknowledged their thankfullnes since from
I . Virginia.

That they might y e better take all convenient opportu-
nitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them selves,
and to disingage them of those great sumes which they
stood charged with, and bound for, they resoloved to build
a smale pinass at Manamet,* a place 20. mile from y°
plantation, standing on y e sea to y° southward of them,
unto which, by an other creeke on this side, they could
cary their goods, within 4. or 5. miles, and then trasport
them over land to their vessell ; and so avoyd the compas-
ing of Cap-Codd, and those cleangerous shoulds, and so
make any vioage to y e southward in much shorter time,
and with fair less danger. Also for y e saftie of their ves-
sell & goods, they builte a house their, and kept some
servants, who also planted come, and reared some swine,
and were allwayes ready to goe out with y e barke when
ther was occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and
turned to their profite.

They now sent (with y e return e of y e ships) M r . Allerton
againe into England, giveing him full power, under their
hands & seals, to conclude the former bargaine with y°
adventurers ; and sent ther bonds for y e paimente of the
money. Allso they sent what beaver they could spare to
pay some of their ingagementes, & to defray his chargs ;
for those deepe interests still kepte them low. Also he
had order to procure a patente for a fitt trading place in
y e river of Kenebeck ; for being emulated both by the plant-
ers at Pascataway & other places to y e eastward of then),
and allso by y e fishing ships, which used to draw much

* A part of Sandwich which lies on zard's Bay. See 1 Mass. Hist. Coll..
Manoraet River, ^'hich runs into Buz- V11I. 252, 253. — En.

#

222 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

profite from y e Indeans of those parts, they threatened to
procure a grante, & shutte them out from thence; espetial-
ly after they saw them so well furnished with eoinoclitics,
as to carle the trade from them. They thought it hut
needfull to prevente such a thing, at least that they might
not he excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had
first begune and discovered the same, ad brought it to so
good effecte. This year allso they had letters, and mes-
sengers from y e Dutch-plantation, sent unto them from y e
Gov 1 ther,. writen both in Dutch & French. The Dutch
had traded in these southerne parts, diverse years before
they came ; but they begane no plantation hear till 4. or
5. years after their coming, and here begining.* Ther
letters were as followeth. It being their maner to be full
of eomplementall titles.

Eedele, Eerenfeste Wysc Voorsinnige Reeren, den Goveer-
neur, ende Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende ; onse seer
Goede vrinden den direeteur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande,
wensen vwe Edn: eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluek
saliehitt [gelukzaligheid ?], In Christi Jesu onsen He ere ; met
goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem.
Amen.f

The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the
repetition of superfluous titles.

{150] We have often before this wished for an opportunitie
or an occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and
praise-worthy undertakeings, and Goverment of your colony
ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good begin-
ing to pitch y e foundation of a collonie hear ; and seeing our
native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our forefathers

* The first permanent agricultural <c Noble, worshipful, wise, and pru-

colonization of New Netherlands was dent Lords, the Governor and Conncil-

in the spring of 1G23. S<:e Brodhead's lors residing in New Plymouth, our

New York, p. 150. — Ed. very dear friends : — The Director and

f The orthography of some of these Council of New Netherland wish to

words differs from the modern way of your Lordships, worshipful, wise, and

spelling them ; and we have no means of prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus our

ascertaining the accuracy of Bradford's Lord, with prosperity and health, in

copy from the original letter. This soul and body.' ' — Ed.
passage may be rendered thus : —

1627.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 223

(diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held frendship and
alliance with your ancestours, as sufficently appears by y c old
contraetes, and entrecourses, confirmed under y e hands of kings
& princes, in y e pointe of warr & trafiek ; as may he scene and
read by all y e world in y e old chronakles. The which are not
only by the king now reigning confirmed, but it hath pleased
his majesty, upon mature deliberation, to make a new cove :
nante, (and- to take up armes,) with y e States Generall of our
dear native country, against our coiuone enemie the Spaniards,
who seeke nothing else but to usurpc and overcome other Chris-
tian kings and princes lands, that so he might obtaine and pos-
sess his pretended monarchic over all Christendom ; and so to
rule and eomand, after his owne pleasure, over y e consciences of
so many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid.

And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto
us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr north-
ward with their shalop, and met with sundry of y° Indeans,
who tould them that they were within halfe a days journey of
your plantation, and offered ther service to cary letters unto you ;
therfore we could not forbear to salute you with these few lines,
with presentation of our good will and servise unto you, in all
frendly-kindnes & neighbourhood. And if it so fall out that
any goods that comes to our hands from our native countrie,
may. be serviceable unto you, we shall takeour selves bound to
help and aecomadate you ther with ; either for beaver or any
other wares or marehandise that you should be pleased to dcale
for. And if in case we have no coiiiodity at present that may
give you contcnte, if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter,
or* such like comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready
money, and let us understand therof by this bearer in writing,
(whom we have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,)
when we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to
deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In y e mean
time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured good freinds
and neigbours, into his holy protection.

By the appointment of y e Gov r and Counsell, <fce.

Isaak de Easier, Seereetaris.*
From y e Manhatas, in y e fort Amsterdam,
March 9. An : 1627.

* This letter may have been copied the language in which it was written,
by Bradford into his Letter-Book, in but it is not preserved in the printed

224 HISTORY OF [BOOK I]

To this they returned answer as folio weth, on y e other

side.*

[151] To the Honoured, <fcc.

The Gove r & Counsell of New-Plim: wisheth, &c. We have
received your leters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills &
frendship towards us ; but is expresed w th over high titls, more
then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your
good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smalt;
beginings of our poore colonic, we are much bound unto you,
and with many thanks doe acknowledg y e same ; taking it both
for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimoney
of your love and good neighbourhood.

Now these are further to give your "Wor^ 3 to understand,
that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath not
only bene pleased to confirmc y l ancient amitie, aliance, and
frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified by his
predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say)
strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist y*
prid of y l comone enemy y e Spaniard, from whose cruelty the
Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now forasmuch
as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good
neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further
obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found
in your countrie ; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome,
and good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day ;
for which we, and our children after us, are bound to be thank-
full to your Nation, and shall never forgett y e same, but shall
hartily desire your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever.

Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to acomodate and
help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, or shall
come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, it is to u*
very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short time we may
have profitable comerce & trade togeather. But for this year we
are fully supplyed with all necessaries, both for cloathing and
other things; but hereafter it is like wc shall deale with you.

volume. Bradford there remarks : " I sequently made by him for this History.

will not trouble myself to translate this The date of the letter is in Kew Si>^-

letter, seeing the effect of it will be un- See 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 51.— -k :i *

derslood by the answer which now fol- * This being the conclusion of }>- ! -'

lows in English, though writ to them 150, in the original manuscript.— l'- p -
in Dutch." This translation was sub-

1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 225

if your rates be reasonable. And therfore when you please to
send to us againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you
will take beaver, by y e poundc, & otters, by y e skine ; and how
you will deale per cent, for other comodities, and what you can
furnishe us with. As likwise what other commodities from us
may be acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other
things, and what prises you will give, 6ce.

Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for our rude
and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good
parte, because [152] for wante of use we cannot so well express
that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing so fully '
as we should. And so we humbly pray the Lord for his mcrcie
sake, that he will take both us and you into his keeping &
gratious protection.

By y e Gove r and Counsell of New-PIimoth,

Your WorPP 3 very good freinds & neigbours, &c."

New-Plim : March 19.

After this ther was many passages betweene them both
by letters and other entercourse; and they had some
profitable commerce togither for diverce years, till other
occasions interrupted y e same, as may happily appear after-
wards, more at large.

Before they sent M r . Allerton away for England tins
I year, y e Gove r and some of their cheefe freinds had serious

consideration, not only how they might discharge those
great ingagments which lay so heavily upon them, as is
affore mentioned, but also how they might (if possiblie
they could) devise means to help some of their freinds and
breethren of Leyden over unto them, who desired so much
to come to them, ad they desired as much their company.
To effecte which, they resolved to rune a high course, and

* There is one passage in the copy at our doors." There are, besides, some

of this letter in Bradford's Letter-Book, slight verbal variations in the two copies

which is here omitted. The Dutch are of this letter.

therein cautioned against settling wilhin Bradford took the precaution to ai>

the limits of the territory granted to the vise the Council for New England, ami

Council for New England, and are de- also Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of ihct-o

sired to " forbear to trade with the na- friendly overtures of the Dutch, traii*-

tives in this bay, and river of Narragan- milting copies of the correspondence.

sett and Sowams, which is, as it were, See Bradford's Letter-Book. — Ec

29

f

226 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to brin^
it aboube. Which was to hire y e trade of y 6 company for
certainc years, and in that time to undertake to pay that
1S00 H . and all y e rest of y e debts that then lay upon y
plantation, which was aboute some 600* 1 . more ; and so to
set them free, and return e the trade to y e generality
againe .at y e end of y e terme. Upon which resolution thev
called y e company togeither, and made it clearly appear
unto all what their debts were, and upon what terms they
would undertake to pay them all in such a time, and sett
them clear. But their other ends they were faine to keepe
secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynteS some of their
trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of y e same, but
doubted how they would be able to performe it. So after
some agitation of the thing w th y e company, it was yeelded
unto, and the agreemente made upon y e conditions follow-
ing.

Articles of agreemente betweene y e collony of New-Plimoth of
y e one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles Stan-
dish, Isaack Allerton, &c. one. y e other partie ; and shuclt
others as they shall thinke good to take as partners anil
undertakers with them, concerning the trade for beaver cV
other furrs & comodities, &c. ; made July, 1627.
First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte y e said parties,
that y e afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standi^,
& Isaack Allerton, &c. have undertaken, and doe by these pres-
' ents, covenante and agree to pay, discharge, and acquite y e said
collony of all y e debtes both due for y e purchass, or any other
belonging to them, at y e day of y e date of these presents.

[153] Secondly, y e above-said parties are to have and freely
injoye y e pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, and y e shal-
op, called y e Bass-boat, with all other implements to them be-
longing, that is in y e store of y e said company ; with all v"
whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, corne, wampampeak, hatchets,
knives, &c. that is now in y e storre, or any way due unto y e
same uppon accounte.

3 ly . That y e above said parties have y e whole trade to them
selves, their heires and assignes, with all y e privileges therof, a*

1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 227

y e said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full years,
to begine y e last of September next insuing.

4 ly . In larder consideration of y e discharge of y° said debtes,
every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante yearly to
pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said parties, during y e
full terme of y e said 6. years, 3. bushells of come, or 6 H . of to-
baco, at y e undertakers choyse.

5 Iy . The said undertakers shall dureing y° afToresaid terme
bestow 50 H . per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought over
for y e collonies use, to be sould unto them for corue at 6 3 . per
bushell.

6 ly . That at y e end of y e said terme of 6. years, the whole
trade shall returne to y e use and benefite of y e said collonie, us
before.

Lastly, if y e aflbresaid undertakers, after they have aquainted
their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon y e first
returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to discharge
y e debtes of y e said collony, according to y e true meaning & in-
tente of these presents, then they are (upon such notice given)
to stand in full force ; otherwise all things to remaine as for-
merly they were, and a true accounte to be given to y e said
collonie, of the disposing of all things according to the former
order.*

M r . Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with
him into England, and amongst other his instructions had
order given him to cleale with some of their speciall freinds,
to joyne with them in this trade upon y e above recited
conditions ; as allso to imparte their further ends that
moved them to take this course, namly, the helping over
of some of their freinds from Leyden, as they should be
able ; in which if any of them would joyne with them

4 In Bradford's Letter-Book the them in the thing, as afterward they

names of twenty-seven persons are did.

given as subscribers to this agreement , r , . - ,- „» .

on the part of the colony. ^ lIham ^ford, And these of London .

ki Tjie names of the undertakers were ^X^llrrmn James Slierlcy,

these following, for the three before y^vd Winslow John Bcauclmnl P'

mt-niioncd made choice of these other, William BreW, $! ch ^ ,4^'lv "

and though they knew not their minds John Howland, limothy Ilatlitrij.

before, (many of them being absent,) yet John Allden, — Kd *

tliey did presume they would join with Thomas Prince.

228 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

they should thankfully acceptt of their love and partner-
ship herein. And with all (by their letters) gave them
some grounds of their hops of the accomplishmente of
these* things with some advantage.

Anno Born: 1628.

After M r . Allertons arivall in England,* he aquainted
them with his comission and full power to conclude y e
forementioned bargan & purchas ; -j" [154] upon the veiw
wherof, and y e delivery of y e bonds for y e paymente of y 6
money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully con-
cluded, and a deede % fairly ingrossed in partchmente was
delivered him, under their hands & seals confirming the
same. Morover he delte with them aboute other things
according to his instructions. As to adraitt some of these
their good freinds into this purchass if they pleased, and
to dcale with them for moneys at better rates, &c. Touch-
ing which I shall hear inserte a letter of M r . Sherleys,
giving light to what followed therof, writ to y e Gov r as
folio wcth.§

S r :|| I have received yours of y e 26. of May by M r . Gibs, <fc
M r . Goffe, with y e barrell of otter skins, according to y e contents ;
for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them up, and sould
them togeather at 7S H . 12 3 . sterling; and since, M r . Allerton hath
received y e money, as will apear by the accounte. It is true (us
you write) that your ingagments are great, not only the pur-
chass, but you are yet necessitated to take up y e stock you work
upon ; and y l not at 6. or S. p r cent, as it is here let out, but at

# In the summer or autumn of the (I62S), and not to that of last year,

last year. — Ed. from which he returned this spring.

f That is, the purchase by the colony But as it naturally comes in at ilua

of the interest of the adventurers. See place in the narrative, its true date may

pages 212-214. — Ed. possibly be 1G27. — Ed.

J.Nov. G. 1G27. Page 238. [Refer- || Addressed, "To his worthy and

ence is here made to the page of the loving friend, Mr. William Bradford,

original manuscript. — Ed.] Governor of Plymouth, in New Enii-

§ If the date of this letter is correct, land, these." Bradford's Letter-Book,

it must be referred to the time of Mr. — Ed.
Allerton's visit to London this year

1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 229

30. 40. yea, & some at 50. ;p r cent, whieh, were not your gaines
great, and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then
ordinarie, it could not be y l you should longe subsiste in y c main-
taining of, & upholding of your worldly affaires. And this your
honest fcdiscrecte agente, M r . Allerton, hath seriously considered,
& deeply laid to mind, how to ease you of it. He tould me you
were contented to accepte of me & some few others, to joyne
with you in y- e purehass, as partners ; for which I kindly thankc
you and all y e rest, and doe willingly accepte of it. And though
absente, shall willingly be at shueh charge as you k y c rest shall
thinke meete ; and this year am contented to forbear my former
50 H . and 2. years increase for y c venture, both which now makes
it 80 u . without any bargaine or condition for y e profite, you (1
mean y e generalitie) stand to y e adventure, outward, and home-
ward. I have perswaded M r . Andrews and M r . Beaehamp to
doe y e like, so as you are eased of y e high rate, you were at y°
other 2. yeares ; I say we leave it freely to your selves to alow
us what you please, and as God shall blesse. What course I
rune, MX Beaehamp desireth to doe y e same ; and though he
have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, yet now you
shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by your letter, you
desire I should be your agente or factore hear. I have ever
found you so faithfull, honest, and upright men, as I have even
resolved with my selfe (God assisting me) to doe you all y a
good lycth in my power ; and therfore if you please to make
choyse of so weak a man, both for abillities and body, to per-
forme your bussines, I promise (y e Lord enabling me) to doe y e
best I can according to those abillities he hath given me ; and
whejinl faile, blame your selves, y l you made no better choyce.
Now, because I am siekly, and we are all mortal], I have advised
M r . Allerton to joyne M r . Beaehamp with me in your deputa-
tion, whieh I conceive to be very neeessary 6c good for you ;
your charge shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me
undertake your [156*] bussines. Thus contending you & yours,
and all Gods people, unto y e guidance and protection of y c A1I-
mightie, I ever rest,

Your faithfull loving freind,
London, Nov. 17. 1628. James Sherlev.|

• 153 omitted in original MS. — Ed. Xord hath been pleased to crossc our

t Another leter of his, that should proseedings, and caused many disasters

have bene placed before : — to befale us therin. I conceive y* only

We cannot but take notice how y« reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed

230

HISTORY OF

[rook II.

With this leter they sent a draught of a formall depu-
tation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to
authorise them as their agents, according to what is men-
tioned in y e above said letter ; and because some incon-
venience grue therby afterward I shall here inserte it.

To all to whom these prets shall come greeting ; know yee
that we, William Bradford, Gov r of Plimoth, in N. E. in Amer-

at other ends then Gods glorie ; but
now I hope y l cause is taken away;
the bargen being fully concluded, as farr
as our powers will reach, and confirmed
under our hands & seals, to M r . Aller-
ton & ye rest of his & your copartners.
But for my owne parte, I confess as I
was loath to "hinder ye full confirming
of it, being y e first propounder ther of
at our meeting ; so on ye other side, I
was as unwilling to set my hand to y e
sale, being y« receiver of most part of
y e adventurs, and a second causer of
much of y G ingaginents ; and one more
threatened, being most envied & aimed
at (if they could find any stepe to
ground their malice on) then any other
whosoever. I profess I know no just
cause they ever had, or have, so to doe;
neither shall it ever be proved yt I have
wronged them or any of y e adventurers,
wittingly or willingly, one peny in ye
disbursing of so many pounds in those
2. years trouble. No, ye sole cause
why they maligne me (as I & others
conceived) was y l I would not side with
them against you, & the going over of
y.e Ley den people. But as I then card
not, so now I litle fear what they can
doe ; yet charge & trouble I know they
may cause me to be at. And for these
reasons, I would gladly have pers waded
the other 4. to have sealed to this bar-
gaine, and left me out, but they would
not ; so rather then it should faile, M r .
Alerton having taken so much pains,
I have sealed w lh ye rest ; with this
proviso &, promise of his, y l if any
trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe
y e charge. AVherfore now I doubt not
but you will give your gencrallitie good
contente, and setlc peace amongst your
selves, and peace with the naiives; and
then no doubt but y e God of Peace will
blese your going out & your returning,
and cause all y l you sett your hands
unto to prosper; the which I shall ever
pray y e Lord to grante if it bo his

blessed will. Asuredly unless ye Lord
be mercifull unto us & y e whole land in
generall, our estate & condition is farr
worse then yours. AVherfore if y e Lord
should send persecution or trouble hear,
(which is much to be feared,) and so
should put into our minds to flye for
refuge, I know no place safer then to
come to you, (for all Europ is at vari-
ence one with another, but cheefly w 1 ' 1
us,) not doubting but to find such frend-
ly entertainmenle as shall be honest &
conscionable, notwithstanding what hath
latly passed. For I profess in y G word
of an honest man, had it not been to
procure your peace & quiet from some
turbulent spirites hear, 1 would not have
sealed to this last deed ; though you
would have given me all my adventure
and debte ready downe. Thus desiring
y e Lord to blesse &. prosper you, I cease
ever resting,

Your faithful] & loving freind,
to my power,

James Sherley.
Des: 27.

[The above letter was written on the
reverse of page 154 of the original man-
uscript. It is addressed to Governor
Bradford, and may have been brought
over by Allerton, on his return in the
spring of 1627, after he had agreed with
the adventurers for the purchase of all
their interest in the partnership with the
planters, to which the letter has refer-
ence. By comparing this copy of the
letter with that preserved in Bradford's
Letter-Book, it will be seen that tbc
auihor has omitted a few passages and
abbreviated others, which is the eaj-c
with other letters here cited, and some-
times to a much greater extent. It
there bears date lb'^7 ; but is not it»
true date 16*26 1 Sherley acknowledges
at the commencement "your letter ol
the 14th June last, by your and my lov-
ing friend, Mr. Allerton." — Ed.]

1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 231

iea, Isaak Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, & Ed:
Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by these presents
for us & in our names, make, substitute, & appointc James
Sherley, Goldsmith, & John Beachamp, Sailer, citizens of Lon-
don, our true & lawfull agents, factors, substitutes, & assignes;
as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, & marehan-
dise what soever as to our said substitutes or either of them, or
to y° citie of London, or other place of y e Relmc of Engl: shall
be sente, transported, or come from us or any of us, as allso lo
vend, sell, barter, or exchaing y e said goods, wares, and mar-
chandise so from time to time to be sente to such person or
persons upon credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said
agents fc factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall
seeme meete. And further we doe make & ordaine our said
substituts & assignes joyntly & severally for us, & to our \i>cs,
& accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into Ncw-Kngl:
aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided here, and
to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or either of them,
shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, and demand for
us & in our names all such debtes & sumes of money, as now
are or hereafter shall be due ineidente accruing or belonging to
us, or any of us, by any wayes or means; and to acquite, dis-
charge, or compound for any debte or sume of money, which
now or hereafter shall be due or oweing by any person or per-
sons to us, or any of us. And generally for us & in our names
to doe, performe, and execute every acte Sc thing which io our
said assignes, or either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in
or aboute y e premissies, as fully & effectually, to all intents iV.
purposes, as if we or any of us were in person prescnte. And
whatsoever our said agents & factors joyntly or severally shall
doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute y e premisses, we will <Jc
doe, & every of us doth ratife, alow, & confirme, by these pres-
ents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put our hands \*
seals. Dated 18. Nov br 1628 •

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named,
and 4. more of the cheefe of them under their hands &
seals, and delivered unto them. Also M r . Allerton for-
merly had authoritie under their hands & seals for y e trans-
acting of y e former bussines, and taking up of moneys,! &c.
-

* 1627 1 — Ed. f s ee page 210. — Ed.

232 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

which still he retained whilst he was imployed in these
affaires;- they mistrusting neither him nor any of their
freinds faithfullnes, which made them more remisse in
looking to shuch acts as had passed under their hands, as
necessarie for y e time ; but letting them rune on to long
unminded or recaled, it turned to their harme afterwards,
as will .appcre in its place.

[157] M r . Allerton having setled all things thus in a
good and hopfull way, he made hast to returne in y e first
of y e spring to be hear with their supply for trade, (for v*
fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth in win-
ter & be here betimes.) He brought a resonable supply
of goods for y c plantation, and without those great inter-
ests as before is noted ; and brought an accounte of y c
beaver sould, and how y e money was disposed for goods,
& y e paymente of other debtes, having paid all debts
abroad to others, save to M r . Sherley, M r . Beachamp, &
M r . Andrews ; from whom likwise he brought an accounte
which to them all amounted not to above 400 H . for which
he had passed bonds. Allso he had payed the first pay-
mente for y e purchass, being due for this year, viz. 200 h .
and brought them y e bonde for y e same canselled; so as
they now had no more foreine debtes but y e abovesaid
" 400 u . and odde pownds, and y e rest of y e yearly purchass
monie. Some other debtes they had in y e cuntrie, but
they were without any intrest, & they had wherwith to
discharge them when they were due. To this pass the
Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought them
further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, & some
others that would joyne with them in y e trad & purchass,
did intend for to send over to Leyden, for a competente
number of them, to be hear the next year without fayle,
if y e Lord pleased to blesse their journey. He allso
brought them a paten te for Kenebeck, but it was so straitc
& ill bounded, as they were faine to renew & inlarge it
the next year, as allso that which they had at home, to

1628.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

their great charge, as will after appeare. Hithertoo M r .
Allerton did them good and faithfull service ; and well
had it been if he had so continued, or els thev had now
ceased for imploying him any longer thus into England.
But of this more afterwards.

Having procured a patente (as is above said) for Iveno-
beck, they now erected a house up above in y° river in
y e most convenientest place* for trade, as they conceived,
and furnished the same with comodities for y l end, both
winter & somer, not only with come, but also with such
other commodities as y e fishermen had traded with them,
as coats, shirts, ruggs, & blankets, biskett, pease, prunes,
&c. ; and what they could not have out of England, they
bought of the fishing ships, and so carried on their bussi-
nes as well as they could.

This yearf the Dutch sent againe unto them from their
plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse comodities,

* At a place called Cushenoc or
Koussinoe, now Augusta. See Rus-
sell's Pilgrim Memorials, ed. 1855, p.
197; Williamson's Maine, I. 253. —
Ed.

f It is evident from Bradford's Letter-
Book that this further correspondence
with the Dutch, and the visit of De Ra-
.sieres to Plymouth, took place in the
year 1G27. To the Governor's letter of
March 19th, on pp. 224, 225, the Dutch
replied, under date August, 7th, 1627,
" very friendly, but maintaining their
right and liberty to trade in those parts,
which we had desired they would for-
bear," alleging authority from theStates
of Holland. Bradford rejoined, under
date of August 14th, expressing a de-
sire for an *' opportunity (according as
you write) by word of mouth, to confer
together touching our mutual commerce
and trading in such things as our coun-
tries alTord, 7 ' warning them, however,
of their danger, if they should fall into
*' the hands of those of Virginia, or the
Ashing ships which come to New Eng-
land. 3 ' De Basieres 1 visit was in Octo-
ber of this year. Proceeding up Buz-
zard's Bay and the Manomet River to
Manomet, in the bark Nassau, ho there

30

addressed a letter to Governor Bradford,
dated October 4lh, desiring him to afford
"the easiest means, that J may with
least weariness come to eongraiwhte
with you." Jt appears that he remaim d
some few days at Plymouth, and *m his
departure Governor Bradford mmiI a
letter to Minuit. dated October J, ItiOT,
in which, among other thincs. ho ml-
vises the Dutch to clear the title of ilu-ir
planting in these parts. After thU then*
was frequent intercourse between the
two colonies. It should be borne in
mind that these letters from the Duich
are dated according to the New !>iylc,
while those of the English are expressed
in Old Style.

Governor Bradford describes De Ra-
sieres as " their upper commis or chief
merchant, and second to the Governor,
a man of fair and genteel behavior ; bm
he soon after fell into disgrace ainoni;>i
them, by reason of their factions,"
After his visit to Plymouth he wrote
an interesting description of the phm-,
an extract from which is given on p*-^-
12G. See further in B redhead's >« -v
York, pp. 176 -ISO; 1 Mats. )Im.
Coll., III. 53-57, — En.

234 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

as suger, linen cloth, Holand finer & courser stufes, &c.
They came up with their barke to Manamete, to their
house tlicr, in which came their Secret arie Easier ; who
was accompanied with a noyse of trumpeters, and some
other attendants ; and desired that they would send a boat
for him, for he could not travill so farr over land. So
they sent a boat to Manonscussctt,* and brought him to
y e plantation, with y e cheefe of his company. And after
some few days entertainmente, he returned to his barke,
and some of them wente with him, and bought sundry of his
goods ; after which begining thus made, they sente often
times to y e same place, and had entercourse togeather for
diverce years ; and amongst other comodities, they vended
much [15S] tobaco for linen cloath, stuffs, &c, which was
a good benefite to y e people, till the Virginians found out
their plantation. But that which turned most to their
profite, in time, was an entrance into the trade of Warn-
pa'mpeake ; for they now bought aboute 50 n . worth of it
of them; and they tould them how vendable it was at
their forte Omnia ;f and did perswade them they would
find it so at Ivenebeck ; and so it came to pass in time,
though at first it stuck, & it was 2. years before they
could put of this small quantity, till y e inland people
knew of it; and afterwards they could scarce ever gett
enough for them, for many years togeather. And so this,
with their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite from
y e fisher-men, and in great part from other of y e stragling
planters. And strange it was to see the great allteration
it made in a few years amonge y e Indeans them selves ;
for all the Indeans of these parts, & y e Massachussets, had
none or very litle of it,J but y e sachems & some spctiall
persons that wore a litle of it for ornamente. Only it was

* Now called "Scussett," in Sand- the Dutch pronounced it, "Fort A«-

wieh, on the north side of Cape Cod. ranea." See Brodhead's New York,

— Ed, pp. 152, 583. — Ed.

| Fort Orange, now Albany. The J Peag,
Engl ; sh usually spelled this word as

1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 235

made & kepte amonge y e Narigansscts, & Peqnents, which
grew rich & potent by it, and these people were poore &
begerly, and had no use of it. Neither did the English
of this plantation, or any other in y e land, till now that
they had knowledg of it from y c Dutch, so much as know
what it was, much less y l it was a comoditie of that worth
& valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie in these
parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to learne how to
make it; for y e Narigansets doe geather y e shells of which
y ey make it from their shors. And it hath now continued
a current comoditie aboute this 20. years, and it may prove
a drugg in time. In y e mean time it maks y e Indeans of
these parts rich & power full and also prowd therby ; and
fills them with peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws
can restraine, by rcasone of y e bassnes of sundry unworthy
persons, both English, Dutch, & French, which may turne
to y e mine of many. Hithertoo y e Indeans of these parts
had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes & arrowes,
nor of many years after; nether durst they scarce handle
a gune, so much were they affraid of them ; and y e very
sight of one (though out of kilter) was a terrour unto
them. * But those Indeans to y e cast parts, which had
coiherce with y e French, got peces of them, and they in y G
end' made a commone trade of it; and in time our Eng-
lish fisher-men, led with y e like covctoussnes, followed
their example, for their owne game ; but upon complaintc
against them, it pleased the kings majestie to prohibite y°
same by a stricte proclaimation,* commanding that no
sorte of armes, or munition, should by any of his subjects
be traded with them.

Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther came
over one Captaine Wolastone,*j* (a man of pretie parts,)

* u

" A proclamation prohibiting inter- may be seen in Rymer's Fcedera, X^ II.

loping and disorderly trading to New 416, and in Hazard, I. 151, 152. — l-i»-

Kngiand in America" was issued by f Morton (Memorial, p. OS) says Uv

King James, November 6th, 1622, and came over in 1625. — Ed.

236 HISTORY OF [liOOK II.

and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie, who
brought with them a great many servants, with provi-
sions & other implments for to begine a plantation ; and
pitched them selves in a place within the Massachusets,
which they called, after their Captains name, MountAYol-
laston.* Amongst whom was one M r . Morton,*]" who, it
should seeme, had some small adventure (of his'owne
or other mens) amongst them ; but had litle respecte
[159] amongst them, and was sleghted by y e meanest ser-
vants. Haveing continued ther some time, and not find-
ing things to answer their expectations, nor profite to
arise as they looked for, Captaine Wollaston takes a great
part of y e sarvants, and transports them to Virginia, wlier
he puts them of at good rates, selling their time to other
men ; and writs back to one M r . llassdall, one of his cheefe
partners, and accounted their marchant, to bring another
parte of them to Verginia likewise, intending to put them
of ther as he had done y e rest. And he, w th y° consente
of y e said Rasdall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his Live-
tenante, and governe y e remaines of y e plantation, till he
or Rasdall returned to take further order theraboute. But
this Morton abovesaid, haveing more craft then honestie,
(who had been a kind of petie-fogger, of Furnefells Inne,)
in y s others absence, watches an oppertunitie, (commons
being but hard amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck
& other junkats, & made them a feast; and after they
were merie, he. begane to tell them, he would give them
good counsell. You see (saith he) that many of your
fellows are carried to Virginia ; and if you stay till this

* "Within the present town of Quincy. servants may have been of Weston':;

— Ed. company, and have come over with lit*-*

| Thomas Morton says : " In the chief of those in the Charity, which
month of June, Anno Salutis 1G22, it arrived in June or July of 1G22. Our
was iny £uod chance to arrive in the information, however, on this point, im-
parts of New England, with 30 servants, by no means satisfactory, and no further
and provisions of all sorts fit for a plan- light is shed here by his curious book,
tation ; and whiles our houses were Governor Bradford mentions his name
building I did endeavor to take a survey at this place for the first time. ^ c
of the country," &c. Morton and his New English Canaan, pp. 17,50. — En-

1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 237

Rasdall returne, you will also be carried away and sould
for slaves with y e rest. Therfore I would advise you to
thruste out this Levetenant Pitcher ; and I, having a parte
in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and
consociats ; so may you be free from service, and we will
converse, trad, plante, & live togeathcr as equalls, & sup-
porte & protecte one another, or to like effectc. This
counsell was easily received ; so they tooke oppertunitie,
and thrust Levetenante Pitcher out a dores, and would
suffer him to come no more amongst them, but forct him
to seeke bread to eate, and other releefe from his neig-
bours, till he could gett passages for England. After this
they fell to great licenciousnes, and led a dissolute life,
powering out them selves into all profmenes. And Mor-
ton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it were)
a schoole of Athisme. And after they had gott some good
into their hands, and gott much by trading with y* In-
deans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing & drinking
both wine & strong waters in great exsess, and, as some
reported, 1(P. worth in a morning. They allso set up a
May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days to-
geather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts,
dancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or
furies rather,) and worse practises. As if they had anew
revived & celebrated the feasts of y e Roman Goddes Flora,
or y e beasly practieses of y e macld Bacchinalians. Morton
likwise (to shew his poetrie) composed sundry rimes &
verses* some tending to lasciviousnes, and others to y°
detraction & scandall of some persons, which he affixed to
this idle or idoll May-polle. They chainged allso the
name of their i>lace, and in stead of calling it MounU 1
Wollaston, they call it Merie-mounte, [160] as if this
joylity would have lasted ever. But this continued not
long, for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows

* Some of which are printed in his New English Canaan. — Kt>-

238 HISTORY OF [Book U.

to be declared,) shortly after came over that worthy o-cntK
rnhn, M r . John Indecott, who brought over a patent undu-
y e broad seall * for-y e govermente of y e Massachusets 3 wl ni
visiting those parts caused y l May-polle to be cutt dowiu-.
and rebuked them for their profamies, and admonished
them to looke ther should be better walking ; so. tlicv
now, pr others, changed y e name of their place' againo,
and called it Mounte-Da^on.

Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and profuse
excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and hearing
what gaine y e French & fisher-men made by trading of
peeces, powder, & shotte to y e Indeans, he, as y c head of
this • consortship, begane y c practise of y e same in these
parts ; and first he taught them how to use them, to
charge, & discharg, and what proportion of powder to
give y e peece, according to y e sise or bignes of y c same ;
and what shotte to use for foule, and what for dearc.
And having thus instructed them, he imployed some of
them to hunte & fowle for him, so as they became fan-
more active in that imploymente then any of y e English,
by reason of ther swiftnes of foote, & nimblnes of body,
being also quick-sighted, and by continuall exercise well
knowing y e hants of all sorts of game. So as when they
saw y e execution that a peece would doe, and y e benefite
that might come by y e same, they became madd, as it
• were, after them, and would not stick to give any prise
they could attaine too for them ; accounting their bowes
& arrowes but babies in comparison of them.

And here I may take occasion to bewaile y e mischefe
that this wicked man began in these parts, and which
since base covetousnes prevailing in men that should

* ™s is ? } erectly stated. Endi- the royal charter of 4th March. 162S-D,

cott did not bring over the patent under was granted. Subsequently a dupHenw

the broad seal. He was sent out soon or exemplification of the charter wa*

after the patent was procured from the sent to him. See Youngs Chronicle*

Council for Aew England, (arriving of Massachusetts, pp. 13° 142. — Kl>.
here in September, 1628,) and before '

1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 23U

know better, has now at length gott y c upper hand, and
made this thing comone, notwithstanding any laws to y e
contrary; so as y e Indeans are full of peeces all over, both
fouling peeces, muskets, pistols, &c. They have also their
moulds to make shotte, of all sorts, as muskett bulletts,
pistoll bullets, swane & gose shotc, & of smalcr sorts ; yea,
some have seen them haye their scruplats to make scru-
pins them selves, when they w T ante them, with sundcrv
other implements, wherwith they are ordinarily better
fited & furnished then y e English them selves. Yea, it
is well knowne that they will have powder & shot, when
the English want it, nor cannot gett it; and y l in a time
of warr or danger, as experience hath manifested, that
when lead hath been scarce, and men for their ownc de-
fence would gladly have given a groat a li., which is dear
enoughe, yet hath it bene bought up & sent to other
places, and sould to shuch as trade it with y° Indeans, at
12. pence y e li. ; and it is like they give 3. or 4. s - y e pound,
for they will have it at any rate. And these things have
been done in y e same times, when some of their neigbours
& freinds are daly killed by y° Indeans, or are in dcanger
therof, and live but at y e Indeans mercie. [161] Yea,
some (as they have aquainted them with all other things)
have tould them how gunpowder is made, and all y a ma-
terialls in it, and that they are to be had in their ownc
land ; and I am confidente, could they attaine to make
saltpeter, they would teach them to make powder. O the
horiblnes of this vilanie ! how many both Dutch & Eng-
lish have been latly slaine by those Indeans, thus fur-
nished ; and no remedie provided, nay, y e evill more in-
creased, and y e blood of their brethren sould for gainc, as
is to be feared ; and in what danger all these colonies are
in is too well known. Oh ! that princes & parlcments
would take some timly order to prevente this mischcefe,
and at length to suppress it, by some exemplerie punish-
mente upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for

240 HISTORY OF [liOOK II.

they deserve no better title,) before their colkmies in these
parts be over throwne by these barbarous savages, thus
armed with their owne weapons, by these evill instru-
ments, and traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie. But I
have forgott my selfe, and have been to longe in this di-
gression ; but now to return e. This Morton having thus
taught them y e use of peeces. he sould them all he could
spare; and he and his consorts detirmined to send for
many out of England, and had by some of y e ships sente
for above a score. The which being knowne, and his
neigbours meeting y G Indeans in y e woods armed with
guns in this sorte, it Avas a terrour unto them, who lived
straglingly, and were of no strenght in any place. And
other places (though more remote) saw this mischeefe
Avould quietly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides,
they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would
entertaine any, how vile soever, and all y e scume of y c
countrie, or any discontents, would flock to him from all
places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand
in more fear of their lives & goods (in short time) from
this wicked & deboste # crue, then from y e salvages them
selves.

So sundrie of y e cheefe of y e stragling plantations, meet-
ing togither, agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite those
of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then them
all) to joyne with them, to prevente y e further grouth of
this mischeefe, and suppress Morton & his consortes be-
fore y ey grewe to further head and strength. Those that
joynedin this acction (and after contributed to y e charge f

* Dcboist, debauched, corrupted. — Ed. From Mr. Jeffrey and Mr. £. 5.

j In Bradford's Letter- Book the sums Burslem, . .20

contributed for this purpose are given '* Natascot, . . I 10

as follows : — " Mrs. Thomson, . 1$

£. s. " Mr. Blackston, . 12

From Plymouth, 2 10 " Edward Hilton, , 1

" JN'aiimkeak, . . 1 10

" Pascataquack, . 2 10

1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 241

of sending him for England) were from Pascataway, Nam-
kcake, Winisimett, "Weesagascusett, Natasco, and other
places wher any English were seated. Those of Plimoth
being thus sought too by their messengers & letters, and
waying both their reasons, and the comone danger, were
willing to afford them their help ; though them selves had
least cause of fear or hurte. So, to be short, they first
resolved joyntly to write to him, and in a freindly & neig-
borly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, &
sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer.
But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and asked
who had to doe w T ith him ; he had and would* trade peeces
with y e Indeans in dispite of all, with many other scuril-
lous termes full of disdaine. They sente to him a second
time, ahd bad him, be better advised, and more temperate
in his termes, for y e countrie could not beare y e injure he
did ; it was against their comone saftie, and against y"
king's proclamation. He answerd in high terms as be-
fore, and that y e kings proclaimation w r as no law; demand-
ing what penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more
then he could [162] bear, his majesties displeasure. But
insolently he persisted, and said y° king was dead and his
displeasure with him, & many y e like things ; and threat-
ened withall that if any came to molest him, let them
looke to them selves, for he would prepare for them.
Upon which they saw ther was no way but to take him
by force ; and having so farr proceeded, now to give over
would make him farr more hautie & insolente. So they
mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of y e Gov 1 of
Plimoth to send Captaine Standish, & some other aide
with him, to take Morton by force. The which accord-
ingly was done ; but they found him to stand stifly in his
defence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, set
diverse dishes of powder & bullets ready on y e table ; and
if they had not been over armed with drinke, more hurt
might have been done. They soinaned him to veeld, but

31

242

HISTORY OF

[book II.

he kept his house, and they could gett nothing but scofcs
& scorns from him ; but at length, fearing they would doc
some violence to y e house, he and some of his crue came
out, but not to yeeld, but to shoote; but they were so
steeld with, drinke as their peeces were to heavie for them ;
him selfe with a carbine (over charged & allmost halfe
fild with powder & shote, as was after found) had thought
to have shot Captaine Standish ; but he stept to him, &
put by his peece, & tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte
done to any of either side, save y l one was so drunke y l he
rane his owne nose upon y e pointe of a sword y l one held
before him as he entred y e house; but he lost but a litle
of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Plimoth,
wher he was kepte, till a ship went from y e He of Shols
for England, with which he was sente to y e Counsell of
New-England ; and letters* writen to give them informa-
tion of his course & cariage ; and also one was sent at

* These letters, may be seen in Brad-
ford's Letter-Book, dated June 9th,
1628. One is addressed to his Majesty's
Council for JN T ew England, and one to
Sir Eerdinando Gorges. They were
subscribed by " the chief of every plan-
tation.*' The bearer of the letters was
John Oldham, in whose charge the
prisoner was sent to England. The
arrest of Morton here narrated took
plaee some months before the arrival of
Endicott, who afterwards visited Merry-
Mount, and eut down the May-pole, as
related on page 238.

Morton, in his New English Canaan,
gives a comical but incoherent account
of his capture. lie describes it as in
the month of June. He says that Cap-
tain Standish (whom he nicknames
" Captain Shrimp") and his party,
taking advantage of the absence of his
company, set upon him at Wessagus-
cus, where by accident they found him,
and took him prisoner. They set a
guard of six persons over him ; but in
the dead of night lie escaped and fled
to Merry-Mount, whither he was after-
ward pursued by Standish and eight
others, to whom he capitulated, — hav-

ing but two persons with him, — on
condition that no violence should be
offered to him or his goods ; but that
he should have his arms, and whatever
else was requisite for his voyage to
England. These terms, he says, werj
not kept, and he complains of rough
usage after his surrender. He was
taken to Plymouth, a couneil held upon
him, and he was sentenced to be sent
prisoner to England. " But when he
was brought to the ships for that pur-
pose, no man durst be so foolhardy r.s
to undertake to carry him." He was
then, in a state of destitution, set upon
an island, where lie stayed a month at
least, and thence he set sail for England
" of his own accord," landing at Ply-
mouth. " He stayed in England umil
the ordinary time for shipping to **'*>
forth for these parts, and thenreturiiril,
.... put in at Plymouth in the vrrV
faces of them, to their terrible amaze-
ment to see him at liberty, and u*M
him he had not yet answered the mat-
ter they could object against hin^ '
See New English Canaan, pp. i: ^
-150, 155, 157. — Ed.

1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 243

their coilione charge to informe their Ho" more perticu-
lerly, & to prosecute against him. But he foold of y c
messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though lie
wente for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so
much as rebukte, for ought was heard ; but returned y e
nexte year/* Some of y e worst of y e company were dis-
perst, and some of y e more modest kepte y e house till he
should be heard from. But I have been too long aboute
so unworthy a person, and bad a cause.

This year M r . Allerton brought over a yonge man for a
minister to y e people hear, wheather upon his owne head,
or at y e motion of some freinds ther, I well know not, hut
it was without y e churches sending ; for they had bene so
bitten by M r . Lyford, as they desired to know y e person
well whom they should invite amongst them. His name
was M r . Rogers ; but they perceived, upon some triall, that
he was erased in his braine ; so they were faine to be at
further charge to send him back againe y e nexte year,
and loose all y e charge that was expended in his hither
bringing, which was not smalle by M r . Allerton's accountc,
in provissions, aparell, bedding, &c. After his returne he
grue quite distracted, and M r . Allerton was much blamed
y l he would bring such a man over, they having charge
enough otherwise,

t M r . Allerton, in y e years before, had brought over some
small quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould
them for his owne private benefite ; which was more then
any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But because he
had other wise done them good service, and also he sould
them among y e people at y e plantation, by which their
wants were supplied, and he aledged it was the [163] love
of M r . Sherley and some other freinds that would needs
trust him with some goods, conceiveing it might doe him
some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but

* He was brought over by Mr. Aller- account of him, under the following
ton, as will be narrated, with a further year. — Ed.

244 HISTORY OF [BOOK J I.

past over. But this year he brought over a greater quan-
tise, and -they were so intermixtc with y e goods of y e gen-
erall, as tliey knew not which were theirs, & w ch was his,
being pact up together ; so as they well saw that, if any
casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid y e whole
on them, if he would ; for thcr was no distinction. Allso
what w^s most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay,
usualy that was his ; and he now begane allso to sell
abroad to others of forine places, which, considering their
coinone course, they began to dislike. Yet because love
thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire
words for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this
year for England ; considering how well he had done y e
former bussines, and what good acceptation he had with
their freinds ther ; as also seeing sundry of their freinds.
from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be
much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente
for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of y e former
mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was conceived, in a
maner, y e same charge would serve to inlarge this at home
with it, and he that had begane y e former y e last year
would be y e fittest to effecte this ; so they gave him instruc-
tions and sente him for England this year againe. And
in his instructions bound him to bring over no goods on
their accounte, but SO 11 , in hose & shoes, and some linen
cloth, (as y ey were bound by covenante when they tookc
y e trad ;) also some trading goods to such a value ; and in
no case to exseed.his instructions, nor rune them into
any further charge ; he well knowing how their state stood.
Also y l he should so provide y l their trading goods came
over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their accounte
should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke,
and no other goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he
prayed them to give him such instructions as they sa^v
good, and he would folow them, to prevente any jellocic
or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dis-

1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 245

likes. And thus they conceived they had well provided
for all things.*

Anno Dom: 1629.

ll\ Allerton safly arriving in England, and delivering
his letersto their freinds their, and aquainting them Avith
his instructions, found good acceptation with them, and
they were very forward & willing to joyne with them in
y 9 partnership of trade, & in y e charge to send over y c
Leyden people; a company wherof were allready come out
of Holand, and prepared to come over, and so were sent
away before M r . Allerton could be ready to come. They
had passage with y e ships that came to Salem, that brought
over many godly persons to begine y e plantations &
churches of Christ ther, & in y e Bay of Massachusscts ;
so their long stay & keeping back [164] was recompensed
by y e Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing, in
that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther late ex-
pectation, (when all their hops seemed to be cutt of,) but,
with them, many more godly freinds & Christian breth-
ren, as y e begining of a larger harvest unto y° Lord, in > A
increase of his churches & people in these parts, to y° ad-
' miration of many, and allmost wonder of y c world'; that
of so small beginings so great things should insuc, as time
after manifested; and that here should be a resting place
for so many of y e Lords people, when so sharp a scourge
came upon their owne nation. But it was y e Lords doing,
& it ought to be marvellous in our eyes.

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters,
which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir
proceedings.

* Morton records under this year the ment of the plantation of New Pl\-

death of Mr. Richard "Warren, who mouth." For notice of his family, m-o

"was a useful instrument, and during List of Passengers in tlie MaynV^cr,

his life bore a deep share in the diffi- in the Appendix ; also Russell's l>unl?

culties and troubles of the first settle- to Plymouth, p. 249. — En.
J

246 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

A Icier of M r . Sherlci/s to f Gov 7 .

May 25, 1629/
S r : &c. Here are now many of your and our freinds from
Leydcn coming over, who, though for y e most parte be but a
weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that end obtained
which was aimed at, and which hath been so strongly opposed
by some of our former adventurers. But God hath his working
in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With them we
have allso sent some servants in y e ship called the Talbut, that
wente hence latly ; but these come in y e May-flower, f M r . Bea-
champ & my selfe, with M r . Andrews & M r . Hatherly, are, with
your love and liking, joyned partners with you, &c.

:f Your deputation we have received, and y e goods have been
taken up & sould by your freind Sc agente, MX Allerton, my
selfe having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam k,
other parts in y e Low- Countries. I see further the agreemente
you have made with y e gencrallitie, in which I cannot under-
stand but you have done very well, both for them & you, and
also for your freinds at Leyden. M r . Beachamp, M r . Andrews,
M r . Hatherley, & my selfe, doe so like and approve of it, as we are
willing to joyne with you, and, God directing and inabling us,
will be assisting and helpful] to you, y e best y l possiblie we can.
Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see how you
should accomplish y e end you first aimed at, and some others
indevored these years past. We know it must keep us from
y e profite, which otherwise by y e blessing of God and your in-
deaours, might be gained ; for most of those that came in May,
6l these now sente, though I hope honest & good people, yet not
Jikc to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, ncy, certaine must,
some while, be chargable to you 6c us; at which it is lickly, had
not this wise & discreete course been taken, many of your gen-
eralise would have grudged. Againe, you say well in yonr
letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe it, that now
being but a few, on whom y e burthen must be, you will both
menage it y e beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no

* 1029, May 25, the first letter con- f William Pcirce master. See

cerning the former company of Leyden Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts,

people. — Princ£. p. 175. — Ed.

See this letter in full in Bradford's J 2. letter.
Letter-Book. — Ed.

1629.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

24'

discontentc nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joync togcitlicr,
in affection, and eounsell, as God no doubtc will blcsse and
prosper your honest labours & indeavors. And therfore in all
respects I doc not see but you have done marvelously discreetly,
& advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good contente ;
I mean y l are reasonable & honest men, such as make con-
science of giving y e best satisfaction they be able for their
debts, and -y l regard not their ownc perticuler so much as y e
accomplishing of y l good end for which this bussincs was first
intended, &c. Thus desiring y e Lord to blese & prosper you, eo
all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest

Your unfained & ever loving freind,

James Shj:km;v.
Lon : March S. 1629.*

That I may handle things together, I have put these 2.
companies that came from Leyden in this place; though
they came at 2. severall times, yet they both came out of
England this year. The former company, being oo. pcr-
sons,-j* were shiped in May, and arived here aboute Au-

* 1629-30, March 8th, the second
letter concerning the latter company of
Leyden people. — Prince.

See this letter in full in Bradford's
^Letter-Book. Mrs. Robinson, the widow
of the Rev. John Robinson, undoubtedly
came over with this latter company of
Leyden people, with her son Isaac, and
perhaps with another son. Prince says :
** Isaac came over to Plymouth Colony,
■ livqd to-above ninety years of age, a ven-
erable man, whom! haveofien seen, and
has left male posterity in the County of
Barnstable." lie was at Scituate in
1636, and in 1639 removed to Barnsta-
ble. See Prince, I. 160 ; Deane's Scit-
uate, p. 332.

There was an Abraham Robinson
early at Gloucester, who, according to
the records there, deceased 23d Febru-
ary, 1615. He had a son Abraham
living in 1730, who is said to have
reached the age of a hundred and two
years. This centenarian had a family
of twelve children, among whom was
Andrew, somewhat distinguished, one
of whose daughters was a grandmother
of Mrs. Webber, wife of President

Webber of Harvard College. A tra-
dilionary account of the family is pro-
served, written by Mrs. Webber, :iu-
cording to which the first Abraham,
above named, was a son of John of 1 .r\ -
den, and brother of ];>aa<". F;am<-f
probably derived his information lr«>m
this souree,(as Professor James K. I).ma,
whom he cites, was a descendant *»1
Abraham Robinson, and his wife wns a
daughter of President Webber,) but he
erroneously substitutes the name of John
for Abraham. The traditionaiy r\i-
dence here adduced is considered of a
respectable character. *']t is very re-
markable that Mrs. Robinson should
have fallen into such complete obscurity
after her arrival in New England. >he
may have come to Gloucester with Ikt
son, and lived and died with the Uv.U*
band who were here a few years tn-lore
the incorporation of the town ; or »•«
may have gone to Salem, where* 1 be-
lieve, was a Mrs. Robinson curly.^
Manuscript Utters of Mr, John J- J'< : '
son, of Gloucester, Mass, — ho.

t Prince (I. 102) adds, " w*U iWir
families," for which there is no au *

o o v>

248 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

gust * The later were shipecl in y e begining of March, j-
and arived hear y e later end of May, 1630. M r . Sherleys
2. letters, y e effect wherof I have before- related, (as much
of them as is pertinentc,) mentions both. Their charge,
as M r . Allerton brought it in afterwards on accounte, came
to above 550 H .J besids ther fetching hither from Salem &
y e Bay, wher they and their goods were landed ; viz. their
transportation from Holland to England, & their charges
lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing provided for
them. For I find by accounte for y e one company,§ 125.
yeards of karsey, 127. ellons of linen cloath, shoes, 66. p r ,
with many other perticulers. The charge of y e other com-
pany is reckoned on y e severall families, some 50 n ., some
40 H ., some 30% and so more or less, as their number &
expencess were. And besids all this charg, their freincls
& bretheren here were to provid corne & other provisions
for them, till they could reap a crope which was long be-
fore. Those that came in May|| were thus maintained
upward of 16. or 18. months, before they had any harvest

thority here. Bradford states also in indiscreet carriage here hath so abated

his Letter-Book; "These persons were my affection towards them, as, were

in all thirty-five." — Ed. Mrs. Robinson well over, I would not

* That is, in Mav and August, 1629, disburse one penny for the rest."
as by Mr. Sherley's letter of.May 25th, " This offence was given by some

1029. prince. of them," writes Governor Bradford,

*f 1629-30. These came in the Lyon, "which redounded to the prejudice of
Captain William Pcirce, from Bristol, the whole ; and indeed our friends
See Prince, I. 207; Savage's Wimhrop, which sent this latter company were to
I. 25, 29, where also is a notice of Cap- blame, for they now sent all the weak-
tain Peirce, by the learned editor.— Ed. est and poorest, without any of note

J Prince (I. 201) appears to err in and better discretion and government

saying, "The charge of this last com- amongst them, contrary to our minds and

pany comes to above 550/." —Ed. advice ; for they thought, if these were

§ The former company of thirty-Jive got over, the other might come when
persons. See Bradford's Letter-Boole, they would. But partly this distaste,
E D . but especially the great charge which

|| In the postscript to the last letter both these companies came to, coming

cited from Sherley, he makes complaint so near together, put a bar in the way ;

of some of this latter company of Ley- for though this company were the fewer

den people, warning the Governor in number, yet their charge came to an

against believing what some may re- 100/. more. And notwithstanding tins

port of Mr. Allerton. " I know some indiscretion, yet they were such a*

of them are apt to speak ill of him : feared God, and were thus both we.-

believe them not. Indeed, they have been come and useful, for the most part,

unreasonably chargeable, yet grudge, Bradford's Letter-Book, in 1 Mass.

and are not contented. Verily their Hist. Coll., III. 69, 70. — Ed.

1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 24[)

of their ownc, & y e other by proportion. And all they
could doe in y e mean time was to gett them some housing,
and prepare them grounds to plant on, against the season.
And this charg of maintaining them all this while was
litle less then y e former sume. These things I note more
perticulerly, for sundry regards. First, to shew a rare
example herein of brotherly love, and Christian care in
performing their promises and covenants to their brcth-
eren, too, & in a sorte beyonde their power; that the)
should venture so desperatly to ingage them selves to ac-
complish this thing, and bear it so cheerfully ; for they
never demanded, much less had, any repaymente of all
these great sumes thus disbursed. 2 ly . It must needs be
that ther was more then of man in these achecveinents,
that should thus readily stire up y e harts of slmcli able
frinds to joyne in partnership with them in slmcli a case,
and cleave so faithfullie to them as these did, in so great
adventures : and the more because the most of them never
saw their faces to this day; ther being neither kindred,
aliance, or other acquaintance or relations betweenc any
of them, then hath been before mentioned ; it must need?
be therfore the spetiall worke and hand of God. 3 ly . That
these poore people here in a wilderness should, notwith-
standing, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments,
and many more unjustly brought upon them through the
unfaithfullnes of some, and many other great losses which
they sustained, which will be made manifest, if y e Lord be
pleased to give life and time. In y e mean time, I cannot
but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and
humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mer-
cies hithertoo.

[166] The Leyden people being thus come over, and
sundry of y e generalise seeing & hearing how great v*
charg was like to be that was that way to be expended,
they begane to murmure and repine at it, notwithstanding
Y e burden lay on other mens shoulders ; espetially at y"
i 32

250 HISTORY OF [BOOK I],

paying of y c 3. bushells of come a year, according to y e
former agrcemente, when y e trad was lett for y c 6. years
aforesaid. But to give them contcntc lierein allso, it was
promised them, that if they could doe it in y e time with-
out it, they would never demand it of them ; which gave
them good contente. And indeed it never was paid, as
will appenre by y e sequell.

Concerning M r . Allertons proceedings about y e inlarg-
ing & confirming of their patent, both y l at home & Ivene-
beck, will best appere by another leter of M r . Sherleys;
for though much time & money was expended aboute it,
yet he left it unaccomplisht this year, and came without
it.* Sce"M r . Sherleys letter.

Most worthy & loving freinds, &c.f
Some of your letters I received in July, & some since by M r .
Peirce, but till our maine bussines, y e patent, was granted, I
could not sctlc my mind nor pen to writing. M r . Allerton was
so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not nor could not have
undergone it, if I might have had a thousand pounds; but y c
Lord so blessed his labours (even beyond expectation in these
evill days) as he obtained y e love & favore of great men in re-
pute & place. He got granted from y e Earle of Warwick $ <fc

* From the date of the following Jet- England again this year, but the follow-

ter and the narrative of proceedings ing letter and other evidence sufficiently

which it details, it would seem that indicate that he was there. — Ed.

Governor Bradford here refers to Aller- f B >* * Iarch l0 ' 1G29 > must be meanl

ton's return in 1630 from the visit he 1629-30 ; and so this letter is placed a

may have made to England this year; year sooner than it should be. But I

and not to his return this year from his conclude that Governor Bradford docs

mission of 1623. It will be seen, fur- it, because, according to the old Englb"

ther on, that lie gave great offence by way, he carries the year 1029 down to

bringing over this year Thomas Mor- March 24th, inclusively of 1629-30.—

ton, who had been sent prisoner to Eng- Prince.

land the year before (1628). Bradford See other portions of this letter on
is silent as to the time of his return, but the following pases. The whole is prc-
it appears that he was not prepared to served in Bradford's Letter-Book. — in-
come with the first company of Leyden % This grant from the Council ft'""
people who left in May; though Mor- New England to the colony of iSew
ton, in his New English Canaan, speaks Plymouth was made to " William Brad-
of his own return at" the ordinary time lord, his heirs, associates, and assign?.
for shipping to set forth for these parts." It is dated January 13th, 1629-30. f I h°.
If Bradford's chronology is here cor- original parchment, bearing the seal ut
rectly apprehended, he makes no men- the Council and the signature oMl' e
tion of Allerton's being sent over to Earl of Warwick, the President, is in

1629.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 25 1

S r . Fcrclinando Gorge all that M r . Win slow desired in his letters
to me, & more also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he
sued to y e king to confirrac their grante, and to make you a cor-
poration, and so to i nable you to make & execute lawes, in such
large & ample maner as y e Massaehusett plantation hath it;
which y e king graciously granted, referring it to y c Lord Keeper
to give order to y c solisiter to draw it up, if ther were a presi-
dente for it. * So y e Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and
allso y e solissiter; but as Festus said to Paule, With no Finall
sume of money obtained I this freedom ; for by y c way many
ridells must be resolved, and many locks must be opened with
y e silver, ney, y e golden key. Then it was to come to y e Lord
Treasurer, to have his warrente for freeing y e custume for ;i
certaine time ; but he would not doe it, but refferd it to y r
Counsell table. And ther M r . Allerton atended day by day,
when they sate, but could not gett his* petition read. And by
reason of M r . Peirce his staying with all y e passengers at BrLv
toll, he was forct to leave y e further prosecuting of it to a solis-
siter.f But ther is no fear nor doubte but it will be granted,
for he hath y e clieefe of them to freind ; yet it will be marvel-
ously needfull for him to returne by y e first ship y l comes from
thence; for if you had this confirmed, then were yon eompleatr,
and might bear such sway & goverment as were fitt for your
ranke & place y l God hath called you unto; and stope y p
moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, y l are ready to ques-
tion & threaten you in every action you [167] doe. And be-
sids, if you have y e custome free for 7. years inward, & 21. nut-

the office of the Register of Deeds at pp. 21 - 26 ; also Baylies's Hist. Ply-
Plymouth. It has" been frequently mouth Col., pp. 187, 225-229.— J\d.
printed. In this grant, the territorial *" Or rather Mr. Bradford's pctinon
limits of the colony are defined, which read." Bradford's Letter-Book. — lu*.
was not the case in the first patent. f By this it seems that Mr. All«.rUm
This includes also a conveyance of iif- now comes with several Leyden people
teen miles on each side of the Kenne- in Mr. Peirce; and accordingly Guv-
beck River. A royal charter, so anx- ernor Winthrop says that when he ar-
iously desired, so temptingly held out rived at Salem, on June 12, 16*J0, '""<-■
to them by Shirley, and for which so sent a skiff to Mr. Peirce his .-hip
much money had been lavished, was which lay in the harbor, and had born
never granted to the colony during its there [blank] days before. About an
existence. The powers of government hour after, Mr. Allerton came aboard us
which they exercised were derived from in a shallop, as he was sailing to I cm.:-
no higher authority than that by which quid." No doubt with Abliley.— / rwf-
the compact on board the Mayflower See Savage's Winthrop, 1. -■»■
*as made, in 1G20. See the patent in Prince eites the original manuscript <'i
Plvmouih Colony Laws, Brigham's ed., Governor Winthrop's History. — Jm»-

252 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

ward, y e charge of y e patent will be soone recovered, and tlier i>
no fear of obtaining* it. But such things must work by degrees ;
men cannot hasten it as they would; wcrefore we (I write in
behalfe of all our partners here) desire you to be ernest with M r .
Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more,
to finish this great & waighty bnssines, which we conceive will
be much for your good, & I hope for your posteritie, and for
many generations to come.

Thus much of this letter. It was dated y e 19. March,

1G29.|

By which it appears what progress was made herein,
& in part what charge it was, and how kit unfinished,
and sonie reason of y e same; but in truth (as was after-
wards appehended) the meaine reason was M r . Allerton s
policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent over againe, for
other regards; and for that end procured them thus to
write. For it might then well enough have been flushed,
if not with y l clause aboute y e custumes, Avhich was M r .
Allertons & M r . Sherleys device, and not at all thought
on by y e colony here, nor much regarded, yet it might
have been done without it, without all queston, having
passed y e kings hand ; nay it was conceived it might then
have beene done with it, if he had pleased ; but covetous-
nes never brings ought home, as y e proverb is, for this
oppertunytie being lost, it w T as never accomplished, but
a, great cleale of money veainly & lavishly cast away
aboute it, as doth appear upon their accounts. But of
this more in its place.

M r . Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this
(which I had omited $ & almost forgotten), — in bringing
over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy man, and in-
strumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was sent home but

* This word is here substituted for + This paragraph is written on if'*- 1

recovering in the manuscript, on the au- reverse of the page immediately pre-

thority of Bradford's Letter- Ijook. — Ed. ceding, in the original manuscript.—

t That is, March 19, 16^0-30. — Ed.
Prince.

1029.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

253

v e year before for his misdemenors. He not only brought
him over, but to y e towne (as it were to nose them), and
lodged him at his owne house, and for a while used him
as a scribe to doe his bussines, till he was caused to pack
him away. So he wente to his old nest in y e Massachu-
sets, wher it was not long but by his miscariage^he gave
them just occation to lay hands on him; and he was by
them againe sent prisoner into England, wher he lay a
good while in Exeter Jeole. For besids his miscariage
here, he was vemently suspected for y e murder of a man
that had adventured moneys with him, when he came first
into New-England. And a warrente was sente from y°
Lord Cheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he
was by the Gov r of y e Massachusets sent into England ; *

* The following is from the Mass.
Colony Records. Under date August
23d, 1630, 4: It was ordered, that Mor-
ton, of Mount Woolison, should be
presently sent for by process." Sep-
tember 7th, " It is ordered by this
present Court, that Thomas MoTton, of
Mount Wolliston, shall presently be set
into the bilboes, and after sent prisoner
into England, by the ship called the
Gift, now returning thither ; that all
his goods shall be seized upon to defray
the charge of his transportation, pay-
ment of his debts, and to give satisfac-
tion to the Indians for a canoe he un-
justly took away from them ; and that
his house, after his goods are taken
out, shalt be burnt down to the ground
in the sight of the Indians, for their
satisfaction, for many wrongs he hath
done them from time to time."

Winthrop, noticing the above sen-
tence, under date September 30th,
adds: li Captain Brook, master of the
Gift, refused to carry him." Dudley,
in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln,
says : " In the end of this December de-
parted from us the ship Handmaid, of
London, by which we sent away one
Thomas Morton, a proud, insolent man,
who has lived here divers years, and
had been an attorney in the west
countries while he lived in England.
Multitude of complaints were received
against him for injuries done by him

both to the English and Indians; and
amongst others, for shooting hail-shot
at a troop of Indians for not bring-
ing a canoe unto him to cross a river
withal; whereby he hurt one, and
shot through the garments of another.
For the satisfaction of the Indians
wherein, and that it might appear to
them and to the English that we meant
to do justice impartially, we caused his
hands to be bound behind him, and set
his feet in the bilboes, and burned his
house to the ground, all in the sight of
the Indians, and so kept him prisoner
till we sent him for England ; whither
we sent him, for that my Lord Chief
Justice there so required, that he might
punish him capitally for fouler mis-
demeanors there perpetrated, as we
were informed."

Morton gives his own account of his
arrest and sentence, which corresponds
with the above, but he is silent as to
the charges there brought against him.
He says that after Endicott's arrival
(whom he styles Captain Littleworth),
every planter, old and new, was re-
quired to subscribe to " certain articles
devised between him and their new
pastor, Master Eager," the tenor of
which was, ** that in all causes, as well
ecclesiastical as political, we should
follow the rule of God's word." -All
the assembly subscribed but Morton,
who declined, " unless they would add

254

HISTORY OF

[BOOK II.

and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they de-
molisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost for
shuch unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free againe,
and write an infamouse & scurillous booke* against
many godly & cheefe men of y c cuntrie ; full of lyes
& slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies against
their names and persons, and y e ways of God. After
sundry years, when y e warrs were hott in England, he

this caution : So as nothing be clone
contrary or repugnant to the laws of
the kingdom of England." In some
other arrangements proposed concern-
ing trade, he also declined to become a
party. On the arrival of Winthrop, he
intimates that the Book of Common
Prayer, which he used, was one occa-
sion why he " must not be spared."
After Morton's arrival in England he
used what influence he had against the
Massachusetts colony ; and returning
here apain in 1614, he was arrested
and imprisoned for a year, then fined
and set at liberty, ** being old and
crazy." Soon after he left the colony
and went to Accomenticus, and died
within two years, * h poor and despised."
See Kecords of Mass., 1. 74, 75; Sav-
age's Winthrop, 1. 34, 35, II. 169 —
192 ; Young's Chronicles of Mass., pp.
3*21, 3^J; Morton's New English Ca-
naan, pp. 157-159, 162, 1(53. — Ed.

* Morton's book is entitled " New
English Canaan, or New Canaan,"
&c. " Printed at Amsterdam, in the
yeare 1037. " There are copies which
bear npun the title the year 1632 ; but
this date is evidently fictitious, as the
author more than once refers to Wood's
New England Prospect, which was
first printed in 1634. On page 38, he
speaks of what "my countryman,
Mr. Wood, declares in his prospect,"
&c. Morton's book is curious and in-
teresting, and contains much valuable
information, especially concerning the
manners and customs of the Indians
here; though some of his statements
should be received with caution. That
portion of the narrative concerning
himself and his contemporaries here
is written in such an enigmatical style
that it is often difficult to detect his

meaning. Morton was evidently a wag,
and, according to his own account,
given to rioting and jollity. Bradford is
severe upon him, but the reader of the
New English Canaan will rather be con-
firmed than otherwise in the truth of
our author's statements. The follow-
ing passage relating to Endicott is a
good specimen of his book.

'* In the mean time, while these
former passages were, there was a
great swelling fellow, of Littleworth,

crept over to Salem to take

upon him their employments for a time.
He, resolving to make hay while the sun
did shine, first pretended himself to be
sent over as Chief Justice of the Massa-
chusetts Bay, and Salem forsooth, and
took unto him a Council, and a worthy
one no doubt (for the Cow-keeper of
Salem was a prime man in those em-
ployments) ; and to add a majesty, as
he thought, to his new assumed dig-
nity, he caused the latent of the Massa-
chusetts (new brought into the land) to
be carried where he went in his prog-
ress to and fro, as an emblem of his
authority ; which the vulgar people, not
acquainted with, thought it to be some
instrument of music locked up in that
covered case, and thought (for so some
said) this man of Littleworth had been
a fiddler; and the rather because he
had put into the mouths of poor silly
things that were sent along with him,
what skill he had in engines and in
things of quaint device," &c. Those
who have seen, at the State-House, the
case in which one of the copies of the
Massachusetts Charier was probably
brought over, will appreciate the above
description of it. It might easily be
supposed to contain "some instrument
of music." — Ed.

1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 255

came againe into y e cuntrie, and was imprisoned at
Boston for this booke and other things, being grown old
in wickednes.

Concerning y e rest of M r . Allertons instructions, in
which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above
y l 50 H . in y e goods before mentioned, not to bring any
but trading ccmodities, he followed them not at all, but
did the quite contrarie ; bringing over many other sorts
of retaile goods, selling what he could by the way on his
owne accounte, and delivering the rest, which he said to
be theirs, into y e store; and for trading goods brought,
but litle in comparison ; excusing the matter, they had laid
out milch about y e Laiden people, & patent, &c. And
for other goods, they had much of them of ther owne
dealings, without .present disbursemente, & to like ef-
fect. And as for passing his bounds & instructions,
he laid it on M r . Sherley, &c 5 who, he said, they might
see his mind in his leters ; also that they had sett out
Ashley at great charg ; but next year they should have
what trading goods they would send for, if things were
now well setled, &c. And thus were they put off; in-
deed, jVK Sherley write things tending this way, but it is
like he was overruled by M r . Allerton, and barkened more
to him then to their letters from hence.

Thus he further writs in y e former leter.

— ■
I see what you write in your leters concerning y e overcoming

& paying of our debts, which I confess are great, and had need

be carfully looked unto; yet no. doubt but we, joyning in love,

may soone over-come them ; but we must follow it roundly &

.to purposs, for if we pedle out y e time of our trad, others will

step in and nose us. But we know y l you have y l aquaint-

anee & experience in y e countrie, as none have the like ; wher-

fore, freinds & partners, be no way discouraged with y e great lies

of y e debt, &c., but let us not fulfill y c proverbe, to bestow 1~ : .

on a purse, and put 6 d . [16S] in it; but as you and we have

been at great charg, and undergone much for setling you ther,

and to gaine experience, so as God shall enable us, let us make

256 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

use of it. And think not with 50 H . pound a yeave sent you
over, to rayse slmeh means as to pay our debts. We see a
possibillitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished ;
and chcefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly
and wise men, such as have lerned to bear one an others infir-
mities, and rcjoyce at any ones prosperities; and if I were able
I would press this more, because it is hoped by some of. your
enimies, that you will fall out one with another, and so over
throw your hopfull bussines. Nay, I have heard it crediblie re-
ported, y* some have said, that till you be disjoynted by discon-
tents & factions * amongst your sellves, it bootes not any to
<roc over, in hope of getting or doing good in those parts. But
we hope beter things of you, and that you will not only bear
one with another, but banish such thoughts, and not sutler them
to lodg in your brests. God grant you may disappointe y e hopes
of your foes, and procure y e hartie desire of your selves <fc
freinds in this perticuler.

By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance
betweene M r . Allerton and them in these things, and that
they gave more regard to his way & course in these
things, then to y e advise from hence ; which made him
bould to presume above his instructions, and to rune on
in y e course he did, to their greater hurt afterwards, as
will appear. These things did much trouble them hear,
but they well knew not how to help it, being loath, to
make any breach or contention hear aboute; being so
premonished as before in y° leter above recited. An other
more secrete cause was herewith concurrente ; j\I r . Aller-
ton had mariecl y° daughter | of their Reverend Elder,
M r . Brewster (a man beloved & honoured amongst them,
and who tooke great paines in teaching & dispencc-
ing y e word of God unto them), whom they were loath
to grecve or any way offend, so as they bore with much
in that respecte. And with all M r . Allerton carried so

* Fractions in the manuscript. — Ed. subsequently married Joanna "•

| He married Fear Brewster about See Prince, I. 98 ; Cnshinan Geneal-

the year 1620, his former wife Mary o£V, pp. 015, 018; List of Passen-

having died February 25th, 1G20-1. gers in the Mayflower, in Appendix-

His wife Fear died in 1634, and he — Ed.

I(j29.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 257

faire with him, and procured such leters from M ,r . Sherley
to him, with shuch applause of M r . Allertons wisdom,
care, and faithfullnes, in y c bussincs; and as things stood
none were so fittc to send aboute them as lie ; and if any
should suggest other wise, it was rather out of envie, or
some other sinister respecte then other wise. ISesids,
though private gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some
cause to lead M r . Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I
thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he in-
tended to deale faithfully with them in y e maine, and liad
such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some experi-
ence of y e benefite that he had made in this singulcr
way, as he conceived he might both raise him selfe an
estate, and allso be a means to bring in such profile to
M r . Sherley, (and it may be y e rest,) as might be as lickly
to bring' in their moneys againe with advantage, and it
may be sooner then from the generall way ; or at least
it was looked upon by some of them to be a good help
ther unto ; and that neither he nor any other did intend
to charge y e generall accounte with any thing that rane
in perticuler ; or y l M r . Sherley or any other did purposs
but y l y e generall should be first & fully supplycd. I sac-
charide makes me thus conceive ; though things fell out
other wise, and they missed of their aimes, and y c generall
suffered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear.

[169] Togeither herewith sorted an other bussincs con-
trived by M r . Allerton and them ther, w lh out any knowlcdg
of y e partners, and so farr proceeded in as they were con-
strained to allow therof, and joyne in y e same, though they
had no great liking of it, but feared what might be y*
evente of y e same. I shall relate it in a further part of
M r . Sherley's leter as foloweth.

I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to joynt 1
with one Edward Ashley* (a man I thinke y l some of you

* By the date of Mr. Sherley's and Hathcrly's letters of March 10, 10'J'J

33

258 HISTORY OF [HOOK II.

know) ; but it is only of y l place wherof he hath a patents in
M r . Beachamps name ;* and to that end have furnished him with
lar^ provisions, &c. Now if you please to be partners with
us in this, we are willing you shall ; for after we heard how for-
ward Bristoll men (and as I hear some able men of his owne
kindrid) have been to stock & supply him, hoping of profile,
we thought it fitter for us to lay hould of such an opportunitie,
and to keep a kind of railing plantation, then others who have
not borne y e burthen of setling a plantation, as we have done.
And he, on y e other side, like an understanding yonge man,
thought it better to joyne with those y l had means by a planta-
tion to supply & back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke
but only after profite. Now it is not knowne that you are part-
ners with him ; but only we 4., M r . Andrews, M r . Beachamp, my
selfe, & M r . Hatherley, who desired to have y e patente, in con-
sideration of our great loss we have already sustained in setling
y e first plantation ther ; so we agreed togeather to take it in our
names. And now, as I said before, if you please to joyne with
us, we are willing you should. M r . Allerton had no power from
you to make this new contracte, neither was he willing to doe
any thing therin without your consente & approbation. M r .
"William Peirce is joyned w r ith us in this, for we thought it very
convenieute, because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if
God please; and he will bend his course accordingly.! He hath
a new boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5.
lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now in case you
are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fearing y e
charge & doubting y e success, yet thus much we intreate of
you, to afford him all the help you can, either by men, commod-
ities, or boats ; yet not but y l we will pay you for any thing he
hath. And we desire you to keep y e accounts apart, though you
joyne with us ; becase ther is, as you see, other partners in this
then y e other; so, for all mens wages,. boats-hire, or comoditics,
which w T e shall have of you, make him debtore for it ; and what

(i. c. 1G29-30), it seems that all this (i. e. 1G29-30). An abstract of it is in

account of Ashley should be brought Hazard, I. 304,305. See Williamson's

into 1030. — Prince. Maine, I. 240. — Ed.

* This patent was granted to John f 13y this it seems as if Mr. Peirce

Beauehamp of London, and Thomas had Ashley and the goods in him, and

Leverelt of Boston (En^.), and was was to laud them at Penobscut. But

called the *' Muscongus Patent." The whether he did so after June 1", 1030,

original was, a few years since, in the when Governor Wiuthrop found him in

family of the late General Knox, of Salem harbor, I am yet uncertain. —

Maine. It bears date "March 13, 1629" Prince.

1(529.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. ^ij

you shall have of him, make y e plantation or your selves debton;
for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of y c accounts.

And now, loving freinds & partners, if you joyne in Ashlcs
patent & bussines, though we have laid out y e money and taken
up much to stock this bussines & the oilier, yet 1 thinke it eon-
seionable and reasonable y l you should bcare your shares and
proportion of y c stock, if not by present money, yet bv securing

Ius for so much as it shall come too; for it is not barly v c inter-
est y l is to be alowed & considered of, but allso y e adventure;
though I hope in God, by his blessing & your honest jmlcav-
ors, it may soon be payed; yet y e years y l this partnership holds
is not long, nor many; let all therforc lay it to harte, and make
y e best use of y e time that possiblie we cann, and let every man
put too his shoulder, and y e burthen will be the lighter. J know
you are so honest & conscionable men, as you will eunsitlrr
hereof, [170] and returne shuch an answer as may give good
satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would venture as we have
done, were it not to strengthen & setle you more then our owne
perticuler profite.

Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying y c debte fur
y e purchas. I know some will not abate y e interest, and ther-
fore let it rune its course ; they are to be paied yearly, and so I
hope they shall, according to agreemente. The Lord grant y x
our loves & affections may still be united, and knit togehhrr ;
and so we rest your ever loving friends,

James Siieklky.
Timothy Hathkkli:y.
. Bristoll, March 19. 1629.*

f

This mater of y e buying y c debts of y e purcliass was
parte of M r . Allertons instructions, and in many of them
it might have been done to good profite for ready pay (as
some were); but M r . Sherley had no mind to it. But this
bussines aboute Ashley did not a litle trouble them ; for
though he had wite & abillitie enough to menage y e bussi-
nes, yet some of them knew him to be a very profane
voiifire man ; and he had for some time lived amonge y
Indeans as a savage, & wente naked amongst them, and

% I conclude, according to the old the spring, and to Plymouth in ilm fail.
English account, March 19, 1009-30. of 1030 ; and the four follow ««« \*n-
*o that Ashley came to Penobscut in graphs belong to 1030. — JViwr.

260 HISTORY OF [HOOK II.

used their maners (in w ch time he got their language), so
they feared he might still rune into evill courses (though
he promised better), and God would not prosper his ways.
As soone as he was landed at y e place intended, caled Pe-
nobscote, some 4-. score leagues from this place, he write
(& afterwards came) for to desire to be supplyed with
Wampampeake, corne against winter, and other things.
They considered these were of their cheefe comodities, and
would be continually needed by him, and it would much
prejudice their owne trade at Kenebeck if they did not
joyne with him in y e ordering of things, if thus they
should supply him ; and on y e other hand, if they refused
to joyne with him, and allso to afford any supply unto
him, they should greatly offend their above named friends,
and might hapily lose them hereby ; and he and M r . Aller-
ton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett supplies
of these things els wher ; besids, they considered that if
they joyned not in y e bussines, they knew M r . Allerton
would be with them in it, & so would swime, as it were,
betweene both, to y e prejudice of boath, but of them selves
espetially. For they had reason to thinke this bussines
was cheefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a man fitte
for his turne and dealings. So they, to prevente a worse
mischeefe, resolved to joyne in y e bussines, and gave him
supplies in what they could, & overlooked his proceedings
Us well as they could ; the which they did y e better, by
joyning an honest yonge man* that came from Leyden,
with him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as
a servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and one
whom they could trust, they so instructed as keept Ash-
ley in some good mesure within bounds. And so they
returned their answer to their freinds in England, that

* Thomas Willett. aud by his activity and intelligence rcn-

[Thoinas Willeu became a man of dered his Majesty's commissioners some

some importance in the colony, being service. See further concerning h^ 1

an Assistant for thirteen successive in Davis's edition of the Memorial,

years. He was the fust Mayor of New p. 311; Savage's Winthrop, I. 3~~ •

York after the conquest by the English, Brodhead's New Yoik, passim. — l'' D -l

1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 2(5 1

they accepted of their motion, and joyned with them in
Ashleys . bussines ; and yet withall tould them what their
fears were concerning him.

But when they came to have full notice of all y e goods
brought them that year, they saw they fell very short of
trading goods, and Ashley farr better supplcyod thou
[171] themselves; so as they were forced to buy of the
fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, & cottens <S: car-
seys & other such like cloatli (for want of trading cloath)
of M r . Allerton himselfe, and so to put away a great parte
of their beaver, at under rate, in the countries which they
should have sente home, to help to discharge their great
ingageinentes ; which was to their great vexation ; but
M r . Allerton prayed them to be contente, and y" nexte
yere -they might have what they would write for. And
their ingagmentes of this year were great indeed when
they came to know them, (which was not wholy till L\
years after) ; and that which made them y e more, M r . Aller-
ton had taken up some large sunies at Bristoll at 50. .]> r
cent, againe, which he excused, that he was forctc to it,
because other wise he could at y e spring of year get no
goods transported, such were their envie against their
trade. But wheither this was any more then an excuse,
• some of them doubted ; but however, y e burden did lye on
their backs, and they must bear it, as they did many
•heavie loads more in y e end.

This paying of 50. 3/ cent, and dificulty of having then-
goods trasported by y e fishing ships at y e first of y c year,
(as was beleeved,) which was y e cheefe season for trade,
put them upon another projecte. AL r . Allerton, after }*
fishing season was over, light of a bargan of sake, at a
good fishing place, and bought it; which came to abouie
1 1 3 H . ; and shortly after he might have had 30 H . clean-
profite for it, without any more trouble aboute it. Bnt
M r . Winslow coming that way from Kenebeck, <Jt some
other of ther partners with him in y e barke, they mm

262 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

with M r . Allerton, and falling into discourse with him,
they stayed him from selling y e salte ; and resolved, if it
might please y e rest, to keep it fov them selves, and to
hire a ship in y e west cuntrie to come on fishing for them,
on shares, according to y e coustome ; and seeing she might
have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte & fitted
wher the salt lay safely landed & housed. In stead of
bringing salte, they might stowe her full of trading goods,
as bread, pease, cloth, &c, and so they might have a full
supply of goods without paing fraight, and in due season,
which might turne greatly to their advantage. Coming
home, this was propounded, and considered on, arid aproved
by all but y e Gov r , who had no mind to it, seeing they
had allway lost by fishing ; but y e rest were so ernest, as
thinkeing'that they might gaine well by y e fishing in this
way ; and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing
by it, y e other benefite would be advantage inough ; so,
seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was referd to
their freinds in England to alow, or disalow it. Of which
more in its place.

Upon y e consideration of y e bussines about y e paten, &
in what state it was left, as is before remembred, and M r .
Sherleys ernest pressing to have M r . Allerto to come over
agaihe to finish it, & perfect y e accounts, &c, it was con-
cluded to send him over this year againe ; * though it w T as
w r ith -some fear & jeolocie ; yet he gave them fair words
and promises of well performing all their bussineses accord-
ing to their directions, and to mend his former errors. So
he was accordingly sent with full instructions for all
things, with large letters to M r . Sherley & y e rest, both
aboute Ashleys bussines and their owne suply with trad-
ing comodities, and how much it did concerne them to be
furnished therwith, & what y e had suffered for wante
therof; and of what litle use other goods were [172] in

* I suppose in the fall of 1630. — This seems very evident, although
Prince. related under the year 1059. — Ed.

1(329.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. l 2(\',l

comparison therof; and so likewise aboute this fishing
ship, to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods,
which might both supply them & Ashley, and y c benefits
therof; which was left to their consideration to hire & set
her out, or not; but in no case not to send any, cxcple she
was thus fraighte with trading goods. Eut what Ujcm*
things came too will appere in y e next years passages.

I had like to have omited an other passage that full out
y e begining of this year.* Ther was one M r . llalfe Smith. t
& his wife & familie, y l came over into y e Bay of y* Mas-
sachusets, and sojurned at presente with some strnglin^
people that lived at Natascoe ; here being a boat of this
place putting in ther on some occasion, he ernestly de-
sired that they would give him & his, passage for I'liinoth,
and some such things as they could well carrie; having
before heard y l ther was liklyhood he might procure Iioum*-
roome for some time, till he should resolve to setle ther,
if he might, or els-wher as God should disposs ; for he
was werie of being in y l uncoth place, & in a poore hou>e
y l would neither keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing
him to be a grave man, & understood he had been a min-
ister, though they had no order for any such thing, }*•!
they presumed and brought him. He was here accord-
ingly kindly entertained & housed, & had y e rest of hU
goods & servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst
them, and afterwards was chosen into y e ministrie, and so
remained for sundrie years.

It was before noted that sundry of those that came from
Leyden, came over in the ships y l came to Salem, whor M r .
Endecott had cheefe comand ; and by infection that gruo
amonge y e passengers at sea, it spread also among them
a shore, of which many dyed, some of y e scurvie, oilier <>!
an infectious fcaoure, which continued some time amount
them (though our people, through Gods goodncs, cscajnti

* This might be in the beginning of son in 1629, arriving in the hit''* J****

1G29, as also the following paragraphs, of June. See ample mnioe vi \nu\ i'»

— Prince. Young's Chronicles of Ma^achcbctu,

f Mr. Smith came over with Higgin- p. 151. — Ed.

264 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

it). Upon which occasion he write hither for some help,
understanding here was one that had some skill y l way, &
had cured diverse of y e scurvie, and others of other dis-
eases, hy letting blood, & other means. Upon which his
request y e Gov r hear sent him unto them, and also write
to him, from whom he received an answere ; the which,
because it is breefe, and shows y e begining of their aquaint-
anee, and closing in y c truth & ways of God, I thought it
not unmcete, nor without use, hear to inserte it ; and an
other showing y e begining of their fellowship & church
estate ther.

Being as followeth.*

Right worthy S r :

It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one m r . and of y e
same houshold should be strangers; I assure you 1 desire it
not, nay, to spcake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. Gods
people are all marked with one and y e same marke, and sealed
with one and y e same seale, and have for y e maine, one & y e
same harte, guided by one & same spirite of truth ; and wber
this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here must needs be sweete
•harmonie. And y e same request (with you) I make unto y H
Lord, that we may, as Christian breethren, be united by a
heavenly & unfained love ; bending all our harts and forces in
furthering a worke beyond our strength, with reverence & fear,
fastening our eyse alhvays on him that only is able to directe
and prosper all our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound
to you for your kind love and care in sending M r . Fuller f among

* "To the worshipful and my right f Samuel Fuller was of the May-
worthy friend, William Bradford, Esq., flower company, and was the first phy-
Governor of New Plymouth, these." sieian of the colonv. He was also a
This letter was written about six weeks deacon of the church of Plymouth, and
before the arrival of the ships which had borne that office for a number of
brought Higginson and Skelion and years while in Holland. In a scarce
their company, and also the thirty-five tract, entitled " The Prophane Schisnic
of ** our people "from Leyden ; though of the Brownists, or Separatists," &c.
from the context it would be inferred published in 1612, containing some nc-
otherwise. It is correctly stated in our count of the controversy between the
author's Letter-Book. I)r. Fuller may Ainsworth and Johnson factions at
have repealed his visit after their ar- Amsterdam, mention is made of a letter
rival. This and the following letter sent by an adherent of the latter to
were copied hy Morion into the Ply- " Samuel Fuller, a Deacon of Master
mouth Church Records. See Young's Robinson's church." He was probably
Chron. of Mass., pp. 143, 235. — Ed. one of the Assistants in the government

1629.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 2G5

us, and rejoyce much y l I am by him satisfied touching your
judgments of y e outward forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as favr
as ^173] I can yet gather, no other then is warrented by y e evi-
dence of truth, and y e same which I have proffessed and main-
tained ever since y e Lord in mercie revealed him selfe unto me;
bein^ farr from y e commone reporte that hath been spread of
you touching that perticuler. But Gods children must not
looke for less here below,. and it is y e great mercie of God, that
he strengthens them to goe through with it. I shall not neede
at this time to be tedious unto you, for, God willing, I purpose
to see your face shortly. In y e mean time, I humbly take my
leave of you, eomiting you to y e Lords blessed protection, & rest,

Your assured loving friend,

Jo: Endecott.

Naumkeak, May 11. An . 1629.

This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their
church affaires at Salem, which was y e 2. church erected
in these parts ; and afterwards y e Lord established many
more in sundrie places.

S T : I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to cer-
tifie you how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since you
heard from us. How, notwithstanding all opposition that hath
been hear, & els wher, it hath pleased God to lay a foundation,
the which I hope is agreeable to his word in every thing. The
20. of July, it pleased y e Lord to move y e hart of our Gov r to
set it aparte for a solemne day of humiliation, for y e ehoycc of
a.pastor & teacher. The former parte of y e day being spentc in
praier & teaching, the later parte aboute y e election, which was
after this maner. The persons thought on (who had been min-
isters in England) were demanded concerning their callings;
they acknowledged ther was a towfould calling, the one an
inward calling, when y e Lord moved y c liarte of a man to take
y l calling upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for y e same;
the second was an outward calling, which was from y e people,

in 1G31, and may have been in other Anne, was living in 1G64. He left a

years. He died in 1633. « His will, son, Samuel. See New England Hist,

dated Julv 30th, and proved October and Geneal. Reg., II. 244; K" s ^y 3

28ih, 1033, is the earliest on record." Guide to Plymouth, pp. 129,. *-U >, -u> •-

His wife, Bridget, who came in the See further under the year 10 J J.— a.i.

34

266 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

when a company of beleevers are joyned togither in eovenante,
to wallcc togither in all y e ways of God, and every member
(being men) are to have a free voyee in y e choyce of their offi-
cers, &c. Now, we being perswaded that these 2. men were so
quallified, as y e apostle speaks to Timothy, wher he. saith, A
bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to teach, &c, I thinke I may
say, as y e eunueh said unto Philip, What should let from being
baptised, seeing ther was water? and he bcleeved. So these 2.
servants of God, clearing all things by their answers, (and being
thus fitted,) we saw lioe reason but we might freely give our
voyces for their election, after this trial!.* So M r . Skelton was
chosen pastor, and M r . Higgison to be teacher ; and they ac-
cepting y e choyce, M r . Higgison, with 3. or 4. of y e gravest
members of y e church, laid their hands on M r . Skelton, using
prayer therwith. This being done, ther was imposission of
hands on M r . Higgison also.f And since that time, Thursday
(being, as I take it, y e 6. of August) is appoynted for another
day of humilliation, for y e choyce of elders & deacons, & ordain- |

ing of them. J

And now, good S r , I hope y l you & y e rest of Gods people
(who are aquainted with the ways of God) with yon, will say
that hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2. blessed
servants of y e Lord came in at y e dore, and not at y e window.
Thus I have made bould to trouble you with these few lines,
desiring you to remember us, &e. And so rest, f

At your service in what I may,

Charles Gott\§ %

Salem, July 30. 1629.

* " Their choice was after this man- \ According to Morton, Skelton and

ner : every fit member wrote, in a note, Higginson were ordained August Gtli,

his name whom the Lord moved him to and Governor Bradford and some others,

think was fit for a pastor, and so ]ike- who intended to be present, " coming

wise whom they would have for teach- by sea, were hindered by cross winds,

er. So the most voice was for Mr. that they could not be there at the be-

Skelton to be pastor and Mr. Higgin- ginning of the day, but they came into

son to be teacher." See the copy of the assembly afterward, and gave them

this letter in Bradford's Letter-Book, the right hand of fellowship." Prince

Messrs. Skelton and Higginson had suggests that the former imposition ol

arrived at Salem in the latter part of hands, on the 20th of July, "may only

the preceding June. — Ed. signify their previous separation from

t " Then there was proceeding in their solemn charge," having been he-
election of elders and deacons, but they fore ordained by bishops ; " and this
were only named, and laying on of latter, of August 6th, their actual in-
hands deferred, to see if it pleased God vestiture therein." See Morton's Mc-
to send us more able men over." Brad- mortal, pp. 75, 76; Prince, I. 191. — Kr>.
ford's Letter-Book. — Ed. § Mr. Gott came over to Salem in

1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 2G7

[174] Anno Do?n: 1630.

Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered a good
parcel! of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home *
and would not pay for y e goods he had had of y c planta-
tion hear, but lett them stand still on y e score, and tooke
up still more. Now though they well enough knew his
aime, yet they let him goe on, and write of it into Eng-
land. But partly y e beaver they received, & sould, (of
which they weer sencible,) and partly by M r . Allertons
extolling of him, they cast more how to supplie him then
y e plantation, and something to upbraid them with it.
They f were forct to buy him a barke allso, and to furnish
her w th a m r . & men, to transporte his corne & provis-
sions (of which he put of much) ; for y e Indeans of tliosc
parts have no corne growing, and at harvest, after corne is
ready, y e weather grows foule, and y e seas dangerous, so as
he could doe litle good with his shallope for y l purposs.

They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring,}
by the fishing ship which they expected, and had been
at charg to keepe a stage for her; but none came, nor
any supply heard of for them. At length they heard
sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at
which they something marvelled, and the more y l they
had no letters either from M r . Allerton or M r . Sherley ; so
they went on in their bussines as well as y e could. At last
they heard of M r . Peirce his arivall in y e Bay of y e Mas-
sachusetts, who brought passengers & goods thithcr.§

1628, with Endicott, and was after- Winthrop at Salem, June 12, 1G30 ;

wards a deacon of the church there, sails for Ireland or England about A ug.

See Hubbard, p. 109 ; Young's Chron- 1G30 ; set sail from England, viz. from

icles of Massachusetts, p. 30. — &ci. Bristoll, Dec. 1, 1G30 ; arrives from

* I suppose this was in the fall of England at Natasket, Feb. 5, 1030-1 ;

1630.— Prince. sails from Salem, April 1. arrives

t They, that is, the New Plymouth at London, April 29, 1G31 ; arriws

Undertakers. — Prince. again from England at JSata?l<et, Nov.

t '^his must be the spring of 1631, 2, 1G31 ; as Governor Wimhrop in-

i. e. the spring after Ashley went to forms us, and see the note below, in"

Penobscut. — Prince. all which Governor Bradford serins

§ Mr. Peirce is found by Governor to be mistaken or misinformed ol the

268 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

They presently sent a shallop, conceiving they should
have some thing by him. But he tould them he had none ;
and a ship was sett out on fishing, but after 11. weeks
beating at sea, she mett with shuch foull weather as she
was forcte back againe for England, and, y e season being
over, gave off y e vioage.* Neither did he hear of much
goods in herfor y e plantation, or y l she did belong to them,
for he had heard some thing from M r . Allerton tending
that way. But M r . Allerton had bought another ship,
and was to come in her, and was to fish for bass to y e east-
ward, and to bring goods, &c. These things did much
trouble them, and half astonish them. M r . Winslow haveing
been to y° eastward, brought nuese of the like things, w lh
some more perticulers, and y l it was like M r . Allerton would
be late before he camq. At length they, having an opper-
tunitic, resolved to send M r . Winslow, with what beaver
they had ready, into England, to see how y e squars wente,
being very jeolouse of these things, & M r . Allertons courses ;
and writ shuch leters, and gave him shuch instructions, as
they thought meet ; and if he found things not well, to
discharge M r . Allerton for being any longer agent for
them, or to deal any more in y e bussines, and to see how y e
accounts stood, &c.

Aboute y e midle of soiner arrives M r . Hatherley in y e
Bay of y e Massachusetts, (being one of y e partners,) and
came over in y e same ship that was set out on fhishing
(called y e Frendship).*]* They presently sent to him,
making no question but now they had goods come, and
should know how all things stood. But they found

name of the master of this ship. — " The ship called the Friendship,

Prince. of Barnstable, arrived at Boston, after

* Governor Winthrop says, the news she had been at sea eleven weeks, and

of this comes to Boston by letters from beaten back again by foul weather.

Mr. Allerton at Saco, in the White She set sail from Barnstable again

Angel, on June 27, 1631. — Prince. about the midst of May. She land-

| The Friendship arrives at Boston, ed here eight heifers, and one calf,

on July 14, 1631, as Governor Win- and five sheep.' ' Winthrop, I. 56.

throp tells us. — Prince. — Ed.

1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 2C9

[175] the former news true, how this ship had been so
long at sea, and spente and spoyled her provissions, and
overthrowne y e viage. And he being sent over by y e rest
of y e partners, to see how things wente hear, being at Bris-
tol! with M r . Allerton, in y e shipe bought (called y°
White-Angell), ready to set sayle, over niglit came a
messenger' from Bastable to M r . Allerton, and toultl him
of y e returne of y e ship, and what had befallen. And lie
not knowing what to doe, having a great chareg under
hand, y c ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set
sayle, got him to goe and discharg y e ship,* and take order
for y e goods. To be short, they found M r . ITatherlry
some thing reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (M r . Allerlon
not being ther,) not knowing how to dispose of y° goods
till he came; but he heard he was arived with y oilier
ship to y e eastward,-]* and expected his coming. But he
tould theiji ther was not much for them in this ship, only
2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 2. hoggsheads of mea-
theglin, drawne out in wooden flackets (but when these
flackets came to be received, ther was left but 6. gallons
of y e 2. hogsheads, it being drnnke up under y c name
leackage, and so lost). But the ship was filled with goods
for sundrie gentle-men, & others, that were come to plant
in y e Massachusets, for which they payed fraight by y
tun. And this was all the satisfaction they could have
at presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods \-
returned with this nues, and a letter as obscure ; which
made them much to marvell therat. The letter was as
followeth.

Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, &c.

Breefly thus : wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, and
a trading ship, which later we have bought; and so have dis-
bursed a great deale of money, as may and will appeare by y

* That is, ' of her fishing crew. — f That is, the White Ar^el at Ssco.
Prince. in June, 1631. — Prince.

270 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

accounts. And because this ship (called y e White Angell) is to
aetc 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing for bass, and trading ; and
that while M r . Allerton was imployed aboute y e trading, the
fishing might suffer by carlesnes or neglecte of y 6 sailors, we
have entreated your and our loving friend, M r . Hatherley, to goe
over with him, knowing he will be a comforte to M r . Allerton,
a joye to you, to see a carfull and loving friend, and a great
stay to y° bussines ; and so great eontente to us, that if it should
please God y° one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet y e other
would keepe both receonings, and things uprighte. For we are
now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte you
withall, fcc. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a
peece, we looked not much after it, but left it to you, & your
agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite thanks & com-
endations, both of you & us, for his pains, &c.) ; but now we are
out double, nay, trible a peece, some of us, &c. ; which maks
ns both write, and send over our friend, M r . Hatherley/ trhom
we pray you to entertaine kindly, of which we doubte not of.
The main end of sending him is to see y c state and accounte of
all y e bussines, of all which we pray you inform e him fully,
though y c ship & bussines wayte for it and him. For we should
take it very unkindly that we should intreat him to take such a
journey, and that, when it pleaseth God he returnes, he could
not give us eontente & satisfaction in this pertieuler, through
defaulte of any of you. [176] But we hope you will so order
bussines, as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine,
but to doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, &e.
I will not promise, but shall indeaour & hope to effeete y e full
desire and grant of your patente,* & that ere it be longe. I
would not have yon take any thing unkindly. I have not write
out of jcoloeie of any unjuste dealing. Be you all kindly sa-
luted in y c Lord, so I rest,

Yours in what I may,
March 25. IGoO.f James Sherley.

It needs not be thought strange, that these things should
amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing ship J

* See pp. 250, 251. — Ed. misdate his letter, which should have

+ Mr. iSherley, being unmindful that, been March 25, 1G31. — Prince.

according to the old English way, 1G30 J That is, the Friendship. — Prince.

ended onMarch 24, 1030-1, happens to

1630.3 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 271

should be set out, and fraight with other mens goods, &
scarce any of theirs ; seeing their maine end was (as is
before rcmembred) to bring them a full supply, and their
speatiall order not to sett out any excepte this was done.
And now a ship to come on their accountc, clean contrary
to their both end & order, was a misterie they could not
understand ; and so much y e worse, seeing she had shuch
ill success as to lose both her vioage & provissions. The
2. thing, that another ship* should be bought and scute out
on new designes, a thing not so much as once thought on
by any here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken vl'
by any here, either by word or letter, neither could they
imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was never lookt
at by them, but as soone as ever they heard on it, they
looked at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly turne
to loss. And for M r . Allerton to follow any trade for
them, it was never in their thoughts. And 3 ,y , that their
frieds should complaine of disbursements, and yet rune
into such great things, and charge of shiping & new pro-
jects of their owne heads, not only without, but against,
all order & advice, was to them very Strang. And 4* that
all these matters of so great charg & imployments should
be thus wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they
knew not what to make of it. But amids all their doubts
they must have patience till M r . Allerton & M r . Hatherley
should come. In y e mean time M r . Winslow was gone
for England ; | and others of them were forst to folow their
imployments with y e best means they had, till they could
* hear of better.

At length M r . Hatherley & M r . Allerton came unto
them, (after they had delivered their goods,) J and finding

* That is, the White Angel.— -Prince. Mr. Hatherly arrived in the Friend-
| Which seems to be before July 14, ship at Boston, July 14. 1G31. -Mr.
1G31, when the Friendship arrived with Allerton arrived in the White Anu*1
Mr. Hatherly at Boston. — Prince. at the Massachusetts Bay, July --•
% By this it appears that Mr. Alter- 1G31. The Friendship sails from Bos-
ton and Hatherly arrive in the spring or ton for Christopher Isle on July £iMl>*>l.
summer of 1631. The White Angel sets sail from Boston

272 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

them strucken with some sadnes aboute these things, ]\I r .
Allcrton tould them that y e ship Whit-Angelc did not
belong to them, nor their accounte, neither neede they
have any thing to doe with her, excepte they would. And
M r . Hatherley confirmed y e same, and said that they would
have had him to have had a parte, but he refused ; but he
made question whether they would not turne her upon y e
generall accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was
like), seeing M r . Allerton laid downe this course, and put
them on this projecte. But for y e fishing ship, he tould
them they need not be so much troubled, for he had her
accounts here, and showed them that her first seting out
came not much to exceed GOO* 1 , as they might see by y e
accounte, which he showed them ; and for this later viage,*
it would arrise to profile by y° fraight of y e goods, and y e
salle of some katle which he shiped arid had allready sould,
& was to be paid for partly here & partly by bills into
England, so as they should not have this put on their
acounte at all, except they [177] would. And for y e for-
mer, he had sould so much goods out of her in England,
and imployed y e money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither
with such goods & implements as M r . Allerton must need
aboute his fishing, would rise to a good parte of y e money ;
for he must have y e sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, &c. ;
all which would rise to nere 400* 1 . ; so, with y e bearing of
their parts of y e rest of y e loses (which would not be much
above 200 h .), they would clear them of this whole accounte.
Of which motion they were glad, not being willing to have
any accounts lye upon them ; but aboute their trade, which
made them willing to barken therunto, and demand of
M r . Hatherley how he could make this good, if they

for New Plymouth, but hindered by Plymouth," July 30th. See Winthrop,

contrary winds, unci a week after runs I. 57-59. — En.

ashore at the Gurnet's Nose ; (and no * That is, after she had been forced

doubt Mr. Allerton and JIatherly go to back to Barnstable and discharged of

New Plymouth in her). — Prince. her fishing crew, and now came on

44 The White Angel fell down for freight. —Prince.

1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 273

should agree their unto, he tould them he was sent over
as their agente, and had this order from them, that what-
soever he and M r . Allcrton did togeather, they would stand
to it ; but they would not alow of what M r . Allcrton did
alone, except they liked it ; but if he did it alone, they
would not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him
& M r . Allerton all y e rest of y c goods, and gave them pres-
ent possession of them ; and a writing was made, and con-
firmed under both M r . Hatherleys and M r . Allcrtons hands,
to y e effecte afforesaide. And M r . Allertone, being best
aquainted w th y e people, sould away presenly all shuch
goods as he had no need of for y e fishing, as 9. shallop
sails, made of good new canvas, and y e roads for them
being all new, with sundry such usefull goods, for ready
beaver, by M r . Hatherleys allowance. And thus they
thought they had well provided for them selvs. Yet they
rebuked M r . Allerton very much, for runing into these
courses, fearing y e success of them. M r . Allerton & M r .
Hatherley brought to y e towne with them (after he had
sould what he could abroad) a great quantity of other
goods besids trading comodities ; as linen cloath, bedticks,
stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c, and tould them they
were to have them, if they would; but they tould M r .
Allerton that they had forbid him before for bringing any
s\ich on their accounte ; it would hinder their trade and
returnes. But he & M r . Hatherley said, if they would
not have them, they would sell them, them selves, and
take come for what they could not otherwise sell. They
tould them they might, if they had order for it. The
goods of one sorte & other came to upAvard of 500 h .

After these things, M r . Allerton wente to y e ship*
aboute his bass fishing ; and M c . Hatherley, (according to
his order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood at
y e plantation, (of all which they informed him fully,) he

* The White Angel. — Ed.

35

274 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

then desired a boate of them to goe and visite y e trading
houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley at Pcnobscote '; for
so they in England had injoyned him. They accordingly
furnished him with a boate & men for y e viage, and acquaint-
ed him plainly & thorowly with all things ; by which he
had good contente and satisfaction, and saw plainly y l M r .
Allerton plaid his owne game, and rane a course not only
to y e great wrong & cletrimente of y e plantation, who im-
ployed & trusted him, but abused them in England also,
in possessing them with prejudice against y e plantation ;
as y l they would never be able to repaye their moneys (in
regard of their great charge), but if [179]* they would
follow his advice and projects, he & Ashley (being well
supplyed) would quickly bring in their moneys with good
advantage. M r . Hafherley disclosed also a further projecte
aboute y e setting out of this ship, y e "White-angell ; how,
she being wel fitted with good ordnance, and known to
have made a great fight at sea (when she belongd to
Bristoll) and caried away y e victory, they had agreed (by
M r . Allerton's means) that, after she had brought a fraight
of goods here into y c countrie, and fraight her selfe with
fish*, she should goe from hence to Port of porte,-j* and
ther be sould, both ship, goods, and ordenance ; and had,
for this end, had speech with a factore of those parts,
beforehand, to whom she should have been consigned.
But this was prevented at this time, (after it was known,)
partly by y e contrary advice given by their freinds hear
to M r . Allerton & M r . Hatherley, showing how it might
insnare their friends in England, (being men of estate,) if
it should come to be knowne ; and for y Q plantation, they
did and would disalow it, and protest against it ; and
partly by their bad viage, for they both came too late to
doe any good for fishing, and allso had such a wicked
and drunken company as neither M r . Allerton nor any els

* 178 is omitted in the paging of the f Oporto, called by the Dutch Port
original manuscript. — Ed. a port. £<L .

1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 275

could rule ; as M r . Hatherley, to his great greefe & shame,
saw, & beheld, and all others that came nerc them.

Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before M r . Hather-

ley returned,*) for trading powder & shote with- y e In-

deans ; and was ceased upon by some in authorise, who

allso would haye confiscated above a thousand weight of

beaver; but y c goods were freed, for y e Gov r here made it

appere, by a bond under Ashleys hand, wherin he was

bound to them in 500 H . not to trade any munition witli y°

Indeans, or other wise to abuse him selfe ; it was also

manifest against him that he had coihitcd uncleannes

with Indean women, (things that they feared at his first

imployment, which made them take this strict course with

him in y e begining) ; so, to be shorte, they gott their goods

freed, but he was sent home prisoner. And that I may

make an end concerning him, after sometime of imprison-

mente in y c Fleet, by y e means of friends he was set at

liberty ,3 and intended to come over againe, but y c Lord

prevented it ; for he had a motion made to him, by some

marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had such good

skill in y e beaver trade, the which he accepted of, and in

his returne home was cast away at sea ; this was his end.

M r . Hatherley, fully understanding y e state of all things,

had good satisfaction, and could well inform e them how

all" things stood betwecne M r . Allerton and y e plantation.

Yea, he found y l M r . Allerton had gott within him, and

[180] got all y e goods into his owne hands, for which M r .

Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged to them hear, aboute y e

ship-Freidship, as also most of y 6 fraigtc money, besids

some of his owne perticuler estate ; about w dl more will

appear here after. So he returned into England,f and

* That is, before Mr. Ilatherly re- Mr. Hatherly, to Bristoll, where they

turned in the New Plymouth boat from arrive before Nov. 1G, 1031, as appears

Kcnnebeck and Pcnobscut in August, from Mr. Edward Window's lotirr »>t

1031. — Prince. Nov. 16. and Mr. Shcrlcy's of Nov.

t 1631, Sept. 6. The White An^el 19, 1031,' pp. 1S2, 183. — Prmcr.

set sail from Boston to Marble liar- The pages of the original mannsenpt

bour; and so, with Mr. Allerton and arc here referred to.- 1 - Ed.

276 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

they sente a good quantity of beaver with him to y e rest
of y° partners ; so both he and it was very wellcome unto
them.

]\I f . Allerton followed his affaires, & returned with his
White Angell, being no more imployed by y e plantation ;
but these bussinesscs were not ended till many years after,
nor well understood of a longe time, but foulded up in
obscuritie, & kepte in y 6 clouds, to y e great loss & vexa-
tion of y° plantation, who in y e end were (for peace sake)
forced to bear y e unjust burthen of them, to their allmost
undoing, as will appear, if God give life to finish this
history.

They sent their letters also by M r . Hatherley to y e part-
ners ther, to show them how M r . Hatherley & M r . Allerton
had discharged them of y e Friendships accounte, and that
they boath affirmed y l the White-Angell did not at all
belong to them ; and therfore desired that their accounte
might not be charged therwith. Also they w r rite to M r .
Winslow, their agente, that he in like maner should (in
their names) protest against it, if any such thing should
be intended, for they would never yeeld to y e same. As
allso to signifie to them that they renounsed M r . Allerton
wholy, for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe
in any of their bussines.

This year John Billinton y e elder (one that came over
with y e first) was arrained, and both by grand & petie
jurie* found guilty of willfull murder, by plaine & noto-
rious evidence. And was for the same accordingly exe-
cuted.*!* This, as it was y e first execution amongst them,

* " It was ordained 17 day of De- execution of Billington as taking place

cember An° 1G23, by the Court then " about September" of this year. "The

held, that all criminal facts and also all murtherer expected that, either for want

matters of trespasses and debts between of power to execute for capital oflences,

man and man should be tried by the or for want of people to increase the

verdict of twelve honest men to be plantation, he should have his life

impanelled by authority in form of a spared ; but justice otherwise deter-

jury upon their oath." Plymouth Col- mined, and rewarded him, the first

ony Laws, Brighanrs edition. — Ed. murtherer of his neighbour there, with

f Hubbard, on page 101, notices the the deserved punishment of death, for

1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 277

so was it a mater of great sadnes unto them. They used
all clue means about his triall, and tooke y c advice of M r .
Winthrop and other y e ablest gentle-men in y e Bay of y e
Massachusets, that were then new-ly come over, who con-
cured with them y l he ought to dye, and y e land to be
purged from blood. He and some of his had been often
punished for miscariags before, being one of y c profancst
families amongst them. They came from London, and 1
know not by what freinds shufled into their company.
His facte was, that he way-laid a yong-man, one John
New-comin, (about a former quarell,) and shote him with
a gune, wherof he dyed.*

Having by a providence a letter or to y l came to my
hands concerning the proceedings of their lie 1 ': freinds in
y e Bay 'of y e Massachusets, who were latly come over, J
thought it not amise here to inserte them, (so farr as is
pertenente, and may be usefull for after times,) before I
conclude this year.

S r : Being at Salem y e 25. of July, being y e saboath, after v'
eveing exercise, M r . Johnson received a letter from y° Gov r , M r .
John Winthrop, manifesting y e hand of God to be upon 1hem,
and against them at Charles-towne, in visiting them with sick-
lies, and taking diverse from amongst them, not sparing y u right-
eous, but partaking with y e wicked in these bodily judgment.-*.
It was therfore by his desire taken into y e Godly consideration
of y e best hear, what was to be done to pacific y e Lords wrath, f
&:c. Wher it was concluded, that the Lord was to be sought
in righteonsnes ; and to that end, y e 6. day (being Friday) of this
present weeke, is set aparte, that they may humble them selves

a warning to others." The first offence f " And they would do nothing wiiii-
comnritted in the colony was by Billing- out our advice, I mean those membtT.s
ton, in 1G21, who, for contempt of the of our church there known unto ila'in,
Captain's lawful command, with oppro- viz. Mr. Fuller, Mr. Allcrton, and ine-
brious speeches, was adjudged to have self, requiring our voices as their own."
his neck and heels tied together. See copy of this letter in Bradford**
Prince, I. 103, from Bradford's pocket- Letter-Book. This and the portion of
book. — Ed. a letter following, from Fuller, «••:«
* This paragraph was written on the copied by Morton into the Plymouth
reverse of page 180 of the original Church Records. —Ed.
manuscript, near this place. — Ed.

278 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

before God, and seeke him in bis ordenanees ; and that then also
such godly persons that are amongst them, and know each to
other, may publiekly, at y e end of their exercise, make known
their Godly desire, and practise y e same, viz. soleilily to enter
into [1S1] covenante with y e Lord to walke in his ways. And
since they are so disposed of in their outward estats, as to live
in three distinct places, each having men of abilitie amongst
them, ther to observe y e clay, and become 3. distincte bodys ;
not then intending rashly to proceed to y° choyce of officers,
or y e admitting of any other to their societie then a few, to
witte, such as are well knowne unto them; promising after to
receive in such by confession of faith, as shall appearc to be
fitly qualified for y estate. They doe ernestly entrcate that
y° church of Plimoth would set apparte y e same day, for y e
same ends, beseeching y e Lord, as to withdraw his hand of
correction from them, so also to establish and direct them in
his wayes. And though y e time be shorte, we pray you be pro-
vocked to this godly worke, seing y e causes arc so urgente ;
wherin God will be honoured, and they & we undoubtedly have
sweete eomforte. Be you all kindly saluted, &e.

Your brethren in Christ,* &c.
Salem, July 26. 1630.

S r : &c. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and
many are dead ; y 6 Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are
here entered into church covenante ; the first were 4. namly, y e
Gov r , M r . John Winthrop, M r . Johnson, M r . Dudley, and .M r .
"Willson ; since that 5. more are joyned unto' them, and others, it
is like, will addc them selves to them dayly; the Lord increase
them, both in number and in holines for his mercie sake. Here
is a gentleman, one M r . Cottingtomf (a Boston man,) who tonld

* Signed by Samuel Fuller and Arbella, arriving at Salem on the 12th

Edward Winslow, but evidently writ- of the preceding June. Becoming in-

ten by the latter. It is addressed, volved in the Antinomian controversy,

"To our loving brethren and Chris- and siding with Mrs. Hutchinson, he,

tian friends, Mr. William Bradford, in April, 1G38, removed to Rhode Island,

Mr. Ralph Smith, and Mr. William of which colony he was several years

Brewster, these be." — Bradford's Let- Governor. He afterwards became a

ter-Book. — Ed. Quaker. A curious and interesting

f The person here intended is Wil- tract written by him was published in

liam Coddiugton, one of the founders 1074, entitled, " A Demonstration of

of Rhode Island. He was choscu an True Love unto You the Rulers of the

Assistant of the Massachusetts Com- Colony of the Massachusetts in New

pany shortly before the sailing of Win- England," &c. It consists chiefly of two

throp's fleet, and came over in the letters to Richard Bellingham, dated

r

1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 279

me, that M r . Cottons** charge at Hamton was, that they should
take advise of them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to ofl'md
them.f Here are diverce honest Christians that arc desirous to
see us, some out of love which they bear to us, and y c good per-
swasion they have of us; others to sec whether we be so ill as
they have heard of us. "We have a name of holines, and love
to God and his sainets ; the Lord make us more and rnori! answer-
able, and that it may be more then a name, or els it will doe us
no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends.
The Lord Jesus blese us, and y G whole Israll of God. Amen.

Your loving brother, J <S:e.
Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630.

Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been
produscd by his hand y l made all things of nothing, and
gives being to all things that are ; and as one small candle
may light a thousand, so y e light here kindled hath shone
to many, yea in some sorte to our whole nation ; let y°
glorious name of Jehova have all y e praise.

[182] Anno Dom: 1631.

Ashley being thus by y e hand of God taken away, and
M r . Allerton discharged of his imploymente for tliem.§
their bussines began againe to rune in one chanell, and
them selves better able to guide the same, Pcnobscotc
being wholy now at their disposing. And though M r .
William Peirce had a parte ther as is before noted, yet

1672, in which he complains of the in the same year, entitled " God s

treatment he had received from his old Promise to his Plantation." bee fceut-

eompanions, alluding also to the snf- tow's Narrative, pp. 13, 20. Ei>.
ferine of the Quakers. Ample notices f This sill 3 le sentence was written

of Coddington may be found in Callen- in a previous letter of 1 tiller to («m-

der's Historical Discourse, and in Sav- ernor Bradford, as appears limn m*

age's Winthrop.— Ed. Letter-Book, and is dated, '* .Ua*>-i-

* The Reverend John Cotton, then chusetts, June 23, Anno 1G30. ct.
vicar of St. Botolph's Church at J " Your loving brother-in-Ia^.

Boston, in Lincolnshire, accompanied Samuel Fuller." See Bradtord > •'

his friends to Southampton, as they ter-Book, where is this letier mint-,

were to embark in Winthrop's fleet for addressed to Governor Bradtord.
New England, and there preached a § In August, 1G31. — iVi/ic*.
farewell sermon, which was published See pp. 275, 27G. — Ed.

280 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

now, as things stood, he was glad to have his money re-
payed him, and stand out. M r . Winslow, whom they had
sent over, sent them over some supply as soone as he
could ; and afterwards when he came, which was some-
thing longe * by reason of bussines, he brought a large
supply of suitable goods with him, by which ther trading
was well . carried on. But by no means either he, or y e
letters y e7 write, could take off M r . Sherley & y e rest from
putting both y e Friendship and Whit-Angell on y e gen-
erall accounte ; which caused continuall contention be-
tweene them, as will more appeare.

I shall inserte a leter of M r . WinslowV about these
things, being as foloweth.

S r : It fell out by Gods providence, y l I received and brought
your letcrs p r M r . Allerton from Bristol], to London; and doe
much feare what will be y e event of things. M r . Allerton in-
tended to prepare y e ship againe, to set forth upon fishing. 3M r .
Sherley, M r . Beachamp, & M r . Andrews, they renounce all per-
ticulers, protesting but for us they would never have adventured
one penie into those parts; M r . Hatherley stands inclinable to
either. And wheras you write that he and M r . Allerton have
taken y e Whit-Angell upon them, for their partners here, they
professe they neiver gave any such order, nor will make it good;
if them selves will cleare y e accounte & doe it, all shall be well.
What y e evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord
so directe and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by our
divissions. I hear (p r a freind) that I was much blamed for
speaking w l f I heard in y e spring of y e year, concerning y e buy-
ing & setting forth of y 1 ship ; t sure, if I should not have tould
you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which report I offered
now to prove at Bristoll), I should have been unworthy my im-
ploymentc. And concerning y e comission so long since given
to M r . Allerton, the truth is, the thing we feared is eorne upon
us ; for M r . Sherley & y c rest have it, and will not deliver it,
that being y e ground of our agents credite to procure shuch

* Arriving at Boston on June 5, f W th i n manuscript. — Ed.
1632. — Prince. J This was about ye selling ye ship in

See Winthrop I. 178. — Ed. Spaine. [In Oporto? See p. 274.— Ed.]

1C31.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 2S1

great sumes. But I looke for bitter words, hard thoughts, niw!
sower looks, from sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting
y e former. I would I had a more thankfull imploymente; but
I hope a good conscience shall make it comefortable, lS:c.

Thus fan- he. Dated Nov: 16. 1G31.

The comission above said was given by them under
their hand and seale, when M r . Allerton was first lnipli>\ od
by them,* and redemanded of him in y e year 29. when
they begane to suspecte his course. lie tould them it
was amongst his papers, but he would sccke it out & give
it them before he wente. But he being ready to goo, ii
was demanded againe. He said he could not find it, hut
it was amongst his papers, which lie must take w :U him,
[183] and he would send it by y e boat from y c eastward ;
but ther it could not be had neither, but he would scrke
it up at sea. But whether j\I r . Sherlcy had it before or
after, it is not certaine ; but having it, he would not let it
goe, but keeps it to this day. AVherfore, even amongst
freinds, men had need be carfull whom they trust, and not
lett things of this nature lye long unrecaled.

Some parts of M r . Sherlefs letters abonte these things* in
which y e truth is lest manifested.

■ S r : Yours I have received by our loving friends, M r . Alien on
fc M r . Hatherlcy, who, blesed be God, after a long ec dangermw
passage with y e ship Angell, are safel) T come to Bristoll. M r .
Hatherlcy is come up, but M 1 '. Allerton I have not yet seen. We
thanke you, and are very glad you have disswaded him from Iii>
Spanish viage, and y l he did not goe on in these designes he
intended ; for we did all uterly dislick of that course, as allsn
of y e fishing y l y e Freindship should have performed; for we
wished him to sell y e salte, and were unwilling to have him
undertake so much bussines, partly for y e ill success we formerly
had in those affairs, and partly being loath to disburse so much
money. But he pcrswaded ns this must be one way y l iuum
repay us, for y e plantation would be long in doing of it; ney, to

* See p. 210 ; the commission is in Bradford's Letter-Book. — hn.

36

282 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

my rememberance, he doubted you could not be able, with y e
trade thcr, to maintaine your charge & pay us. And for this
very cause he brought us on y l bussines with Ed: Ashley, for
he was a stranger to us, &c.

For y c fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and will
be willing to bear our parts. What M r . Hatherley & M r . Aller-
ton have done, no doubt but them selves will make good;* we
gave them no order to make any composition, to scperate you
and us in this or any other. And I thinke you have no cause
to forsake us, for we put you upon no new thing, but what your
agent perswaded us to, & you by your letters desired. If he
exceede your order, I hope you will not blame us, much less
cast us of, when our moneys be layed out, &c. But I fear
neither you nor we have been well delte withall, for sure, as you
write, halfe 4000 H ., nay, a quarter, in fitting comodities, and in
seasonable time, would have furnished you beter then you were.
And yet for all this, and much more I might write, I dare not
but thinke him honest, and that his desire and intente was good ;
but y e wisest may failc. Well, now y l it hath pleased God to
give us hope of meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore
to perfecte these accounts just & right, as soone as possibly we
can. And I supposs you sente over M r . Winslow, and we 3\I r .
Hatherley, to certifie each other how y e state of things stood.
We have received some contente upon M r . Hatherley's returne,
and I hope you will receive good contente upon M r . Winslow's
returne. Now I should come to answer more perticnlerly your
letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. The coming of y e White
Angele on your accounte could not be more Strang to you, then
y e, buying of her was to us ; for you gave him coniission j- that

* They were too short in resting on on a vcrball order from them ; which

M r . Hatherleys honest word, for his was now denyed, when it came to a

order to discharg them from y e Friend- pertieuler of loss ; but he still affirmed

ship's accounte, when he and*M r . Aller- the same. But they were both now

ton made y e bargane with them, and taught how to deale in y e world, es-

they delivered them the rest of y e goods; petially with marehants, in such cases,

and therby gave them oppertunitie also But in y e end this light upon these here

to receive all thefraight of boath viages, also, for M r . Allerton had gott all into

without seeing an order (to have such his owne hand, and M r . Hatherley was

power) under their hands in writing, not able to pay it, except they would

which they never doubted of, seeing he have uterlie undon him, as y° sequell

affirmed he had power ; and they both will manifest.

knew his honestie, and y l he was spe- | This comission is abused ; he never

tially imployed for tiicir agente at this had any for shuch end, as they well

time. And he was as shone in resting knew, nether had they any to pay this

1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 283

what he did yon would stand too; we gave him none, and yet
for his credite, and your saks, payed what bills he charged on us,
<fcc. For y l I write she was to acte tow parts, fishing fc trade ;
beleevc me, I never so much as thought of any perticuler trade,
nor will side with any y l doth, if I conceive it may wrong you ;
for I ever was against it, useing these words: They will eate up
and destroy y e generall.

Other things I omite as tedious, and not very perto
nente. This was dated Nov T . 19. 1631.

In an other leter bearing date y e 24. of this month, be-
ing an answer to y e generall order, he hath these words : —

[184] For y 6 White Angell, against which yon write so ernost-
ly, and say we thrust her upon you, contrary to y c intente of y*
buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves, and doe us wron^.
We»will not take uppon us to devine what y c thougts or intents
of y e buyer was, but what he spaek we heard, and that we will
aflirme, and make good against any y l oppose it ; which is,
y l unles shee were bought, and shueh a course taken, Ashley
could not be supplycd ; and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we
could not be satisfied what we were out for you. And further,
you were not able to doc it ; and he gave some reasons which
we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable refusall you
will force us, and so hasten y l fire which is a kindling too la>i
allready, &c.

Old of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631.*

We purpose to keep y c Freldship and y e Whit Angell, for

y e last year viages, on the generall aceounte, hoping togeither

they will rather produse profite then loss, and breed less confu-

tion in our accounts, and less disturbance in our affections. As

for y e White Angell, though we layed out y e money, and tookc

bills of salle in our owne names, yet none of us had so much as

a thought (I dare say) of deviding from you in any thing this

year, because we would not have y e world (I may say Bristoll)

take notice of any breach betwixte M r . Allerton and yon, and

he and us ; and so disgrace him in his proceedings on in his in-

i

money, nor would have paid a peny, if * That is, January 0, J 631--. —

ihey had not pleased for some other Prince.

respecte.

284 HISTORY OF [BOOK II,

tended viage. We have now let him y e ship at 30 H . p r month,
by charter-partie, and bound him in a bond of a 1000 tL . to per-
forme covenants, and bring her to London (if God please). And
what he brings in her for you, shall be marked w Ul your markc,
and bils of laden taken, & sent in M r . Winslows letter, who is
this day riding to 33ristoll about it. So in this viage, we deale
& are with him as strangers. He hath brought in 3. books of
accounts, one for y e company, an other for Ashley's bussines,
and y e third for y e "Whit-Angcll and Freldship. The books, or
coppies, we purpose to send you, for you may discover y e errours
in them better then we. We can make it appear how much
money he hath had of us, and you can charg him with all y e
beaver he hath had of you. The totall sume, as he hath put
it, is 7103. 17. 1. Of this he hath expended, and given to M r .
Vines* & others, aboute 54o u . ode money, and then by your
books you will find whether you had such, & so much goods, as
he chargeth you with all ; and this is all that I can say at pres-
ente concerning these accounts. He thought to dispatch them
in a few howers, but he and Straton & Fogge were above a
month aboute them ; but he could not stay till we had examined
them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear he hath allready
done, ecc.

We blese God, who put both you & us in mind to send
each to other, for verily had lie rune on in that desperate &
chargable course one year more, we had not been able to,suport
him ; nay, both he and we must have lyen in y e ditch, and sunek
under y e burthen, ecc. Had ther been an orderly course taken,
and -your bussines better managed, assuredly (by y e blessing of
God) you had been y e ablest plantation that, as we think, or
know, hath been undertaken by Englishmen, ece.

Thus farr of these letters of M r . Sherley's.

[185] A few observations from y e former letters, and
then I shall set downe the simple truth of y e things (thus
in controvcrsie betweene them), at least as farr as by any
good evidence it could be made to appeare ; and so labonre
to be brcefc in so tedious and intricate a bussines, which
hunge in expostulation betweene them many years before

* Doubtless Richard Vines, mentioned on page 191, note. — Ed.

1G31.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. -JS")

\ e same was ended. That though ther will be often occa-
sion to touch these things about other passages, yet I shall
not neecle to be larqe therin: domcr it hear once for all.

First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley's bussincs,
and y e buying of this ship, and y e courses framed ther
upon, were first contrived and proposed by M r . Allertom
as also y l the pleaes and pretences which he made, of \ ,!
inablitie of y e plantation to repaye their moneys, &c, and
y e hops he gave them of doing it with profite, was moiv
beleeved & rested on by them (at least some of them) then
any thing y e plantation did or said.

2. It is like, though M r . Allcrton might thinke nut to
wrong y e plantation in y e maine, yet his owne gaine ami
private ends led him a side in these things ; for it came lu
be knowne, and I have it in a letter under aI 1 ". Sherley**
hand, that in y G first 2. or 3. years of his imploymenie, lu-
had cleared up 400 !i . and put it into a brew-house of M\
Colliers in London, at first under M r . Sherley's name, &c. ;

besids what he misht have other wise. Afiraine, M r . Shcr-

I. .

ley and he had perticuler dealings in some tilings ; ior

he bought up y e beaver that sea-men & other passengers
brought over to Bristoll, and at other places, and charged
y e bills to London, which 3I r . Sherley payed ; and they gol
some time 50 ri . a peece in a bargen, as was made knowne by
^M r . Hatherley & others, besids what might be other wise ;
which might make M r . Sherley harken unto him in many
things ; and yet I beleeve, as he in his foremen tioncd leter
write, he never would side in any perticuler trade w ch lie
conceived would wrong y e plantation, and eate up & de-
stroy y e generall.

3 !y . It may be perceived that, seeing they had done no
much for y e plantation, both in former adventures and late
disbursements, and allso that I\I r . Allerton was y c first o<-«
casioner of bringing them upon these new designes, which
at first seemed faire & profitable unto them, and unto
which they agreed ; but now, seeing them to tunic to lu^.

286 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

and decline to greater intanglments, they thought it more
meete for y e plantation to hear them, then them selves,
who had borne much in other things allready, and so
tooke advantage of such comission & power as M r . Aller-
ton had formerly had as their agentc, to devolve these
things upon them.

4} y . With pitie and compassion (touching M r . Allerton)
I may say with y e apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim. 6. 9. They
that will be rich fall into many testations and snares, <§"c,
and pearce them selves throw ivith many sorrows, fyc. ; for
the love of money is y e roote of all evill, v. 10. God give
him to see y e evill in his failings, that he may find mercie
by repentance for y e wrongs he hath done to any, and this
pore plantation in spetiall. They that doe such things
doe not only bring them selves into snares, and sorrows,
but many with them, (though in an other kind,) as lam-
entable experience shows ; and it is too manifest in this
bussines.

[186] Now about these ships & their setting forth, the
truth, as farr as could be learned, is this. The motion
aboute setting forth y e fishing ship (caled y e Frindship)
came first from y e plantation, and y e reasons of it, as is
before remembered ; but wholy left to them selves to doc
or not to doe, as thev saw cause. But when it fell into
consideration, and y e designe was held to be profitable
and hopefull, it was propounded by some of them, why
might not they doe it of them selves, seeing they must
disburse all y e money, and what need they have any ref-
ferance to y e plantation in y l ; they might take y e profitc
them selves, towards other losses, & need not let y e plan-
tation share therin; and if their ends were other wise
answered for their supplyes to come too them in time,
it would be well enough. So they hired her, & set her
out, and fraightcd her as full as she could carry with pas-
sengers goods y l belonged to y e Massachussets, which rise
to a good sume of money ; intending to send y c planta-

1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 287

tions supply in y e other ship. The effecte of this M r .
Hatherlcy not only declared afterward upon occasion, but
affirmed upon othe, taken before y e Gov r & Dep: Gov r of
y e Massachusets, M r . Winthrop & M r . Dudley: "That this
ship-Frindship was not sett out nor intended for y e joynt
partnership of y e plantation, but for y e perticuler accountc
of M r . James Sherley, M p . Beachampe, M r . Andrews, M r .
Allerton, & him selfe. This deposition was taken at
Boston y e 29. of Aug: 1639. as is to be seen tinder their
hands ; besids some other concurente testimonies declared
at severall times to sundrie of them.

About y c "Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, or
at least the price beaten, by M r . Allerton (at Bristoll), yet-
that had been nothing if M r , Sherley had not liked it, and
disbursed y e money. And that she was not intended for
y e plantation appears by sundrie evidences ; * as, first, y c
bills of sale, or charter parties, were taken in their ownc
names, without any mention or refferance to y e plantation
at all ; viz. M r . Sherley, M r . Beachampe, M r . Andrews, M r .
Denison, and M r . Allerton; for M r . Hatherley fell off, and
would not joyne with them in this. That she was not
bought for their accounte, M r . Hatherley tooke his oath
before y e parties afForesaid, y e day and year above writen.

M r . Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning
this ship, the Whit-Angell, before y e Gov r & Deputie, the
7. of Sep: 1639. and likewise deposed, y e same time, that
M r . Hatherley and him selfe did, in the behalfc of them
selves and y e said M r . Sherley, M r . Andrews, & M r . Bea-
champ, agree and undertake to discharge, and save harm-
less, all y e rest of y e partners & purchasers, of and from y c
said losses of Freindship for 200 H ., which was to be dis-
counted therupon ; as by ther depossitions (which are in

* About ye Whit-Angell they all selling of her in Spaine, or at Port .1

mette at a certaine laverne in London, porte, as hath been before mentioned ;

wher they had a diner prepared, and as M r . Hatherley manifested, & M r .

had a conference with a factore aboute Allerton could not deney.

28S HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

writing) may appears more at large, and some other depo-
sitions & other tcstemonies by M r . Win slow,* &c. But
I suppose these may he sufficentc to evince the truth in
these things, against all pretences to y e contrary. And
yet the burthen lay still upon y e plantation ; or, to speakc
more truly and rightly, upon those few that were in gaged
for all, for they were fame to wade through these things
without any help from any.

[187] Concerning M r . Allerton's accounts, they were so
larg and intrecate, as they could not well understand
them, much less examine & correcte them, without a great
deale of time & help, and his owne presence, which was
now hard to gett amongst them ; and it was 2. or 3. years
before they could bring them to any good pass,- but never
make them perfecte. I know not how it came to pass,
or what mislerie was in it, for he tooke upon him to make
up all accounts till this time, though M r . Sherley was their
agente to buy & sell their goods, and did more then he
therm ; yet he past in accounts in a maner for all clis-
bursments, both concerning goods bought, which he never
saw, but were done when he was hear in y e cuntrie or at
sea ; and all y e expences of y e Leyden people, done by
others in his absence; the charges aboute y e patente, &c.
In all which he made them debtore to him above 300 1 '.
and demanded paimente of it. But when things came to
scaning, he was found above 2000 H . debtore to them, (this
wherin M r . Hatherley & he being joyntly ingaged, which
he only had, being included,) besids I know not how

* M r . Winslow deposed, y e same eounte of all; and ther upon prescd

time, before y e Gov r aforesaid, &c. that him, as agente for y c partners in Neu-

when lie came into England, and y e part- England, to accepte y e said ship Wliit-

ners inquired of ye success of y e Whit Angell.and her accounte, into y e joynic

Angell, which should have been laden partner-ship ; which he refused, lor

w 1 ' 1 bnss and so sent for Port, of Por- many reasons ; and after received in-

ting-^all, and their ship & goods to be structions from Ncw-Engl : to refuse

sould ; having- informed them that they her if she should be offered, which ia-

were like to faile in their hiding of bass, structions he shewed them ; and w heras

that then Mr. James Sherley used these he was often pressed to accept her, he

termes : Feck, we must make one ac- ever refused her, &c.

163L] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 2S9

much y* could never be cleared ; and interest moneys
which ate them up, which he never accounted. Also they
were faine to alow such large bills of charges as were in-
tolerable; the charges of y e patent came to above 5U0 U .
and yet nothing done in it but what was done at first
without any confirmation ; 30 H . given at a clape, and 50 !i .
spent in a journey. No marvell therforc if M r . Sherley
said in his leter, if their bussines had been better managed,
they might have been y e richest plantation of any English
at y l time. Yea, he scrued up his poore old father in
law's accounte to above 200 H . and brought it on v° mm-
erall accounte, and to befreind him made most of it to
arise out of those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at
50. per cent, because he knew they would never let it
lye on y° old man, when, alass! he, poore man, never
dreamte of any such thing, nor y l what he had could arise
nere y l valew; but thought that many of them had been
freely bestowed on him & his children by M r . Allerton.
Nither in truth did they come nere y l valew in worth, but
y l sume was blowne up by interest & high prises, which
y e company did for y e most parte bear, (he deserving fan-
more,) being most sory that he should have a name to
have much, when he had in eflecte litle.

This year also j\J r . Sherley sent over an accounte, which
was in a maner but a cash accounte Avhat M r . Allerton
had had of them, and disbursed, for which he referd to his
accounts ; besids an account of beaver sould, which M r .
Winslow & some others had carried over, and a large
supply of goods which M r . Winslow had sent & brought
over, all which was comprised in y l accounte, and all y°
disbursments aboute y c Freindship, & Whit-Ahgcll, and
what concerned their accounts from first to last ; or any
thing else he could charg y e partners with. So they
were made debtor in y e foote of that accounte 4770 h . 19. -•*

* So as a while before, wheras their chase, and those other few debts which
great care was how to pay the pur- were upon them, now it was witn t.ien

37

290 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

besids 1000 li . still clue for y e purchase yet unpayed; not-
withstanding all y e beaver, and returnes that both Ashley
& they had made, which were not small.

[188] In these accounts of M r . Sherley's some things
were obscure, and some things twise charged, as a 100.
of Bastable ruggs which came in y e Freindship, & cost
75*\, charged before by M r . Allerton, and now by him
againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull, to
be twise or thrise charged ; as also a surae of 600 11 . which
M r . Allerton deneyed, and they could never understand
for what it was. They sent a note of these & such like
things afterward to M r . Sherley by M r . Winslow; but (I
know not how it came to pass) could never have them
explained.

Into these deepe sumes had M\ Allerton rune them in
tow years, for in y e later end of y e year 1628. all their
debts did not amounte to much above 400 H ., as was then
noted ; and now come to so many thousands. And wheras
in y e year 1629. M r . Sherley & M r . Hatherley being at
Bristoll, and Avrite a large letter from thence, in which
they had given an account of y e debts, and what sumes
were then disbursed, M r . Allerton never left begins* &

' DO O

intreating of them till they had put it out. So they bloted
out 2. lines in y l leter in which y e sumes were contained,
and write upon it so as not a word could be perceived ;
as since by them was confessed, and by y e leters may be
seene.* And thus were they kept hoodwinckte, till now
they were so deeply ingaged. And wheras M r . Sherley
did so ernestly press y l M r . Allerton might be sent over to
finish y e great bussines aboute y e patente, as may be seen

as it was some times with Saule's fa- them. And thus ye L or cl oftentimes

ther, who left careing fur y e Asses, and deals villi his people to teach them,

sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10.2. and humble lhein, that he may doe

So that which before ihey looked at as them qood in y e later end.

a heavie burthen, they now esteeme * See Bradford's Letter-Book, in 1

but a small thing and a light mater, in Mass. Hist. Coll., III.. 72, note. —Ed.
comparison of what wag now upon

1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 291

in his leter write 1G29. as is before recorded* and y l they
should be crnest w th his wife to suffer him to goe, &c., lie
hath since confessed by a letter under my hands, that it
was M r . Allerton's owne doings, and not his, and he made
him write his words, & not his owne. The patent was
but a pretence, and not y e thing. Thus were they abused
in their simplicitie, and no beter then bought & sould, as
it may seeme.

And to mend y e matter, M r . Allerton doth in a sorte
wholy now deserte them; having brought them into y°
briers, he leaves them to gett out as they can. But Uod
crost him mightily, for he having hired y° ship of M r .
Sherly at 30 u . a month, he set forth againe with a most
wicked and drunken crue,-j- and for covetousnes sake did
so over lade her, not only filling her hould, but so stufed
her betweene decks, as she was walte, and could not bear
sayle, and they had like to have been cast away at sea,
and were forced to put for Millford Havene, and new-stow
her, & put some of ther ordnance & more heavie goods in
y e botome; which lost them time, and made them come
late into y e countrie, lose ther season, and made a worse
viage then y e year before. But being come into y c conn-
trie, he sells trading comodities to any y l will buy, to y°
great prejudice of y e plantation here ; but' that which is
worse, what he could not sell, he trustes ; and sets up a
company of base felows and maks them traders, to rune
into every hole, & into y e river of Kenebeck, to gleane
away y e trade from y e house ther, aboute y e paten te &
priviledge wherof he had dasht away so much money of
[189] theirs here; and now what in him lay went aboute
to take away y e benefite therof, and to overthrow them.
Yea, not only this, but he furnishes a company, and jovn*
with some consorts, (being now deprived of Ashley at IV -
nobscote,) and sets up a trading house beyoned Penobscote,

* See p. 252. — Ed. t In the beginning of 1632. — Princ.

292 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

to cute of y e trade from thence also. But y e French per-
ceiving that that would be greatly to their damage allso,
they came in their begining before they were well setled,
and displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and tooke all
their goods to a good valew, y e loss being most, if not all,
M r . Allerton's ; for though some of them should have
been his partners, yet he trusted them for their partes ;
the rest of y e men were sent into France, and this was the
end of y l projected The rest of those he trusted, being
lose and drunken fellows, did for y e most parte but cous-
sen & cheate him of all they got into their hands ; that
howsoever he did his friends some hurte hereby for y e
presente, yet he gate litle good, but wente by y e loss by
Gods just hand. After in time, when he came to Plimoth,
y e church caled him to accounte x"or these, and other his
grosse miscarrages ; he confessed his faulte, and promised
better walking, and that he would wind him selfe out of
these courses as soone as he could, &c.

This year also M r . Sherley would needs send them over
a new-acountante ; he had made mention of such a thing
y e year before, but they write him word, that their charge
was great allready, and they neede not increase it, as this
would ; but if they were well delte with, and had their
goods well sent over, they could keep their accounts hear
them. selves. Yet he now sente one, which they did not
refuse,- being a yonger brother of M r . Winslows, whom
they had been at charge to instructe at London before he
came. He came over in the White Angell with M r . Aller-

* This trading-house wasatMaehias. Governor of the French in those parts,
The notice of its destruction at this making claim to the place, came to dis-
place is a little in anticipation of events plant them, and, finding resistance,
in the narrative, and probably so in- killed two of the men, and carried away
tended by our author. Under date the other three, and the goods." Some
of November, 1G33, Winthrop writes : of the £oods destroyed belonged to
'* News of the taking of Machias by the Kiehard Vines, who subsequently made
French. Mr. Allerton of Plymouth, complaint against La Tour while at
and some others, had set up a trading Boston in 1G43. The latter gives his
wigwam there, and left in it five men own account of this affair, which may bo
and store of commodities. La Tour, seen in Winthrop, II. 125, 127. — -Ed.

1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 293

ton, and ther begane his first imploymente ; for though
31 r . Sherley had so fan* befreinded M r . Allcrton, as to
cause M r . Winslow to ship y e supply sentc to y e partners
here in this ship, and give him 4 H . p r tune, wheras others
carried for 3. and he made them pay their fraight ready
downe, before y e ship wente out of y e harbore, wheras
others payed upon certificate of y e goods being delivered,
and their fraight came to upward of 6. score pounds, yet
they had much adoe to have their goods delivered, for
some of them were chainged, as bread & pease ; they were
forced to take worse for better, neither could they ever
gett all. And if Josias "Winslow* had not been ther, it
had been worse; for he had y e invoyce, and order to send
them to y e trading houses.

This yearf their house at Penobscott was robed by y fi
French, and all their goods of any worth they carried
away, to y e value of 400. or 500* 1 . as y e cost first peny
worth ; in beaver 300 H . waight ; and y e rest in trading
goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c. It was in this
maner. The m r . of y e house, and parte of y?~ company
with him, were come with their vessell to y° westward to
fecth a supply of goods which was brought over for them.
In y e mean time comes a smale French ship into y tt har-
bore (and amongst y e company was a false Scott) ; they
pretended they were nuly come from y e sea, and knew not
wher they were, and that their vesell was very lcake, and
desired they might hale her a shore and stop their leaks.
And many French complements they used, and congees
they made ; and in y e ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men,
y x were servants, and by this Scoth-man understanding
that y e maister & ye rest of y e company were gone from
home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets,
that lay upon racks by y e wall side, and tooke them downe

* See brief notice of him in Russell's this in June, 1632, that is, I suppose.
Guide to Plymouth, p. 241. — Ed. the news at Boston of this transaction,

f N. 13. Governor Winthrop places — Prince.

294 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And when
they were possesst of them, one presents a peece ready
charged against y e servants, and another a pistoll ; and
bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver them their goods,
and carries some of y e men aborde, & made y e other help
to carry away y e goods. And when they had tooke what
they pleased, they sett them at liberty, and wente their
way, with this mocke, biding them tell their m r . when he
came, that some of y e lie of Rey gentlemen had been
theiv*

-j*This year, on S r Christopher Gardener, being, as
him selfe said, descended of y l house y l the Bishop of
"Winchester came of (who was so great a persecutor of
Gods saincts in Queene Maries dajs), and being a great
traveler, received his first honour of knighthood at Jeru-
salem, being made Knight of y e Sepulcher ther. He came
into these parts under pretence of forsaking y e world, and
to live a private life, in a godly course, not unwilling to
put him selfe upon any meane imployments, and take any
paines for his living ; and some time offered him selfe to
joyne to y° churchs in sundry places. He brought over
with him a servante or 2. and a comly yonge woman,
whom be caleci his cousin, but it was suspected, she (after
y e Italian maner) was his concubine. Living at y e Massa-
chusets, for some miscariages which he should have an-
swered, he fled away from authority, and gott amonge y e
Indeans of these parts ; they sent after him, but could not
gett him, and promissed some reward to those y l should
find him. The Indeans came to y e Gov r here, and tould
wher he was, and asked if they might kill him ; he tould
them no, by no means, but if they could take him and

* The above paragraph was written does not appear in the text of the origi-

on the reverse of pajre 188 of the origi- nal manuscript, — having been perhaps

nal manuscript. — Ed. inadvertently omitted, — but was wnt-

f The following account of Sir Chris- ten on the reverse of pages 189-101.

topher Gardiner, with the documents ac- Morton erroneously places this under

companying it, extending to page 298, the year 1632. — Ed.

163L] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 295

bring him hither, they should be payed for their paines.
They said he had a gune & a rapier, & he would kill
them if y ey went aboute it ; and y e Massachuset Indcans
said they might kille him. But y e Gov r tould them no,
they should not kill him, but watch their opportunitie, &
take him. And so they did, for when they light of him
by a river side, he got into a canowe to get from them, &
when they came nere him, whilst he presented his pecce
at them to keep them of, the streame carried y c canow
against a rock, and tumbled both him & his peecc & ra-
pier into y e water; yet he got out, and having a li tie
dagger by his side, they durst not close with* him, but
getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of his
hand, so he was glad to yeeld ; and they brought him to
y e Gov r . * But his hands and armes were swolen & very
sore with y e blowes they had given him. So he used him
kindly, * & sent him to a lodging wher his armes were
bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly well againe,
and blamed y e Indeans for beating him so much. They
said that they did but a litle whip him with sticks. In
his lodging, those y l made his bed found a litlc note booke
that by accidente had slipt out of his pockett, or some
private place, in which was a memoriall what day he was
reconciled to y e pope & church of Home, and in what uni-
versitie he tooke his scapula, and such & such degrees.
It being brought to y e Gov r , he kept it, and sent y e Gov r
of y e Massachusets word of his taking, who sent for him.
So y e Gov r sent him and these notes to y e Gov r ther, who
tooke it very thankful y ; but after he gott for England,
he shewed his malice, but God prevented him.

* It appears from Winthrop that personage by consulting Savage's A\ in-
Gardiner "was taken by the Indians throp, I. 51, 57, 100, 102, 100; Dud-
about Namasket, and brought to Ply- ley's Letter to the Countess of Liw*«<h».
mouth, and from thence he was brought, in Young's Chron. of Mass., pp. 33.*,
by Captain Underbill and his Lieutenant, 335; 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VHI. 3:0,
Dudley, May 4, to Boston." The cu- 323; and Morton's New English Ca-
rious reader will find all that can now naan, pp. 182-185. — Ed.
be known of this somewhat mysterious

296 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

See y e Gov r leter on y e other side.*

S r : It hath pleased God to bring S r . Christopher Gardener
safe to us, with thos that came with him. And howsoever I
never intended any hard measure to him, but to respecie and
use him according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your care
of him, and y l he shall speed y e better for your mediation. It
was a spctiall providence of God to bring those notes of his to
our hands ; I desire y l you will please to speake to all y l are
privie to them, not to discovcre them to any one, for y l may
frustrate y e means of any further use to be made of them. The
good Lord our God who hath allways ordered things for y e
good of his poore churches here, directe us in this arighte, and
dispose it to a good issue. I am sorie we put you to so much
trouble about this gentleman, espetialy at this time of great
imploymente, but I know not how to avoyed it. I must againe
intreate you, to let me know what charge & troble any of your
people have been at aboute him, y L it may be reeompenced.
So with the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to
your selfe & yours, and to all my worthy friends with you
(whom I love in y c Lord), I comende you to his grace & good
providence, fc rest

Your most assured friend,

John Winthrop.

Boston, May 5. 1631.

By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to declare
what fell out by this mans means & malice, complying
with others. And though I doubt not but it will be more
fully done by my honourd friends, whom it did more di-
rectly concerne, and have more perticuler knowledg of
y 6 matter, yet I will here give a hinte of y e same, and
Gods providence in preventing y e hurte that might have
come by y e same. The intelligence I had by a letter from
my much hon d and beloved freind, M r . John Winthrop,
Gov r of y e Massachusets.

S r : Upon a petition exhibited by S r . Christo : Gardner, S r .
Ferd : Gorges, Captaine Masson, &c, against you and us, the

* That is, in the original manuscript. — Ed.

1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 297

cause was heard before y e lords of y e Privie Counsell, and after
reported to y e king, the sucsess wherof maks it evident to all,
that y e Lord hath care of his people hear. The passages are
admirable, and too long to write. I hartily wish an opportunities
to imparte them unto you, being may sheets of paper. But y e
conclusion was (against all mens expectation) an order for our
incouragmente, and much blame and disgrace upon y° adver-
saries, w ch calls for much thankfullnes from us all, which we
purpose (y c Lord willing) to express in a day of thanks-giving
to our mercifull God, (I doubt not but you will consider, if it be
not fitt for you to joyne in it,) who, as he hath humbled us by
his late correction, so he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rc-
joysing, in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so
as that w cb our enemies builte their hopes upon to mine us
by, He hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I
shall further aquainte you, when occasion shall serve.
The coppy of y e order follows.

At y e courte held at Whit-hall y e 19. Jan : 1632/

Present
Sigillum Lord Privie Seale Lord Cottinton

Ea : of Dorsett M r . Tre r

Lo : Vi : Falkland M r . Vic Chamb r

Lo : Bp : of London M r . Sec : Cooke

Maister Sec : Windebanck
Wheras his Ma tie hath latly been informed of great distraction
and much disorder in y l plantation in y e parts of America called
N t ew-England, which, if they be true, & suffered to rune on,
would tende to y c great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter
ruine of that plantation. For prevention wherof, and for y c
orderly settling of goverment, according to y e intention of those
patents which have been granted by his Ma tie and from his late
royall father king James, it hath pleased his Ma tie that y e lords
cc others of his most honourable Privie Counsell, should take
y e same into consideration. Their lordships in y e first place
thought fitt to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination
of y e matters informed; which comitties having called diverse
of y e principall adventurers in y l plantation, and heard those

* That is, 1G33, new style; this paper was received at Boston in May, IGH3.
Winthrop, I. 102, 103. — Ed.

38

298 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

that are complanants against them, most of the things informed
being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties that must be
called from y l place, which required a long expence of time; arid
at presente their lordships finding the adventurers were upon
dispatch of men, victles, and marchandice for y l place, all which
would be at a stand, if y e adventurers should have discourag-
mente, or take suspition that the state hear had no good opinion
of y l plantation; their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies
(if any be) of some perticuler men upon the generall govermente,
or principall adventurers, (which in due time is further to be
inquired into,) have thought fitt in y e meane time to declare,
that the appearences were so faire, and hopes so greate, y l the
countrie would prove both beneficiall to this 'kingdom, and
profitable to y e perticuler adventurers, as y l the adventurers had
cause to goe on cherfully with their undertakings, and rest
assured, if things were carried as was pretended when y e patents
were granted, and accordingly as by the patentes it is appointed,
his Majestie would not only maintaine the liberties & privileges
heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that might tend
to the good govermente, prosperitie, and comforte of his people
ther of that place, ccc.

William Trumball.

Anno Bom: 1632.

M R . Allertox, returning for England,* litle regarded
his bound of a 1000 H . to performe covenants; for wheras
he was bound by y e same to bring y e ship to [190] Lon-
don, and to pay 30 H . per month for her hire, he did neither
of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll againe, from whence
he intended to sett her out againe, and so did y e 3. time,
into these parts (as after will appear); and though she
had been 10. months upon y e former viage, at 30 H . p r
month, yet he never payed peney for hire. It should
secme he knew well enough how to cleale with M f . Sher-
ley. And M r . Sherley, though he would needs tye her &

* In the fall of 1632. — Prince.

1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 29i>

her accounte upon y e general], yet he would dispose of
her as him selfe pleased; for though M r . Winslow had in
their names protested against y c receiving her on y l ac-
counte, or if ever they should hope to prevcile in shuch
a thing, yet never to suffer M r . Allcrton to have any more
to doe in her, yet he y e last year* let her wholy unto him,
and injoyncd them to send all their supplye in her lo
their prejudice, as is before noted. And now, though
he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire, nor
was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes and sells
him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from first to last
(and in effecte he might as well have given him y e same) ;
and not only this, but he doth as good as provide a sanc-
tuary for him, for he gives him one years time to prepare
his accounte, and then to give up y e same to them here;
and then another year for him to make paymentc of what
should be due upon y l accounte. And in y e mean time
writs ernestly to them not to interupte or hinder him
from his bussincs, or stay him aboute clearing accounts,
&c. ; so as he in y e mean time gathers up all monies due
for fraighte, and any other debtes belonging either to her,
or y e Frindship's accounts, as his owne perticuler ; and
after, sells ship, & ordnans, fish, & what he had raised,
in Spaine, according to y 5 first designe, in effecte ; and who
had, or what became of y c money, he best knows. In y°
mean time their hands were bound, and could doe nothing
but looke on, till he had made all away into other mens
hands (save a few catle & a litle land & some small
maters he had here at Plimoth), and so in y e end re-
moved, as he had allready his person, so all his from
hence.f This will better appere by M r . Sherlcy's leter.

* That is, 1G3-2.— Prince. dissatisfaction expressed toward liim.

t The mystery which has hitherto and for his dismissal from the scrMc.- «

enveloped the relations of Mr. Allerton the undertakers, — concern.^ « »'■

with the Colony of Plymouth is now Prince had preserved a tew iiriu ■ r-

wholly dispelled. The reasons for the sages from this History,— are

300 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

S r : These few lines are further to give you to understand, that
seeing you & we, that never differed yet but aboute y e Whitc-
Angcll, which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you.
And now M 1 '. Allerton bceing here, we have had some eonfleranee
with him about her, and find him very willing to give you &
us all contcnte y l possiblie he can, though he burthen him selfe.
lie is contente to take y e White-Angell wholy on him selfe, not-
withstanding he mett with pirates nere y e coast of Icrland, which
tooke away his best sayles & other provissions from her ; so as
verily if we should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small
price, besids her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with
fresh money we would not, she being now at Bristoll. Wher-
fore we thought it best, both for you & us, M f . Allerton being
willing to take her, to acccpte of his bond of tow thousand
pounds, to give [191] you a true & pcrfeete accounte, and take
y e whole charge of y e Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, from y c
first to y e last. The accounte he is to make and perfccte within
12. months from y e date of this letter, and then to pay you at
G. and 6. months after, what soever shall be due unto you and
us upon the foote of y l accounte. And verily, notwithstanding
all y e disasters he hath had, I am perswaded he hath enough
to pay all men here and ther. Only they must have patience
till he can gather in what is due to him ther. I doe not write
this slightly, but upon some ground of what I have seen (and

longer a matter of conjecture. It is he died before the 12th of February,

uncertain at what precise time he finally 1G5S-9, leaving a Son, Isaac. After

withdrew from the colony. His wife removing from Plymouth, his career as

Fear died at Plymouth in the latter part a merchant was still attended with mis-

of t 10;>4, and he is found at MarMchead fortunes, and at his death he left an

soon after, (residing, it is supposed, insolvent estate. See p. 25G ; List of

with his son-in-law, Moses Maverick,) Passengers in the Mayflower, in Ap-

as, in the spring of 1G35, he was noti- pendix ; Davis's ed. of the Memorial,

fied by the authorities of Massachusetts Appendix, pp. 391-391; Records of

that they desired his removal from that Mass., 1. 140, 1-17; Winthrop, I. 373,

place. His name, however, appears 3SG, II. 9G, 210; 3 Mass. Hist. Coll.,

on the list of freemen at Plymouth as VII. 242-2-19, 301-301; Cushman

late as March 7, 1G3G-7. From some Gcneal., pp. G1S-G20.
evidence, he would seem to have been An error of the late Dr. Thatcher,

a resident of New Amsterdam in 1G43, in his History of Plymouth, in slating

and in a document recorded in the Old that Allerton was left out of the office

Colony Records, bearing date 27th Oc- of magistrate, at a later period in the

toher, 1(3 1(3, he styles himself as "of history of this colony, on account of

New Ainsierdam in the province of his opposition to the treatment of the

New Netherlands. 1 ' He is traced to Quakers, is noticed on the following

New Haven soon after, at which place page. — Ed.

1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. :]()l

perhaps you know not of) under y e hands & seals of some, &c.
I rest

Your assured friend,

James She r ley.
Des : 6. 1632.

But lieres not a word of y e breach of former bonds &
covenants,, or paimente of y c ships hire; this is passt by
as if no such thing had been; besids what bonds or
obligments so ever they had of him, ther never came any
. into y e hands or sight of y e partners here. And for this
y l M r . Sherley seems to intimate (as a secrete) of his abili-
tie, under y e hands & seals of some, it Mas 'but a trick,
having gathered up an accounte of what was owing form
such base fellows as he had made traders for him, and
other debts; and then got M r ; Mohue, & some others, to
affirme under their hand & seale, that they had seen shucli
accounts y l were due to him.

M r . Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon his
owne occasions, and begane to make preparation to plant
& dwell in y e countries He with his former dealings had
wound in what money he had in y e patnership into his
owne hands, and so gave off all partnership (except c in
name), as was found in y e issue of things ; neither did lie
rnedle, or take any care aboute y e same; only he was
troubled about his ingagmente aboute y e Friendship, as will
after appeare. And now partly aboute y l accounte, in some
reconings betweene M r . Allerton and him, and some debts
y l M r . Allerton otherwise owed him upon dealing between

* Arriving at Boston, June 5th, against the Quakers. Dr. Thatcher, in

1632. — -prince. his History of Plymouth (p. 113, ~ M .

Mr. Hatherlv came in the Charles, ed. ), erroneously substitutes ihc name tt

of Barnstable* (Eng.), which sailed Allerton for Hatherly, as having U>-vtu

thence, April 10th. lie was one of the for the above reason, left out ot p::^

early settlers of Scituate, and was an at this time. Allerton left the 1 ly-

Assistant in the government of Plymouth mouth colony nearly, if not quiU'.t\\«"««v

for a number of years. On the re-elee- years before the^Quakers arrnvd m «'*»"

lion of Prence as Governor, in 105S, eouutry. See Savage's \\ ii*tnrt*p. I.

Mr. Hatherlv and James Cudworth were 77, 78; Davis's ed. of the M^m.rul,

omitted as Assistants, on account of their p. 276; Deane's Scituate, o|>. •*

opposition to the severe proceedings 2S0-2S3. — Ed.

302 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

them in perticuler, he clrue up an accounte of above 2000 u .,
and would fame have ingaged y e partners here with it,
because ]\I r . Allerton had been their agent. But they tould
him they had been fool'd longe enough with such things,
and shewed him y l it no way belonged to them ; but tould
him he must looke to make good his ingagment for y e
Freindship, which caused some trouble betweene M r .' Al-
lerton and him.

M r . William Peircc did y e like, M r . Allerton being wound
into his debte also upon particuler dealings ; as if they had
been bound to make good all mens debts. But they easily
shookc off these things. But M r . Allerton herby rane
into much trouble & vexation, as well as he had troubled
others, for M r . Dcnison sued him for y e money he had dis-
bursed for y e 6. part of y e "Whit-Angell, & recovered y e
same with damages *

Though y 6 partners were thus pluged into great ingag-
ments, & opprcsed with unjust debts, yet y e Lord pros-
pered their trading, that they made yearly large returnes,
and had soone wound them selves out of all, if yet they
had otherwise been well delt with all ; as will more ap-
pear here after. [192] Also y e people of y e plantation be-
gane to grow in their owtward estats, by reason f of y e
flowing of many people into y e cuntrie, cspetially into y e
Bay of y e Massachusets ; by which means corne & catle
rose to a great prise, by w ch many were much inriched,
and comoditics grue plentifull ; and yet in other regards
this benefite turned to their hurte, and this accession of
strength to their weaknes. For now as their stocks in-
creased, and y e increse vendible, ther Avas no longer any
holding them togeather, but now they must of necessitie
goe to their great lots ; they could not other wise keep their

* The following is from the Mass. Dennison, for charges in a suite about

Colony Records, L 122, July 1, 1G34 : a debt of an hundreth pound." — Ed.

" It is" ordered, that Mr. Isaac Allerton f Rca- in the manuscript. — Ed.
shall pay the sum of xl s . to Mr. William

1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 303

katle ; and having oxen growne, they must have land for
plowing & tillage. And no man now thought he could
live, except he had catle and a great deale of ground to
keep them ; all striving to increase their stocks. By which
means they were scatered all over y e hay, quickly, and y e
towne, in which they lived compactly till now, was left
very thine, and in a short time allmost desolate. And if
this had been all, it had been less, thoug to much ; but
y e church must also be devided, and those y l had lived so
long togeather in Christian & comfortable fellowship must
now part and suffer many divissions. First, those that
lived on their lots on y e other side of y e bay (called Dux-
berie) they could not long bring their wives & children
to y e publick worship & church meetings here, but with
such burthen, as, growing to some competente number,
they sued to be dismissed and become a body of them
selves ; and so they were dismiste (about this time),
though very unwillingly. But to touch this sadd matter,
and handle things together that fell out afterward. To
prevent any further scatering from this place, and weak-
ning of y e same, it w T as thought best to give out some
good farms to spetiall persons, y l w r ould promise to live at
Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull to y e church or comone-
welth, and so to tye y e lands to Plimoth as formes for tiie
same ; and ther they might keepe their catle & tillage by
some servants, and retaine their dwellings here. And so
some spetiall lands w r ere granted at a place generall, called
Greens Harbor,* wher no allotments had been in y° for-
mer divission, a plase very weell meadowed, and fit t to
keep & rear catle, good store. But alass! this remedy
proved worse then y e disease ; for w lh in a few years those
that had thus gott footing ther rente them selves away,
partly by force, and partly wearing y e rest with import u-

i

* Green's Harbor was incorporated called Marslifield. See Plymouth Cnl-

into a township, in 1640, by the name ony Laws, BrighanVs ed M pp. &$* Cl».

of " Rexhame," and was soon after — Ed.

!

304 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

nitie and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer
them to goe,- or live in continual! opposition and conten-
tion. And others still, as y ey conceived them selves strait-
ened, or to want accomodation, break away under one
pretence or other, thinking their owne conceived necessi-
tie, and the example of others, a warren te sufficente for
them. And. this, I fear, will be y e ruine of New-England,
at least of y e churches of God ther, & will provock y e
Lords displeasure against them.

[193] This year, M r . William Perce * came into y e cun-
try, & brought goods and passengers, in a ship caled y e
Lyon, which belonged cheefly to M r . Sherley, and y e rest
of y e London partners, but these hear had nothing to doe
with her. In this ship (besides beaver which they had
sent home before) they sent upwards of SOO 11 . in her, and
some otter skines ; and also y e coppies of M r . Allertons
accounts, desiring that they would also peruse & examene
them, and rectifie shuch things as they should find amise
in them ; and rather because they w T ere better acquaynted
with y° goods bought ther, and y e disbursments made,
then they could bee here ; yea, a great part were done by
them selves, though M . Allerton brougt in y e accounte,
and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had need
of clearing. Also they sente a booke of exceptions against
his accounts, in such things as they could manifest, and
doubted not but they might aclde more therunto. And
also shewed them how much M r . Allerton was debtor to
y e accounte ; and desired, seeing they had now put y e ship

* Winthrop notices his arrival at ibis weeks from the Land's End." One of
time under date Sept, 10, " being the the original bills of lading brought by
Lord's day. In the evening, Mr. Peiree, this ship at this time, consigning " two
in the ship Lyon, arrived, and came to dry fats of goods " to "John Winthrop
an anchor before Boston. He brought the younger," and dated " London, this
one hundred and twenty-three passen- 2'2d of June," is preserved in the ar-
gers, whereof fifty children, all in health ; chives of the Massachusetts Historical
and lost not one person by the way, Society. See Winthrop, 1. 90 ; Pro-
save his carpenter, who fell overboard ceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society,
as he was caulking a port. They had April 15th, 1S55, pp. 11, 12. — Ed.
been twelve weeks aboard, and eight

1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 305

White-Angell, and all, wlioly into his power, and tycd
.their hands here, that they could not call him to accounte
for any thinge, till y e time was expired which they had
given him, and by that time other men would get their
debts of him, (as sume had done already by suing him,)
and he would make all away here quickly out of their
reach; and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and
gett paymente of him ther, as it w T as all y e reason they
should, seeing they keept all y e bonds & covenants they
made with him in their owne hands; and here they could
doe nothing by y e course they had taken, nor had any thing
to show if they should goe aboute it. But it pleased God,
this ship, being first to goe to Verginia before she weiitc
home, was cast away on y l coast, not farr from Virginia,
and their beaver was all lost* (which was y c first loss they
sustained in that kind) ; but M r . Peirce & y c men saved
their lives, and also their leters, and gott into Virginia,
and so safly home. Y e accounts were now sent from hence
againe to them. And thus much of y e passages of this
year.

A part of M r . Peirce his leter-\ from Virginia.

It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their hand
y e 7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from England.

Dear freinds, &c Y e bruit of this fatall stroke that y e Lord
hath brought both on me and you all will eome to your ears
before this cometh to your hands, (it is like,) and therfore I shall
not need to inlarg in pertieulers, <5cc. My whole estate (for y°
most parte) is taken away ; and so yours, in a great measure,
by this and your former losses [he means by y e French & M r .
Allerton]4 It is time to looke aboute us, before y e wrath of y e
Lord breake forth to utter destruction. The good Lord give us
all grace to search our harts and trie our ways, and turne unto

* See full account of the loss of this script, and may properly be inserted

ship and cargo in Winthrop,!. 101. — Ed. here. — Ed. . .

■f This letter was written on the re- % Tne brackets are in the ordinal

verse of folio 192 of the original manu- manuscript. — Ed.

39

306 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

y e Lord, and humble our selves under his mightie hand, and
seeke atonemente, &c. Dear freinds, you may know y l all your
beaver, and y e books of your accounts, are swallowed up in
y e sea ; your letters remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if
God bring me home. But what should I more say? Have we
lost our outward estates ? yet a hapy loss if our soules may
gaine ; ther is yet more in y e Lord Jehova than ever we had yet
in y e world. Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained
from y e things here below, which are vanity and vexation of
spirite; and yet we fooles catch after shadows, y l flye away, &
are gone in a momente, &c. Thus with my continuall remem-
brance of you in my poore desires to y e throne of grace, beseech-
ing God to renew his love & favoure towards you all, in &
through y e Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall & tcmporall
good things, as may be most to the glory & praise of his name,
and your everlasting good. So I rest,

Your afflicted brother in Christ,

William Peirce.
Virginia, Des : 25. 1632.

Anno Dom: 1633.

This year M r . Ed: "Winslow* was chosen Governor. -J*

By the first return e this year, they had leters from M r .
Sherley of M r . Allertons further ill success, and y e loss by

* Bradford does not notice the return William Bradford, Miles Standish,.Tohn

of Mr. Winslow from his visit to Eng- Howland, John Alden, John Doan,

lafid in 1G31. lie came in the William Stephen Hopkins, William Gilson.

and Francis, from London, which set Prior to this there is no record of those

sail March ( Jth, and arrived here June who were chosen to this office. We

5th, 1632 Winthrop, I. 78. — Ed. know from this History, that on the first

| Winthrop. under date January 1st, election of Bradford as Governor, in

1030-3, says : " Mr. Edward Winslow 1621, Allerton was chosen his Assist-

chosen Governor of Plymouth, Mr. ant, and held the office, by re-election,

Bradford having been Governor about for a number of years. In 1G24, the

ten years, and now by importunity gat number was increased to five, with

off." At or about the same time a law which number, says Hubbard, "ihcy

vas enacted, that whoever refused the Tested contented till the year 1633,

office of Governor afier election, unless when two more were added." In

he had held the place the foregoing year, an official letter written by Governor

should be amerced in twenty pounds Bradford to Governor Winthrop, dated

sterling fine ; and whoever Tefused the February 6, 1631-2, besides the signa-

ofiice of Assistant should be lined ten ture of the Governor, it bears the names

pounds. of Miles Standish, Samuel Fuller,

The Assistants chosen this year were John Alden, and Thomas Prence, who

1633.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

307

j\I r . Peirce, with many sadd complaints; but litle hope of
any thinge to be gott of M r . Allerton, or how their ac-
counts might be either eased, or any way rectified by them
ther ; but now saw plainly y l the burthen of all would be
cast on their backs. The spetiall passages of his letters
I shall here inserte, as shall be pertinente to these things ;
for though- 1 am weary of this tedious & uncomfortable
subjecte, yet for y e clearing of y e truth I am compelled to
be more larg in y e opening of these matters, upon w ch
[194] so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard
censures have passed on both sids. I would not be par-
tiall to either, but deliver y e truth in all, and, as nere as I
can, in their owne words and passages, and so leave it to
the impartiall judgment -of any that shall come to read, or
veiw these things. His leters are as folow, dated June
24. 1633.

Loving friends, my last* was sente in y e Mary & John,| by

were probably the Assistants at that
time. Winslow, who was then absent,
may have completed the number.

Respecting the time for the annual
election of Governor and Assistants, we
find in 1G33, when the first record of
the election of those officers appears,
and in 1G34, 1G35, and 1G3G, that it
took place at the General Court in Jan-
uary. They were to enter upon the
duties of their office, however, on the
ensuing March, which was the com-
mencement of the civil year; though,
no particular day appears to have -been
assigned for that purpose. Pxence was
elected Governor in 1031, " for the
year following, and to enter upon the
place the 1st of March or the 27th of
the same." Bradford was chosen in
1G35, and was to enter upon his duties
on the first Tuesday in March. Wins-
low, in 163G, was to enter upon the
place the 1st of March. In 1G33, when
Winslow was first chosen, he entered
upon his duties at once. Bradford at
that time had been Governor for twelve
consecutive years, and fci by importuni-
ty gat off." There is no tecord of their

proceedings in this respect prior to
1G33, and all that is known is con-
tained in this History and in lluhlnul.
In 163G, a law was enacted appointing
the first Tuesday in March for the flec-
tion of officers ; and in Jul-, 4t li i* en-
acted, that the election court of cIio.ia*
ing officers as Governor and Assistants
shall be hereafter every first Tuesday in
June, because that many arc hindered
from coming in March by reason of the
unseasonableness of the weather ordi-
narily.'' In the code of 1G5S, this last
provision is confirmed, prefaced by lite
following : " Whereas by the fir^t as-
sociates of this government the courts
of election were held in January annu-
ally, and afterwards in the month of
March annually/' &c, <fcc.

See pages 101, 15G ; Morton's Me-
morial, p. 89; Winthrop, I. 98 ; Ply-
mouth Colony Laws, Brigham's ed.,
pp. 30, 3G, 37, 73, 108 ; Plymouth Col-
ony Records, in MS., Vol. 1. ; Hub-
bard, pp. 90, 91, 100 ; New Eng. Upl-
and Geneal. Reg., II. 240-211. — Kn.

* March 22.

t Prince (II. 88) supposes this bhip

308 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

M r . William Collier,* &e. I then certified you of y e great, &
uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you & we had, in y e loss
of M r . Peirce his ship, y e Lyon ; but y c Lords holy name be
blessed, who gives & taks as it pleaseth him; his will be done,
Amen. I then related unto you y l fearfull accidente, or rather
judgmente, y e Lord pleased to lay on London Bridge, by firc,f
and therin gave you a touch of my great loss ; the Lord, I hope,
will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in him, & not
in these slipery and uncertaine things of this world.

I hope M r . Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this ; but
he had many disasters here before he could gett away ; yet y e
last was a heavie one ; his ship, going out of y G harbor at Bris-
toll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on y e shore, as it cost
him above lOO 11 . before shee could be gott off againe. Verily
his case was so lamentable as I could not but afford him some
help therin (and so did some were -strangers to him) ; besids,
your goods were in her, and if he had not been supported, he
must have broke off his viage, and so loss could not have been
avoyded on all sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he
had made a saving match, if he had then sunek her, and never
set her forth. I hope he sees y e Lords hand against him, and
will leave of these viages. I thinke we did well in parting with
her ; she would have been but a clogge to y e accounte from time
to time, and now though we shall not gett much by way of
satisfaction, yet we shall lose no more. And now, as before I
have writte, I pray you finish all y e accounts and reconings with
him there; for here he hath nothing, but many debtes that he
stands ingaged to many men for. Besids, here is not a man
y l will spend a day, or scarce an bower, aboute y e accounts but
my selfe, and y l bussines will require more time and help then
I can afford. I shall not need to say any more ; I hope you
will doe y l which shall be best & just, to which addc mercie,
and consider his intente, though he failed in many perticulers,
which now cannot be helped, &c.

To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300 H . and

is the same as the "Mary and Jane," to reside in the colony. In 1634, he

whose arrival, with 196 passengers, is was chosen an Assistant in the trovern-

mentioned by Winthrop (1. 102} under ment, and. was continued in office far

date May, 1633. — Ed. many years. See Morton's Memorial,

* Mr. Collier first arrived in the p. 91 et seq. — Ed.
country this year. He had been one of f 1G32-3, Feb. 11. J) night till $

the earliest adventurers, and now came morning. (Laud's Diary.) — Prince.

1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 309

3VI r . Beacbamp is out of y e towne, yet y e bussines I must doc.
Oh the greefe & trouble y l man, M r . Allcrton, hath brought
upon you and us ! I cannot forgett it, and to thinke on it draws
many a sigh from my harte, and teares from my eyes. And
now y e Lord hath visited me with an other great loss, yet I can
undergoeit with more patience. But this I have follishly pulled
upon my selfe, &c. [And in another, he hath this passage :] *
By M r . Allertons faire propositions and large [195] promises, I
have over rune my selfe; verily, at this time greefe hinders me
to write, and tears will not suffer me to see ; wberforc, as you
love those that ever loved you, and y l plantation, thinke upon
us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused your
trust and wronged our loves! but now to complaine is too late,
nither can I complaine of your backwardncs, for I am per-
swaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth on our purses
or credites. And had y e Lord sent M r . Peirce safe home, we
had cased both you and us of some of those debts; the Lord
I hope will give us patience to bear these crosses; and that
great God, whose care & providence is every where, and spe-
tially over all those that desire truly to fear and serve him, di-
rect, guid, prosper, & blesse you so, as y l you may be able (as
I perswade my selfe you are willing) to discharge & take off
this great & heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your
saks; and I hope in y e ende for y e good of you, and many
thousands more; for had not you & we joyned & continued
togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce knowne,
I am perswaded, not so replenished & inhabited with honest
English people, as it now is. The Lord increase & blesse
them, &c. So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest
Your assured loving friend,

James Shekley.
June 24. 1633.

i

By this it apperes when M r . Sherly sould him y e ship
& all her accounts, it was more for M r . Allertons advan-
tage then theirs; and if they could get any there, well
& good, for they were like to have nothing here. Ami.
what course was held to hinder them there, hath allrcady

* The brackets are in the original manuscript. — Ed.

310 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

beene manifested. And though M r . Sherley became more
sinsible of his owne condition, by these losses, and therby
more sadly & plainly to complaine of M r . Allerton, yet no
course was taken to help them here, but all left unto
them selves; not so much as to examene & rectifie y c
accounts, by which (it is like) some hundereds of pounds
might have been taken off. But very probable it is,
the more they saw was taken off, y e less might come unto
them selves. But I leave these maters, & come to other
things.

M r . Roger Williams * (a man godly & zealous, having
many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente)
came over first to y e Massachusetts, but upon some discon-
tente left y l place, and came hither, (wher he was friedly
entertain'ed, according to their poore abilitie,) and exer-
cised his gifts amongst them, & after some time was ad-
mitted a member of y e church ; and his teaching well
approoved, for y e benefitc wherof I still blese God* and
am thankfull to him, even for his sharpest admonitions
& reproufs, so fan* as they agreed with truth. He this
year begane to fall into some Strang oppiions, and from
opinion to practise ; which caused some controversie be-
tweene y e church & him, and in y e end some discontente
on his parte, by occasion wherof he left them some thing
abruptly. Yet after wards sued for his dismission to y e
church of Salem, which was granted, with some caution
to them concerning him, and what care they ought to
have of him. But he soone fell into more things ther,
both to their and y e goverments troble [196] & disturb-
ance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are too
well knowen now to all, though for a time y e church here

* A Memoir ofjhis distinguished tive of Professor Gammell, in Sparks 's
man, by Professor Knowles, was pub- American"" Biography. In 1853 ap-
lished in 1834, and may confidently be peared another Memoir of him by Ro-
referred to as having been prepared meo Elton, D.D., containing some facts
from original materials. This was fol- and correspondence never before pub-
lowed in 1845 by the pleasing narra- lished. — Ed.

1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 311

wente under some hard censure by his occasion, from
some that afterwards smarted them selves. But lie is to
be pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave y e matter,
and desire y e Lord to shew him his errors, and reduse him
into y c way of truth, and give him a setled judgment and
constancie in y e same; for I hope he belongs io y c Lord,
and y* he will shew him mercie.

Having had formerly converse and famliarity with y c
Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them seated
here in a barren quarter, toulcl them of a river called hv
them y e Fresh River,* but now is known by y c name of
Conighteeute-River, which they often coiuended unto them
for a fine place both for plantation and trade, and wished
them to make use of it. But their hands beimr full othiT-

o

wise, they let it pass. But afterwards ther coming a
company of banishte Indeans into these parts, that were
drivene out from thence by the potencie of y e Pequents,
which usurped upon them, and drive them from thence,
they often sollisited them to goe thither, and they should
have much trad, espetially if they would keep a house
ther. And having now good store of comodities, and
allso need to looke out wher they could advantage them
selves to help them out of their great ingagments, they
now begane to send that way to discover y° same, and
trade with y e natives. They found it to be a fine place,
but had no great store of trade; but y e Indeans excused
y e same in regard of y e season, and the fear y e Indans
were in of their enemise. So they tried diverce times,
not with out profite, but saw y e most certainty would be
by keeping a house ther, to receive y e trad when it came
down out of y e inland. Those Indeans, not seeing them
very forward to build ther, solisited them of y e Massa-

* The historians of New Nether- See Brodhcad's New York, ??. -'»»

land claim that Block discovered the 57; O'Callaghan's New Nethcrhnd.

Connecticut River, in 1614, and named I. 73. — Ed,
it " Versch" or Fresh-Water River.

312

HISTORY OF

[BOOK II.

chusets in like sorte (for their end was to be restored to
their countrie againe) ; but they in y c Bay being but latly
come * were not fitte for y e same ; but some of their cheefe
made a motion to joyne w lh the partners here, to trad
joyntly with them in y l river, the which they were willing
to imbrace, and so they should have builte, and put in
equall stock togeather. A time of meeting was appointed
at y e Massachusets, and some of y e cheefe here was ap-
pointed to treat with them, and went accordingly ; f but
they cast many fears of deanger & loss and the like, which
was perceived to be the maine obstacles, though they al-
ledged they were not provided of trading goods. But
those hear offered at presente to put in sufficente for
both, provided they would become ingaged for y e halfe,
and prepare against y e nexte year. They conffessed more
could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them
they had no mind to it. They then answered, they hoped

* Winthrop, under date of April 4,
1631, notices the visit to Boston of
Wahginnaeut, a sagamore upon the
River Quonehtacut, in company with
other Indians, being " very desirous
to have some Englishmen to come
plant in his country, and offering to
iind them corn, and give them yearly
eighty skins of beaver/' &c. The Gov-
ernor declined his proposal, and "dis-
covered after, that the said sagamore
is a ver}' treacherous man. and at war
wfth the Pekoath (a far greater sag-
amore). " — Ed.

t Winthrop, under date of July 12,
1633, says: "Mr. Edward Winslow,
Governor of Plymouth, and Mr. Brad-
ford, came into the Bay, and went away
the ISth. They came partly to confer
about joining in a trade to Connecticut,
for beaver and hemp. There was a
motion to set up a trading house there,
to prevent the Dutch, who were about
to build one ; but, in regard the place
was not fit for plantation, there being
three or four thousand warlike Indians,
and the river not to be gone into but by
small pinnaces, having a bar affording
but six feet at high water," &c, &c,
" we thought not lit to meddle with it."

Mr. Savage, in a note on this passage
remarks: "Some disingenuousness, I
fear, may be imputed to our council,
in starting difficulties to deter our breth-
ren of the humble community of Ply-
mouth from extending their limits to so
advantageous a situation ; for we next
season were careful to warn the Dutch
against occupation -of it, and the fol-
lowing year took possession ourselves."
The bark Blessing, a few weeks after
this, visited the Dutch plantation, and
Van Twiller was desired to forbear
to build upon the river and country of
Connecticut, that territory being grant-
ed by the king of England to his own
subjects. The Dutch Governor cour-
teously replied to Governor Winthrop,
Oct. 4, that he " could wish that his
Majesty of England and the Lords
States-General would agree concern-
ing the limits and parting of their quar-
ters, that as good neighbors we might
live in these heathenish countries," add-
ing that he had " taken possession of
the forementioned river" in the name
of the Lords States-General, and had
set up a house there, &e. See Win-
throp, I. 105, 111 - 113 ; O'Callaghan's
New Ketherland, p. 15*2, — Ed.°

1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 313

it would be no offence unto [197] them, if them sellvcs
wente on without them, if they saw it meete. They said
ther was no reason they should; and thus this treaty
broake of, and those here tooke convcniente time to make
a begining ther; and were y c first English that both dis-
covered that place, and built in y c same, though thcy
were litle better then thrust out of it afterward as may
appeare.

But y e Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing of
their purpose & preparation, indeoured to proven te them,
and gott in a litle before them, and made a slight forte, *
and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, thretcniug to stopp
their passage. But they having made a smale frame of
a house ready, and haveing a great new-barkc, they stowed
their frame in her hold, & bords to cover & finishc it,
having nayles & all other provisions fitting for their use.
This they did y e rather that they might have a present c
defence against y e Indeans, who weare much offended that
they brought home & restored y e right Sachem of y c place
(called Natawanute); so as they were to incounter with a
duble danger in this attempte, both y e Dutch and y c In-
deans. "When they came up y e river, the Dutch demanded
what they intended, and whither they would goe; they
answered, up y e river to trade (now their order was to
goe and seat above them). They bid them strike, & stay,
or els they would shoote them ; & stood by ther ordnance
ready fitted. They answered they had coiiiission from y n
Gov r of Plimoth to goe up y e river to such a place, and if
they did shoote, they must obey their order and procecde ;
they would not molest them, but would goe one.f So they
passed along, and though the Dutch threatened them

* On the 8th of June, 1G33, the ford. Brodhead's New York, pp. ~3 1,

Dutch made a purchase, from a Pequot 235. — Ed.

chief, of some lands on the Connecticut j- The resolute commander of ih:i

River, and soon after completed their expedition was William llulmc*. >« «*

fort, named the " Good Hope," about Hazard, II. 2G2 ; Trumbull's Cu:m«ru-

the place of the present town of HaTt- cut, I. 35. — Ed.

40

314 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

hard, yet they shoot not. Coming to their place,* they
clapt up their house quickly, and landed their provissions,
and left y e companie appoynted, and sent the barke home ;
and afterwards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified
them selves better. The Dutch sent word home to y e
Monhatas what was done ; and in proces of time, they
sent a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner, with
collours displayed, to assaulte them ; but seeing them
strengtened, & that it would cost blood, they came to
parley, and returned in peace. And this was their enter-
ance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not by freinds
to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they were, as will
after appere. They did y c Dutch no wrong, for they took
not a foote of any land they bought, but went to y e place
above them, and bought that tracte of land which be-
longed to these Indeans which they carried with them,
and their friends, with whom y e Dutch had nothing to
doe. But of these matters more in another place.

It pleased y e Lord to visite them this year with an in-
fectious fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and up-
ward of 20. persons dyed, men and women, besids children,
and sundry of them of their anciente friends which had
lived in Holand ; as Thomas Blossome, Richard Master-
son, with sundry [198] others, and in y e end (after he had
much helped others) Samuell Fuller, who was their sur-
geon & phisition, and had been a great help and comforte
unto them ; as in his facultie, so otherwise, being a dea-
con of y e church, a man godly, and forward to doe good,
being much missed after his death ; and he and y e rest of
their brethren much lamented by them, and caused much
sadues & mourning amongst them ; which caused them to

* Ttiis was on the site of the present (the place we after possessed) the year

town of Windsor, and was the com- before the Dutch began in the river ;

mencement of the English settlements the Dutch came in by way of preven-

in Connecticut. The Dutch authorities tion." Brodhead's New York, p. 241 ;

say this was on the 16th of Septem- Davis's ed. of the Memorial, Appendix,

ber. Trumbull says it was in October, p. 395. — Ed.
Winslow says he " had a place given

1G34.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 315

humble them selves, & seeke y e Lord ; and towards winter
it pleased the Lord y e sicklies ceased. This disease allso
swept away many of y e Indeans from all y e places near
adjoyning; and y e spring before, espetially all y c month of
May, ther was such a quantitie of a great sorte of flies,
like (for bignes) to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came
out of holes in y e ground, and replenished all y e woods,
and eate y e green- things, and made such a constanle yell-
ing noyes, as made all y e woods ring of them, and ready
to deafe y e hearers." They have not by y e English been
heard or seen before or since. But y e Indeans tould them
y l sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July, Au-
gust, and y° cheefe heat of soiiier.

It pleased y e Lord to inable them this year to send
home a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their
charges, & debts at home, which good returne did much
incourage their freinds in England. . They sent in beaver
3366* 1 . waight, and much of it coat beaver, which reeled
20*. p r pound, & some of it above; and of ottcr-skinest
346. sould also at a good prise. And thus much of y e
affairs of this year.

Anno Dom; 1634

This year M r . Thomas Prence was chosen Gov r .£

M r . Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of theirs
this year. I will forbear to coppy any part therof, only
name a head or 2. therm. First, he desirs they will take
nothing ill in what he formerly write, professing his good

* " The insect here described/' re- on the Insects of Massachusetts, pp.

marks Judge Davis, " is the Cicada sqp- 1G5 - 174. — Ed.

tendeeim of Linnaeus, commonly called f The slun was sold at 11 s . & lo.

the locust. They have frequently ap- y e pound.

peared since, after long intervals, gen- J The Assistants this year were Wil-

erally about seventeen years, indicated liam33radford, Edward Winslow, MiJrs

by theLinmean specific name. " Davis's Standish, William Collier, John A hhm,

ed, of the Memorial, p. 174, and Ap- John HowJand, and Stephen Hopkins,

pendix, pp. 39G - 400 ; Harris's Report Morton's Memorial. — Ed.

31 G HISTORY OF [1300K II.

affection towards them as before, &c. 2 ,y . For M r . Allcrtons
accounts, .lie is perswaded they must suffer, and y l in no
small sumes ; and that they have cause enough to com-
plaine, but it was now too late. And that he had failed
them ther, those here, and him selfe in his owne aimes.
And that now, having thus left them here, he feared God
had or would leave him, and it would not be Strang, but
a wonder if he fell not into worse things, &c. 3 ,y . He
blesseth God and is thankfull to them for y e good returne
made this year. This is y e effecte of his letters, other
things being of more private nature.

I am now to enter upon one of y e sadeSt things that
befell them since they came; but before I begine, it will
be needfull to premise such parte of their patente as gives
them right and priviledge at Kenebeek ; as followeth :

[199] The said Counsell hath further given, granted, barganed,
sold, infeofied, alloted, assigned, & sett over, and by these pres-
ents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante, bargane, sell, alliene,
enffeofe, allote, assigne,and eonfirme untoy c said William Brad-
ford, his heires, associates, and assignes, All that tracte of land
or part of New-England in America afforesaid, which lyeth
within or betweene, and extendeth it selfe from y° utmost limits
of Cobiseeonte, which adjoyneth to y e river of Kenebeek, towards
the westerne ocean, and a place called y e falls of Nequamkick
in America, aforsaid; and y e space of 15. English myles on each
side of y e said river, commonly called Kenebeek River, and all
y e said river called Kenebeek that lyeth within the said limits dc
bounds, eastward, westward, northward, & southward, last above
mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers, waters, fishing,
&c. And by vertue of y e authority to us derived by his said
late Ma li3 Lres patents, to take, apprehend, seise, and make
prise of all such persons, their ships and goods, as shall attempte
to inhabite or trade with y e savage people of that countrie
within y e severall precincts and limits of his & their severall
plantations, &c*

Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to y c

* See the Plymouth patent, which includes this grant, in Plymouth Colony
Laws, Brigham's ed. — Ed.

1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. ; j ] 7

plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and coiiiod-
ities to trade in that river, and would needs press into
their limites ; and not only so, but would needs goe up y e
river above their house, (towards y c falls of y c -river,) and
intercept the trade that should come to them. lie that
was cheefe* of y c place forbad them, and prayed him that
he would not offer them that injurie, nor goe abdute to
infring their liberties, which had cost them so dear. ]Jut
he answered he would goe up and trade ther in dispite of
them, and lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other
tould him he must then be forced to remove him from
thence, or make seasure of him if he could. He bid him
doe his worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther. The
other tooke a boat & some men & went up to him, when
he saw his time, and againe entreated him to departe by
what perswasion he could. But all in vainc : he could gelt.
nothing of him but ill words. So he considred that now
was y c season for trade to come downe, and if he should
suffer him to lye, & take it from them, all ther former
charge would be lost, and they had better throw up all.
So, consulting with his men, (who were willing thcrioc,)
he resolved to put him from his anchorcs, and let him
drive downe y c river with y e streame ; but comanded )•"
■ men y l none should shoote a shote upon any occasion,
except he coihanded them. He spoake to him againe,
but all in vaine ; then he sente a cuple in a canow to cutl
his cable, the which one of them performes; but Hocking
taks up a pece which he had layed ready, and as y° barke
shered by y e canow, he shote [200] him close under her
side, in y e head, (as I take it,) so he fell downe dead in-
stantly.! One of his fellows (that loved him well) could
not hold, but with a muskett shot Hocking, J who fell

* John Howland. See the note fol- Eng. Hist, and Geneal. Re^., IX- >{) -

lowing. — Ed. From this it appears that John llow

f The name of this person shot was land was the person in command tl^ro

Moses Talbott. A deposition relating at this time. — Ed.

to this affair, taken from the Plymouth J Winthrop, under date of -day .j,

Colony Records, is printed in the New 1G33, says : " News came of the ucath

318 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

clowne dead and never speake word. This was y c truth
of y c thing. The rest of y e men carried home the vessell
and y e sad tidings of these things. Now y° Lord Saye &
y e Lord Brooks, with some other great persons, had a
hand in this plantation ; they write home to them, as
much as they could to exasperate them in y e matter,
leaveing out all y e circomstances, as if he had been kild
without any offenc of his parte, conceling y l he had kild
another first, and y e just occasion that he had given in
offering such wrong ; at w ch their Lords ps were much of-
fended, till they were truly informed of y e mater.

The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute, (and
y l in y e worst maner,) and came into y e Bay to their neigh-
bours their. Their owne barke coming home, and bring-
ing a true relation of y e matter, sundry were sadly affected
with y e thing, as they had cause. It was not long before
they had occasion to send their vessell into y c Bay of y e
Massachusetts ; but they were so prepossest with this
matter, and affected with y e same, as they comited M r .
Alden to prison, who was in y e bark, and had been at
Kenebeck, but was no actore in y e bussines, but wente to
carie them supply. They dismist y e barke aboute her
bussines, but kept him for some time.* This was thought
Strang here, and they sente Capten Standish to give them
true information, (togeather with their letters,) and y e best
satisfaction they could, and to procure M r . Alden's release.
I shall recite a letter or 2.| which will show the passages
of these things, as folloeth.

Good S r :

I have received your lre s by Captaine Standish, & am un-
fainedly glad of Gods mercie towards you in y e recovery of your
health, or some way thertoo. For y e bussines you write of, I
thought mecte to answer a word or 2. to your sclfe, leaving the

of Hockin and the Plymouth man at that Alden was bound over, with surc-

Kenebec," &c. — Ed. ties, not to depart out of the jurisdic-

* From Winthrop's Journal, and tion without leave. — Ed.

from the Records of Mass., it appears f Written doubtless to Bradford. — Ed.

1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 319

answer of your Gov r ire to our courte, to whom y e same, to-
gether with my selfe is directed. I conceive (till I hear new
matter to y e contrary) that your patente may warrente your re-
sistance of any English from trading at Kenebeck, and y l blood
of Hocking, and y c partie he slue, will be required at hid hands.
Yet doe I with your selfe & others sorrow for their deaths. 1
thinke likewise y l your generall Ires will satisiie our courte, and
make them cease from any further inter medling in y c mater.
I have upon y c same Ire sett M r . Alden at liberty, and his sure-
ties, and yet, least I should seeme to neglecte y e opinion of our
court & y e frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound
Captaine Standish to appeare y e 3. of June at our ne.\te courte,
to make afiidavid for y e coppie of y c patente, and'to manifest the
circumstances of Hockins provocations ; botli which will tend to
y e clearing of your inocencie. If ?ny unkindnes hath ben taken
from what we have done, let it be further 6c better considred of,
I pray you ; and I hope y e more you thinke of it, the lesse blame
you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in differ-
encing them, whose opinions concurr [201] with your owne,
from others who were opposites ; and yet I may truly say, I
have spoken w th no man in y e bussines who taxed you most, but
they are such as have many wayes heretofore declared ther
good affections towards your plantation. I further referr my
selfe to y e reporte of Captaine Standish & M r . Allden ; leaving
you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto you per-
fecte recovery of health, and y c long continuance of it. I desire
to be lovingly remembred to M r . Prence, your Gov r , M r . Wins-
low, M r . Brewster, whom I would see if I knew how. The
Lord keepe you all. Amen.

Your very loving freind in our Lord Jesus,
j Tho: Dudley.*

New-towne, y e 22. of May, 1634.

Another of his about these things asfolloweth.

S r : I am right sorrie for y e news that Captaine Standish &
other of your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring now
to Plimoth, wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my opinion,

* The arrest of Alden took place inauguration of Dudley to that olTice.
this month, while Winthrop was Gov- See Records of Mass., III. 119 ; m-
ernor, and just before the election or throp, I. 131, 132. — Ed.

i

!

320 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

which differeth from others, who are godly & wise, amongst us
here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth me to suspectc
myne owne ignorance ; yet must I remaine in it untill I be con-
vinced therof. I thought not to have shewed your letter written
to me, but to have done my best to have reconciled differences in
y e best season & maner I could ; but Captaine Standish requir-
ing an answer therof publickly in y e courte, I was forced to- pro-
duce it, and that made y° breach soe wide as he can tell you.
I propounded to y e courte, to answer M r . Prences Ire, your Gov 1 ",
but our courte said it required no answer, it selfe being an an-
swer to a former Ire of ours. I pray you certifie M r . Prence so
much, and others whom it concereth, that no neglecte or ill
mailers be imputed to me theraboute. The late ires I received
from England wrought in me divere fears* of some trials
which are shortly like to fall upon us ; and this unhappie con-
tention betweenc you and us, and between you & Pascattaway,
will hasten them, if God with an ex+raordinarie hand doe not
help us. To reconcile this for y e presente will be very difficulte,
but time cooleth distempers, and a comonc danger to us boath
approaching, will necessitate our uniting againe. I pray you
thcrfore, S r . set your wisdom & patience a worke, and exhorte
others to y e same, that things may not proceede from bad to
worse, so making our contentions like y e barrs of a pallace, but
that a way of peace may be kepte open, wherat y e God of peace
may have enterance in his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it
shall be your honor to bear it patiently ; but I goe to fair in
needles putting you in mind of these things. God hath done
great things for you, and I desire his blessings may be multiplied
upon you more & more. I will com mite no more to writing,
but comendingmy selfe to your prayers, doe rest,

Your truly loving frcind in our Lord Jesus,

Tno : Dudley.
June 4. 1634.

By these things it appars what troubls rise herupon,
and how hard they were to be reconciled; for though
they hear were hardly some for what was fallen out, yet

J. IIL1 ».CW V-^U^w w.-w*.^.. w. ...WWW «j - - ----,- p

feares, which arise by y e underworking procured from his Ma lie . [See tln e *
of some enemies to y e churches here, paper in the Appendix, No II. — Ep-1

163-i.] TLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 321

they conceived they were unjustly injuried, and provoked
to what was done; and that their ncigbours (haveing no
jurisdiction over them) did more then was mete, thus to
imprison one of theirs, and bind them to [202] their
courte. But yet being* assured of their Christian love,
and perswaded what was done was out of godly zcale,
that religion might not suffer, nor sine any way covered
or borne with, espetially y e guilte of blood, of which all
should be very consciencious in any whom soever, they
did indeavore to appease & satisfie them y'- best they
could; first, by informing them y 6 truth in all circom-
stances aboute y 6 matter ; 2 ty , in being willing to referr
y e case to any indifferante and equall hearing and juilg-
mente of the thing hear, and to answere it els wher when
they should be duly called, thcrunto ; and further they
craved M r . "Winthrops, & other of y e reve' 1 magistrals
ther, their advice & direction herein. This did mollific
their minds, and bring things to a good & comfortable
issue in y e end.

.For they had this advice given them by M r . Winthrop,
& others concurring with him, that from their courte,
they should write to the neigboure plantations, & espe-
tially that of y e lords, at Pascataway, and theirs of v r
Massachusets, to appointe some to give them meeting at
some fitt place, to consulte & determine in this matter, so
as y 6 parties meeting might have full power to order &

bind, &c. And that nothing be done to y e infringing or

prejudice of y e liberties of any place. And for y e clearing

of conscience, y e law of God is, y l y e preist lips must be

consulted with, and therfore it was desired that v e minis-

. . fc

ters of every plantation might be presente to give their

advice in pointe of conscience. Though this course

seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well assured

of y e justice of their cause, and y e equitie of their freiiuls,

as they put them selves upon it, & appointed a time, oi

which they gave notice to y° severall places a month

I 41

322 HISTORY OF [book II.

before hand; viz, Massachusets, Salem, & Pascataway, or
any other y l they would give notice too, and disired them
to produce any evidence they could in y e case. The place
for meeting was at Boston. But when y G day & time
came, none apered, but some of y e magistrats and minis-
ters of y e Massachusets, and their owne.* Seeing none of
Passcataway or other places came, (haveing been thus de-
sired, & conveniente time given them for y l end,) M r . Win-
throp & y e rest said they could doe no more then they had
done thus to requeste them, y e blame must rest on them.
So they fell into a fair debating of things them selves;
and after all things had been fully opened & discussed,
and y e opinione of each one demanded, both magistrats,
and ministers, though they all could have wished these
things had never been, yet they could not but lay y e blame
& guilt on Hockins owne head ; and withall gave them
such grave & godly exhortations and advice, as they
thought meete, both for y e presente & future ; which they
allso imbraced with love & thankfullnes, promising to
indeavor to follow y e same. And thus was this matter
ended, and ther love and concord renewed ; and also M r .
"Winthrop & M r . Dudley write in their behalfes to y e Lord
Ssay & other gentl-men that were interescd in y l planta-
tion, very effectually, w th which, togeather with their
owne leters, and M l \ Winslows furder declaration of things
unto them, they rested well satisfied.

[203] M r . Winslow was sente by them this year into
England, partly to informe and satisfie y e Lord Say &
others, in y e former matter, as also to make answer and
their just defence for y e same, if any thing should by any
be prosecuted against them at Counsell-table, or els wher ;
but this matter tooke end, without any further trouble,

* Under date of July 0th of this to confer with some of our magistrates

year, Winthrop writes: '* Mr. Bradford and ministers about their case of Kcne-

and Mr. Winslow, two of the magis- bee. They met hereabout Mr. Win-

trates of Plymouth, with Mr. Smith, throp, Mr. Cotton, and Mr. Wilson."

their pastor, came to Boston by water, See Winthrop, I. 136, 137. — Er>.

l(J3-±.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. o23

as is before noted. And partly to signifie unto y c partners
in England, that the terme of their trade with y u company
here was out, and therfore he was sente to finislie y e ac-
counts with them, and to bring them notice how much
debtore they should remain e on y l accounte, and that they
mi^'lit know what further course would be best to hold.
But y° issue of these things will appear in y e next years
passages. They now sente over by him a great return e,
which was very acceptable unto them; which was in
beaver 3738 H . waight, (a great part of it, being coat-
beaver, sould at 20 s . p r pound,) and 234. otter skines ; *
which alltogeather rise to a great sume of money.

This year j* (in y c foreparte of y e same) they sente forth
a barke to trad at y e Dutch-Plantation ; and they mette
ther with on Captaine Stone, that had lived in Christo-
phers, one of y c West-Ende Hands, and now had been
some time in Virginia, and came from thence into these
parts. He kept company with y e Dutch Gove r , and, I
know not in what drunken fitt, he gott leave of y e Gov 1 *
to ceaise on their barke, when they were ready to come
away, and had done their markett, haveing y° valew of
500 11 . worth of goods abord her; having no occasion
at all, or any collour of ground for such a thing, but
having made y e Gov 1 ' drunck, so as he could scarce speake
a right word ; and when he urged him hear aboute, he
answered him, Ah 7 u belief L% So he gat abord, (the cheefe
of their men & marchant being ashore,) and with some of

* And y° skin at 14 s . mouth pinnace after her rescue agreed

f According to Winthrop, the trans- with Captain Stone and the Dutch Gov-

action here narrated occurred in the ernor "to pass it hy." And " those

previous year. Under date of June 2d, of Plymouth being persuaded thai it

1033, he notices the arrival of Captain would turn to their reproach, and that

Stone at Boston; and also that the it could be no piracy, with their consent

Governor of 1*1 y mouth sent Captain we withdrew our recognizance." Win-

Standish to prosecute him for piracy, throp makes further mention of Stone,

for the cause here related; and Stone showing him to have been a man of

was bound over. It was, however, dissolute character. See Winthrop, 1.

not proceeded in, for the reason, as Win- 104, 111. — Ed.
throp states, that the master of the Ply- J That is, " If you please." — Ed.

324 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

his ownc men, made y e rest of theirs waigh anchor, sett
sayle, & carry her away towards Virginia. But diverse
of y e Dutch sea-men, which had bene often at Plimoth,
and kindly entcrtayned ther, said one to another, Shall
we suffer our freinds to be thus abused, and have their
^oods carried awav, before our faces, whilst our Gov r is
dranke? .They vowed they would never suffer it; and
so gott a vessell or 2. and pursued him, & brought him
in againe, and delivered them their barke & goods againe.
After wards Stone came into y e Massaclmsets, and they
sent & commensed suite against him for this facte ; but
by mediation of freinds it was taken \ip, and y e suite lett
fall. And in y e company of some other gentle-men Stone
came afterwards to Plimoth, and had freindly & civill en-
tertainiliente amongst them, with y e rest; but revenge
boyled within his brest, (though concelled,) for some con-
ceived he had a purpose (at one time) to have staped the
Gov r , and put his hand to his dagger for that end, but
by Gods providence and y e vigilance of some was pre-
vented. He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass,
with one Captaine Norton & some others ; and, I know
not" for what occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigte-
cutt River ; and how they carried themselves I know not,
but y e Incleans knoct him in y e head, as he lay in his
cabinc, and had thrown y e covering over his face (whether
out of fear or desperation is iincertaine) ; this was his
end. They likewise killed all y° rest, but Captaine Norton
defended him selfe a long time against them all in y e
cooke-roome, till by accidente the gunpowder tooke fire,
which (for readynes) he had sett in an open thing before
him, which did so burne, & scald him, & blind his eyes,
as he could make no longer resistance, but was slaine also
by them, though they much comended his vallour.* And

* Under date of January 21, 1633-4, his companions, being eight," were cut
Winthrop notices the report from Ply- oil* by the Pequots; and he proceeds
mouth, that Captain Stone and u all to narrate the circumstances of it. See

1G34.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 325

having killed y e men, they made a pray of what they had,
and chafered away some of their things to y Dutch that
lived their. But it was not longc before a quarcll fell
hetweene the Dutch & them, and they would- have cult
of their bark; but they slue y c cheef sachem w lh y c shott
of a murderer.*

I am now to relate some Strang and remarkable pas-
sages. Ther was a company of people lived in y country,
up above in y e river of Conigtecut, a great way from their
trading house ther, and were enimise to those Indeans
which lived abou'te them, and of whom they stood in some
fear (bing a stout people). About a thousand of them
had inclosed them selves in a forte, which they had
strongly palissadoed about. 3. or 4. Dutch men Ment up
in y e begining of winter to live with them, to gctt their
trade, and prevente them for bringing it to y e English, or
to fall into amitie with them ; but at spring to bring all
downe to their place. But their enterprise failed, for it
pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sicknes,
and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900. and a
halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott above
ground for want of buriall, and y e Dutch men all most
starved before they could gett away, for ise and snow.
But about Feb: they got with much difficultic to* then-
trading house ; whom they kindly releevcd, being allmost
spente with hunger and could. Being thus refreshed by
them diverce days, they got to their ownc place, and y c
Dutch were very thankfull for this kindnes.

This spring,t ^lso, those Indeans that lived aboute their

also Hubbard's Indian Wars, pp. 117 vember and December of the last year.

-119; Trumbull, I. 69, 70. — Ed. Chickatabot, the sagamore of Napun-

* T]ie two paragraphs above were sett, John, sagamore of Wiuuesiimnt'tt.

written on the reverse of folios 202 and and James, sagamore of Saugus, ''»

IhjW

203 of the original manuscript, under at this time of this disease. Ah*

this year.™ Ed. thirty were buried by Mr. Mavcri<;k . « I

•(■"According to Winthrop, a great Winnesimmett, in one day. ' "" rr

mortality among the Indians, from the date of January 21, 1G33-1, ^ inilimp

small-po'x, which we may suppose to be says : « Hall and the two others, \Wio

the same here spoken of, occurred in No- went to Connecticut Nov. 3, came now

326 HISTORY OF [hook II.

trading house there fell sick of y e small poxe, and dyed
most miserably ; for a sorer disease cannot befall them ;
they fear it more then y c plague ; for usualy they that have
this disease have them in abundance, and for wante of
bedding & lining and other helps, they fall into a lamen-
table condition, as they lye on their hard matts, y e poxe
breaking and mattering, and riming one into another,
their skin cleaving (by reason therof) to the matts they
lye on ; when they tunie them, a whole side will Ilea of
at once, [20-i] (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore
blood, most fearfull to behold ; and then being very sore,
what with could and other distempers, they dye like rot-
ten sheep. The condition of this people was so lamenta-
ble, and they fell clowne so generally of this diseas, as
they were (in y 6 end) not able to help on another ; no, not
to make a fire, nor to fetch a litle water to drinke, nor
any to burie y c dead ; but would strivie as long as they
could, and when they could procure no other means to
make fire, they would burne y e woden trayes & dishes
they ate their meate in, and their very bowes & arrowes ;
& some would crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water,
and some times dye by y e way, & not be able to gett in
againe. But those of y c English house, (though at first
they were afraid of y e infection,) yet seeing their woefull
and'sacld condition, and hearing their pitifull cries and
lamentations, they had compastion of them, and dayly
fetched them wood & water, and made them fires, gott
them victualls whilst they lived, and buried them when
they dyed. For very few of them escaped, notwithstand-
ing they did what they could for them, to y e haszard of
them selvs. The cheefe Sachem him selfe now dved, &
allmost all his freinds & kinred. But by y e marvelous

home, Sic. ; they informed us that the ganset, by the Indians' report, there

small-pox was gone as far as any Indian died seven hundred." Winthrop, I.

plantation was known to the west, and 115, 116, 119, 120, 123. — Ed.
much people dead of it, &c. At Nara-

1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 327

goodnes & providens of God not one of y e English was
so much as sickc, or in y e least measure tainted with this
disease, though they dayly did these offices for them for
many weeks togeather. And this mercie which they
shewed them was kindly taken, and thankfully acknowl-
edged of all y c Indeans that knew or heard of y e same ;
and their m rs here did much comend & reward them for
y e same.

Anno Dom: 1635.*

M B . "Winslow was very wellcome to them in England,
and y e more in regard of y e large returne he brought with
him, which came all safe to their hands, and was well
- sould. And he was borne in hand, (at least he so appre-
hended,) that all accounts should be cleared before his
returne, and all former differences ther aboute well setled.
And so he writ over to them hear, that he hoped tc
cleare y c accounts, and bring them over with him ; and y l
the accounte of y e "White Angele would be taken of, and
all things fairly ended. But it came to pass [205] that,
being occasioned to answer some complaints made against
the countrie at Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning
their neigbours in y e Bay then them selves hear, the
which he did to good efiecte, and further prosecuting such
things as might tend to y e good of y e whole, as well them
selves as others, aboute y e wrongs and incroachments that
the French & other strangers both had and were like fur-
ther to doe unto them, if not prevented, he prefered this
petition following to their Hon" that were deputed Comis-

sioners for y e Plantations.
i

* Governor Bradford, out of modesty, Prence, William Collier, Miles Stan-
omits to record his own Te-election, dish, John Alden, John HowIanJ. aui
from time to time, to the office of chief Stephen Hopkins, were chosen -A ^>:^t-
magistrate. He was chosen again this ants. Morton's Memorial. — Kd.
year ; and Edward Winslow, Thomas

328 HISTOItY OF [book II.

To y e right honorable y e Lords Comissioners for y e Plantations

in America.

The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, oiry e behalfe of y°
plantations in New-England,

Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, y l wheras your pe-
titioners have planted them selves in New" England under his
Ma tid most gratious protection ; now so it is, right Hon bI , that y c
French & Dutch doe indeaouer to devide y 2 land betweenc them ;
for which purpose y e French have, on y e east side, entered and
seased upon one of our houses, and carried away the goods,
slew 2. of y e men in another place, and tooke y c rest prisoners
with their goods. And y e Dutch, on y° west, have also made
entrie upon Conigtecute River, within y e limits of his Maj 13 Irs
patent, where they have raised a forte, and threaten to expell
your petitioners thence, who are also planted upon y e same river,
maintaining possession for his Ma lic to their great charge, &
hazard both of lives & goods.

In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray
that your LoP^ 3 will either procure their peace w lh those foraine
states, or else to give spetiall warranto unto your petitioners and
y e English Collonies, to right and defend them selves* against
all foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall pray, &c.

This petition found good acceptation with most of them,
and M r . Winslow was heard sundry times by them, and
appointed further to attend for an answer from their Lo pps ,
espetially, having upon conferance with them laid downe
a way how this might be doone without any either charge
or 'trouble to y e state; only by furnishing some of y°
cheefe of y e cuntry hear with authoritie, who would under-
take it at their owne charge, and in such a way as should
be without any publick disturbance. But this crossed
both S r Ferdinandos Gorges' & Cap: Masons designe, and
y° archbishop of Counterberies by them ; for S r Ferd:
Gorges (by y e arch-pps favore) was to have been sent

* Winthrop intimates (L 172) that by ill advice, for such precedents might

this petition of Winslow, for authority endanger our liberty, that we should

to resist the encroachments of the do nothing hereafterbut by commission

French and Dutch, was " undertaken out of England." — Ed.

1C35.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 329

over generall Gov r * into y e countrie, and to have had
means from y e slate for y l end, and was now upon dispatch
and conclude of y e bussincs. And y e arch-bishops purposs
& intente was, by his means, & some lie should send with
him, (to be furnished with Episcopall power,) [20G] to
disturbe y e peace of y c churches here, and to overthrow
their proceedings and further growth, which was y- thing
he aimed at. But it so fell out (by Gods providence) that
though lie in y e end crost this petition from taking any
further effecte in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means
the plotte and whole bussines of his & S r Ferdinandos fell
to y e ground, and came to nothing. When M r . Winslow
should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon y
pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the arch-
bishop put a stop upon it, and M r . Winslow, thinking to
gett it freed, went to y e bord againe ; but y e bishop, S r
Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it seemes, procured
Morton (of whom mention is made before, & his base
carriage) to complaine; to whose complaints M r . Wins-
low made answer to y e good satisfaction of y e borde, who
checked Morton and rebuked him sharply, & allso blamed
<gr Yet 3, Gorges, & Masson, for countenancing him. But
y e bish: had a further end & use of his presence, for he
now begane to question M r . Winslow of many things ; as
of teaching in y e church publickly, of which Morton ac-
cused him, and gave evidence that he had seen and heard

* Sir Simonds D'Ewes, a contempo- and near finished, to transport him by
rary, writing under the year 1G34, no- sea, and much fear there was amoncst
tices the reports that have been given the godly lest that infant commonwealth
out from time to time, that a bishop and and church should have been ruined by
governor were to be sent to New Eng- him ; when God, that had carried to
land, *' to force upon them the yoke of many weak and crazy ships thither, so
our ceremonies and intermixtures, so to provided it that this strong, new-built
deter others from going. And indeed, " ship in the very launching fell all in
he continues, "at this time the same pieces, no man knew how, this spring
report was more likely to be fulfilled ensuing, and so preserved his dearchil-
than ever, before or since : for one Sir dren there at this present from that hu:»l
Ferdinando Gorges was nominated for danger, nor hath since suffered them us
Governor, and there was a consultation yet to come under the like fear.*' A my-
riad to send him thither with a thousand biography of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, 11.
soldiers; a ship was now in building, 118. — Ed.

42

330 HISTORY OF [LOOK II.

him doe it ; to which M r . Winslow answered, that some
time (wanting a minster) he did exercise his giftc to help
y e edification of his breethren, when they wanted better
means, w dl was not often. Then aboute mariage, the
which he also confessed, that, haveing been called to place
of magistrate, he had sometimes maried some. And fur-
ther tould their lord 1 * y l mariage was a civille thinge, &
he found no wher in y e word of God y l it was tyed to
ministrie. Again, they were necessitated so to doe, hav-
ing for a long time togeather at first no minister; besids,
it was no new-thing, for he had been so maried him selfe
in Holand, by y e magistrats in their Statt-house. But in
y e end (to be short), for these things, y e bishop, by ve-
mente importunity, gott y e bord at last to consente to his
comittemente ; so he was comited to y u Fleete, and lay ther
17. weeks, or ther aboute, before he could gctt to be re-
leased. And this was y° end of this petition, and this
bussines ; only y e others designe was also frustrated here-
by, with other things concurring, which was no smalle
blessing to y e people here.

But y e charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in M r .
Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,) but by
y e hinderance of their bussines both ther and hear, by his
personall imploymente. For though this ' was as much
or more for others then for them hear, and by them cheefly
lie was put on this bussines, (for y e plantation kewe noth-
ing of it till they heard of his imprisonmente,) yet y e whole
charge lay on them.

Now for their owne bussines ; whatsoever M r . Sherleys
mind was before, (or M r . Winslow apprehension of y e
same,) he now declared him selfe plainly, that he would
neither take of y e White-Angell from y e accounte, nor
[207] give any further accounte, till he had received more
into his hands ; only a prety good supply of goods were
sent over, but of y e most, no note of their prises, or so
orderly an invoyce as formerly ; which M r . Winslow said

1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 331

lie could not help, because of his restraints Only now
M r . Sherley & M r . Beachamp & M r . Andrews sent over a
letter of atturney under their hands & seals, to recovere
what they could of M*. Allerton for y c Angells accounte ;
but sent them neither y c bonds, nor covenants, or such
other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these mat-
ters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of ]\P.~ Slier-
leys letters aboute these things.

Your leter of y e 22. of July, 1634, by your trustic and our lov-
ing friend M r . Winslow, I have received, and your larg parcel 1
of beaver and otter skines. Blessed be our God, both he and it
came safly to us, and wc have sould it in tow pdrcells ; y" skin
at 14 s . ¥h & some at 16.; y e coatc at 20-. y e pound. The ac-
counts I have not sent you them this year, I will referr you to
M r . Winslow to tell you y e reason of it ; yet be assured y L none
of you shall suffer by y e not having of them, if God spare me
life. And wheras you say y c 6. years are expired y l y e peopl
put y e trad into your & our hands for, for y e discharge of y l
great debte w ch M r . Allerton needlcsly & unadvisedly ran you
& us into;* yet it was promised it should continue till our cli.s-
bursments & ingagements were satisfied. You conceive it is
done ; wc feelc & know other wise, &c. I doubt not but we
shall lovingly agree, notwithstanding all y l hath been writen, on
boath sids, aboute y e Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a
letter of atturney, therby giving you power in our names (and
to shadow it y e more we say for our uses) to obtainc what may
be of M r . Allerton towards y e satisfing of that great charge of
y e White Angell. And sure he hath bound him selfe, (though
at present I cannot find it) but he hath often affirmed, with
great protestations, y l neither you nor wc should lose a peny by
him, and I hope you shall find enough to discharg it, so as wc

* Mr. Sherley does not state this about GOO/. So that the whole amount
eorreetly. The partnership of the un- which they eame under obligation to Un-
dertakers, who hired the trade of the charge, supposing the last sum to bet*ur-
colony for six years, was entered into rectly estimated, was but 2400/. "That
for the purpose of discharging the debt great debt which Mr. Allerton n*v«!-
of 1S00/. incurred by the colony in the lessly and unadvisedly " ran the pan-
purchase from the adventurers of all ners into, to use Mr. Sherley "s Jan-
their interest in the plantation. They guage, had not then been incurred,
assumed, in addition, all the debts which See pages 225-227, 290. — En.

I then lay upon the colony, estimated at

i

332 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

shall have no more contesting aboute it. Yet, notwithstanding
his unnaturall & unkind dealing with you, in y° midest of jus-
tice remember mercie, and doe not all you may doe, &c. Set us
out of debtc, and then let us recone & reason togeither, &c.
M r . "Winslow hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I
am perswaded it will turne much to all your good. I leave him
to relate perticuleres, ccc.

Your loving freind,

James Sherley.
London, Sep: 7. 1G35.

This year they sustained an other great loss from y e
French* Monsier de Aulney coming into y e harbore of
Penobscote, and having before gott some of y e cheefe y l be-
longed to y e house abord his vessell, by sutlty coming upon
them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in ; and
after getting y e rest into his power, he tooke possession of
y e house in y e name of y e king of France; and partly by
threatening, & other wise, made M r . Willett (their agente
ther) to approve of y e sale of y e goods their unto him, of
which he sett y e price him selfe [208] in effecte, and made
an inventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but

* Winthrop, under date of August years before. Razillai was appointed

of this year, writes : "At this time a to the chief command of the Acadian

French ship came with commission from country, and resided principally at La

the. king of France (as they pretend- Have. A subordinate command east-

ed) ana 7 took Penobscot, a "Plymouth ward of St. Croix he delegated to La

trading-house." They sent away the Tour; and that westward as far as the

men which were in it, " and bade "them French chimed, to D' Aulney. Razillai

tell all the plantations, as far as forty died in 1635, or soon after, and each of

degrees, that they would come with the subordinate ofiicers claimed the gov-

eight ships next year, and displant them emmem of Acadie, and made war upon

aH. But by a letter which the captain one another. A somewhat romantic

wrote to the Governor of Plymouth, it interest pervades the history of these

appeared that they had commission from rivals, whose quarrels for a series of

Mons. Rosselly, commander of the fort years disturbed the tranquillity of their

near Cape Breton, called La Havre, to English neighbors. After the capture

displant the English as far as Pemaquid, of the Plymouth trading-house, here

and by it they professed all courtesy to narrated, IT Aulney selected Penobscot

us here." as his place of residence for a time, ^ee

By the treatv of St. Germains, con- Chalmers's Annals, p. 93 ; Hutchin-

cluded March ^2'Jth, 1032, Charles I. son's Mass., 1st ed., I. 128-135 ; Wil-

conveyed to Louis Xlll. the whole liamsmrs Maine, I. 245-2-18, 20 1-201,

of the" territory of New France, which 307-324; Wiuthrop's New England,

had been captured from the French three passim. — Ed.

1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 333

made no payraente for them ; but toulcl them in conven-
ient time he would doe it if they came for it. For y u
house & fortification, &c. he would not alow, nor accounte
any tiling, saing that they which build on another mans
ground doe forfite y e same. So thus turning them out of
all, (with a great deale of complemente, and many fine
words,) he let them have their shalop and some victualls
to bring them home. Coming home and relating all the
passages, they here were much troubled at it, & haveing
had this house robbed by y e French once before, and lost
then above 500 u . (as is before remembred) * and now to
loose house & all, did much move them. So as they re-
solved to consulte with their frehids in y e Bay, and if \' y
approved of it, (ther being now many ships ther,) they
intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke to beat out v°
Frenche, and recover it againe. Ther course was well
approved on, if them selves could bear y e charge ; so they
hired a fair ship of above 300. tune, well fitted with ord-
nance, and agreed with y e m r . (one Girling f) to this
effecte : that he and his company should deliver them y°
house, (after they had driven out, .or surprised y* French.)
and give them peacable possession therof, and of all such
trading comodities as should ther be found ; and give y°
French fair quarter & usage, if they would yeeld. la
consideration wherof he was to have 700 H . of beaver, to^
be delivered him ther, when he had done y e thing; but if
he did not accomplish it, he was to loose his labour, and
have nothing. With him they also sent their owne bark,
and about 20. men, with Captaine Standish, to aide him
(if neede weer), and to order things, if the house was re-
gained ; and then to pay him y e beaver, which they keept
abord their owne barke. So they with their bark piloted
him thither, and brought him safe into y e harbor. But lie

* See pp. 293, 294. — Ed. Penobscot. The master, Mr. Giximi!,

| "The Plymouth men - had hired was to have for it 200/." ^ mtlirop, 1.

the Great Hope, to go to displant the 1CS. — Ed.

French, and regain their possession at

334 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

was so rash & heady as he would take no advice, nor
would suffer Captahie Standish to have time to summone
them, (who had comission & order so to doe,) neither
would doe it him selfe ; the which, it was like, if it had
been done, & they come to affaire parley, seeing their
force, they would have yeelcled. Neither would he have
patience to bring his ship wher she might doe execution,
but begane to shoot at distance like a maddman, and did
them no hurte at all ; the which when those of y c planta-
tion saw, they were much greeved, and went to him &
tould him he would doe no good if he did not lay his ship
beter to pass (for she might lye within pistoll shott of y e
house). At last, when he saw his owne folly, he was per-
swaded, and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to
good purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe some
good, his powder was goone; for though he had* . . -J-
peece of ordnance, it did now [209] appeare he had but a
barrell of powder, and a pecce ; so he could doe no good,
but was faine to draw of againe ; by which means y e en-
terprise was made frustrate, and y e French incouraged ;
for all y c while that he shot so unadvisedly, they lay close
under a worke of earth, & let him consume him selfe.
lie advised with y e Captaine how he might be supplyed
with powder, for he had not to carie him home ; so he
tould him he would goe to y° next plantation, and doe his
indeour to procure him some, and so did ; but understand-
ing, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on y° barke,
& surprise y e beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought
y e barke & beaver home. But Girling never assualted y e
place more, (seeing him selfe disapoyented,) but went his
way ; and this was y e end of this bussines.

Upon y e ill success of this bussines, the Gov r and As-
sistants here by their leters certified their frcinds in y°
Bay, how by this ship they had been abused and dis-
apoynted, and y l the French partly had, and were now

* That is, pretended to have. — Ed. f Blank in the original. — Ed.

1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION, 335

likly to fortific them selves more strongly, and llkly to
become ill neigbours to y e English. Upon this they thus
writ to them as folloeth : —

Worthy S rs : Upon y e reading of your Ictcrs, fc consideration
of y e waightines of y e cause therin mentioned, the courtc hath
joyntly expressed their willingnes to assist you with men &
munition, for y e accomplishing of your desires upon y e French.
But beeause here are none of yours y l have authority to con-
clude of any thing herein, nothing can be done by us for y e
presente. We desire, therfore, that you would with all conven-
iente speed send some man of trust, furnished with instructions
from your selves, to make such agreemente with us about this
bussines as may be uscfull for you, and equall for us. So in
hast \vc comite you to God, and remaine

Your assured loving freinds,

John IIaynes, Gov r .

Ri : Bellingiiam, Dcp,
t Jo : Winthrop.

Tno : Dudley.

Jo : Hum fray.

W M : Coddixgton.

W M : Pixcuox.

Atiierton Houghe.

ixcreas nowell.

Ric : Dumer.

Simon Bradstrete. "
. New-town e, Octo r 9. 1G35.

Upon the receite of y e above mentioned, they presently
deputed 2. of theirs* to treate with them, giving them full
power to conclude, according to the instructions they gave
them, being to this purposs : that if they would afford
such assistance as, togeather with their owne, was like to
effecte the thing, and allso bear a considerable parte of y c
charge, they would goe on; if not, [210] they (having lost
so much allready) should not be able, but must desistc,
and waite further opportunitie as God should give, to help

* Mr. Prence and Captain Standish. Winthrop, I. 168, 169 — Ed.

336 HISTORY OF [book II.

them selves. But this came to nothing, for when it came
to y e issue, they would be at no charge, hut sente them
this letter, and rcferd them more at large to their ownc
messengers.

S r : Having, upon y e consideration of your letter, with y e
message you sente, had some serious consultations aboute y e
great importance of your bussines with y e Freneh, we gave our
answer to those whom you deputed to conferr \v th us aboute
y e viage to Penobseote. We shewed our willingnes to help, but
withall we declared our prcsente condition, & in what state we
were, for our abilitie to help; which we for our parts shall be
willing to improve, to procure you suffieente supply of men &
munition. But for matter of moneys we have no authority at
all to promise, and if we should, we should rather disapoynte
you, then incourage you by y l help, which we are not able to
performe. "We likewise thought it fitt to take y e help of other
Esterne plantations ; but those things we leave to your owne
wisdomes. And for other things we refer you to your owne
comitties, who arc able to relate all y e passages more at large.
We salute you, & wish you all good success in y c Lord.
Your faith full & loving friend,

Hi : Bellingham, Dep :
In y° name of y e rest of the Comities.

Boston, Octob r 16. 1635.

This thing did not only thus breake of, but some of
their merchants shortly after sent to trad with them, and
furnished them both with provissions, & poweder & shott ;
and so have continued to doe till this day, as they have
seen opportunitie for their profite. So as in truth y e Eng-
lish them selves have been the cheefest supporters of these
French; for besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid*
(which lyes near unto them) doth not only supply them
with what y ey wante, but gives them continuall intelli-

* A settlement is said to have been grant of Pemaquid from the Council,

made at Pemaquid as early as 1023, or and resided here for many years, and

1624. In 1020, according to his depo- was superintendent and chief magis-

sition sworn to in 1002, Abraham trate of the settlement. See William-

Shurte came over as agent of Eldridge son's Maine, I. 241, 242, 003, G94;

and Aldsworth, who in 1031-2 had a Winthrop, I. 61, 70. — Ed.

1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 337

gence of all things that passes amongc y e English, (espe-
tially some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they
still grow, & incroach more & more upon y e English, and
fill y e Indeans with gunes & munishtion, to y e great
deanger of y e English, who lye open & unfortified, liv-
ing upon husbandries and y e other closed up in their
forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in good securitie.
If these things be not looked too, and remeady provided
in time, it may easily be conjectured what they may come
toe ; but I leave them.

This year, y e 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday*)
was such a mighty storme of wind & raine, as none living
in these parts, either English or Indeans, ever saw. Leing
like (for y e time it continued) to those Hauricanes and
Tnffons that writers make mention of in y e Indeas. It
began in y° morning, a litle before day, and grue not by
degrees, but came with violence in y e begining, to y : great
amasmente of many. It blew clowne sundry [211] houses,
& uncovered others; diverce vessells were lost at sea, and
many more in extreme danger. It caused y e sea to swell
(to y e southward of this place) above 20. foote, right up
& downe, and made many of the Indeans to clime into
trees for their saftie; it tooke of y e horded roofc of a
house which belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and
floted it to another place, the posts still standing in y c
ground; and if it had continued long without y e shifting
of y e wind, it is like it would have drouned some parte of
y e cuntrie. It blew downe many hundered thowsands of
trees, turning up the stronger by the roots, and breaking
the hiegher pine trees of in the midle, and y 1 tall yongc

* Saturday was the 15th of August. Bristol (Eng.), with one hundred pas-

Winthrop erroneously records it under sengers, among whom were Kichanl

the 10th. During this same tempest, Mather and Jonathan Mitchell, was met

Anthony Thatcher was shipwrecked in by this storrn in coming upon our co:u>*,

going from Ipswich to Marblehead in a and barely escaped destruction. >^o

bark belonging to Mr. Allerton, con- Young's Chronicles of Alassaehusenis

taining twenty-three persons, all but pp. -173-476, 485-495 ; Winthrup, 1.

two of whom perished. The James, of 1G4- 16G. — Ed.

43

338 HISTORY OF [book II,

oaks & walnut trees of good biggnes were wound like a
withe, very Strang & fearfull to behoulck It beganc in
y e southeast, and parted toward y c south & cast, and
vered sundry ways ; but y e greatest force of it here was
from y 10 former quarters. It continued not (in y e extrein-
itie) above 5. or 6. houers, but y e violence beganc to abate.
The signes and marks of it will remaine this 100. years
in these parts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered
a great eclips the 2. night after it.

Some of their neighbours in y e Bay, hereing of y e fame
of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind after it, (as
was before noted,) and now understanding that y e Indeans
were swepte away with y e late great mortalitie, the fear
of whom was an obstacle unto them before, which being
now taken away, they begane now to prosecute it with
great egernes. The greatest differances fell betweene
those of Dorchester plantation and them hear; for they
set their minde on that place, which they had not only
purchased of y e Indeans, but wher they had builte; i, -
tending only (if they could not remove them) that they
should have but a smale moyety left to y e house, as to a
single family; whose doings and proceedings were con-
ceived to be very injurious, to attempte not only to in-
trude them selves into y e rights & possessions of others,
but in effect to thrust them out of all. Many were y e
leters & passages that went betweene them hear aboute,
which would be to long here to relate.

I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by
their own agente from thence.

S r : &e. Y° Masschuset men are coming almost ciayly, some
by water, & some by land, who arc not yet determined wher to
setle, though some have a great mind to y e place we are upon,*
and which was last bought. Many of them look at that which

* A portion of the church at Dor- cut, and settled at this place, which
Chester, of which Mr. Warham was was afterwards called Windsor. Sec
pastor, removed this year to Connecti- page 340, notef. — Ed.

1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 331)

this river will not afford, excepte it be at this place which we
have, namly, to be a great towne, and have comodious dwell-
ings for many togeather. So as what they will doc I cannot
yet resolve yon; for this place ther is none of them say any
thing to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I
perceive their minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them.
I hope they will hear reason; as that we were here first, and
entrcd with much difficulty and danger, [212] both in regard of
y e Dutch & Indeans, and bought y e land, (to your great charge,
allready disbursed,) and have since held here a chargablc pos-
session, and kept y° Dutch from further incroaching, which
would els long before this day have possessed all, and kept out
all others, fcc. I hope these ec such like arguments will stoppe
them. It was your will we should use their persons & messen-
gers kindly, fc so we have done, and doc dayly, to your great
charge; for y° first company had well me starved had it not
been for this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to
supply 12, men for 9. days togeather ; and those which came
last, I entertained the best we could, helping both them (ec
y e other) with canows, & guids. They gott me to goe with
them to y e Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them to
have quiet setling nere them; but they did peremtorily wit"
stand them. But this later company did not once speak therof,
&c. Also I gave their goods house roomc according to their
ernest request, and M r . Pinchons letter in their behalfe (which
I thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what trouble
& charge I shall be further at 1 know not; for they arc coming
dayly, and I expectc these back againe from below, whither
they are gone to veiw y e countrie. All which trouble & charg
we under goe for their occasion, may give us just cause (in y c
judgmente of all wise & understanding men) to hold and keep
that we arc setled upon. Thus with my duty remembrcd, ecc.
I rest

Yours to be eomanded .

Johnnatha Brewster/
Matianuck, July 6. 1C35.

# Jonathan Brewster, the eldest son moved to New London, Conn. >co

of Elder Urewster, came over in the notices of him and his familv, in \\u\-

Fortune in 1G21. He removed to Dux- sor's Duxbury, pp. 235, ~ub\ and in

bury in 103'2, and was a prominent citi- Miss F. M. Caulkins's New London,

zen of that place. He afterwards re- pp. 276-278. — Ed.

340 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

Amongst y e many agitations that pased betweenc them,
I shal note u few out of their last letters, & for y e present
omittc y c rest, except upon other occasion I may have
fitter opportunity. After their thorrow veiw of y e place,
they began to pitch them selves upon their land & near
their house; which occasioned much expostulation be-
tweene them. Some of which are such as follow.

Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto yon, to agitate
& bring to an issue some maters in difference betwecne us, about
some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng; upon
which God by his providence cast us, and as we conceive in a
faire way of providence tendered it to us, as a meete place to
receive our body, now upon removall.

A.* We shall not need to answer all y e passages of your larg
letter, &c* But wheras you say God in his providence east you,
(fcc., we tould you before, and (upon this occasion) must now
ie]l you still, that our mind is other wise, and y l you cast rather
a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon that w ch is your neigbours,
and not yours ; and in so doing, your way could not be faire
unto it. Looke y l you abuse not Gods providence in such alle-
gations.

Theirs.

Now allbeite we at first judged y e place so free y l we might
with Gods good leave take & use it, without just offence to any
man, it being the Lords [213] wast, and for y e presente alto-
geather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded y e imploymente
therof, to y e right ends for whi/ch land was created, Gen : 1. 28.
and for future intentions of any, & unecrtaine possibilities of
this or that to be done by any, we judging them (in such a
case as ours espetialy) not meete to be equalled with presente
actions (such as ours was) much less worthy to be prefered
before them ; and therfore did w r e make some weake beginings
in that good worke, in y e place afforesaid.

Ans : Their answer was to this effecte.f That if it was

* Answer. — Ed. 1635, writes: "The Dorchester men

| Winthrop, under date of August, being set down at Connecticut, near the

1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 34.1

y e Lords wast, it was them selves that found it so, & not
they ; and have since bought it of y° right oweners, and
maintained a chargable possession upon it al this while,
as them selves could not but know. And because of
present ingagments and other hinderances which lay at
presente upon them, must it therfore be lawfull for them
to goe and take it from them % It was well known that
they are upon a barren place, wher they were by neccssitie
cast; and neither they nor theirs could longe continue
upon y e same; and why should they (because they were
more ready, & more able at presente) goe and deprive

Itliem of that which they had w lh charg & hazard pro-
vided, & intended to remove to, as soone as they could
& were able %

They had another passage in their letter ; they had
rather have to doe with the lords in England, to whom
(as they heard it reported) some of them should say that
they had rather give up their right to them, (if they must
part with it,) then to y e church of Dorchester, &c. And
that they should be less fearfull to offend y e lords, then
they were them.

Ans : Their answer was, that what soever they had heard,
(more then was true,) yet y e case was not so with them
that they had need to give away their rights & advcnturs,
either to y e lords, or them ; yet, if they might measure
their fear of offence by their practise, they had rather (in
that poynte) they should deal with y e lords, who were
beter able to bear it, or help them selves, then they were.

But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other
things, and come to the conclusion that was made in y°
endd. To make any forcible resistance was farr from
their thoughts, (they had enough of y t about Kenebeck,)

Plymouth trading-house, the Governor, whose right it was; and the Dutch sent

Mr. Bradford, wrote to them, complain- home into Holland tor comini^i*'" to

ingof it as an injury, in regard of their deal with our people at Connecticut.**

possession and purchase of the Indians, — Ed.

342 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

and to live in continuall contention with their freinds &
brethren would be uncomfortable, and too heavie a bur-
then to bear. Therfore for peace sake (though they con-
ceived they suffered much in this thing) they thought it
better to let them have it upon as good termes as they
could gett; and so they fell to treaty. The first thing y*
(because they had made so many & long disputs aboute it)
they would have them to grante was, y L they had right
too it, or ells they would never treat aboute it. The
which being acknowledged, & yeelded unto by them, this
was y e conclusion they came unto in y e end after much
adoc : that they should retaine their house, and have the
16. parte of all they had "bought of y e Indeans; and y e
other should have all y c rest of y e land ; leaveing such a
moyety to those [214] of New-towne, as they reserved for
them. This 16. part was to be taken in too places ; one
towards y e house, the other towards Ncw-townes proporr-
tion. Also they were to pay according to proportion,
what had been disbursed to y 6 Indeans for y e purchass.*
Thus was y e controversie ended, but the unkindnes not so
soone forgotten. They of New-towne delt more fairly,
desireing only what they could conveniently spare, from a
competancie reserved for a plantation, for them selves ;
which made them the more carfull to procure a moyety
for them, in this agreement & distribution.

* Winthrop, under date Feb. 24, same place; but, after, they desired to
1635-6, says: "Mr. Winslow of Ply- agree with them; for which end Mr.
mouth came to treat with those of Dor- Winslow came to treat with them, and
Chester about their land at Connecticut, demanded one sixteenth part of their
which they had taken from them. It lands, and £ 100, which those of Dor-
being doubtful whether that place were Chester not consenting unto, they brake
within our patent or not, the Plymouth off, those of Plymouth expecting to
men, about three years since, had treaty have due recompense after, by course
with us about joining in erecting a plan- of justice, if they went on. But divers
tation and trade there. Wo thought resolved to quit the place, if they could
not fit to do anything then, but gave not agree with those of Plymouth."
them leave to go on. Whereupon they Subsequently, as stated in the text, a
bought a portion of land of the Indians, settlement was made with the people
and built a house there, and the Dor- of Dorchester, " but the unkindness
Chester men (without their leave) were not so soon forgotten." — Ed.
now setting down their town in the

1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 343

Amongst y e other bussincsses that M r . Winslow had to
doe in England, he had order from y e church to provid
& bring over some able & fitt man for to be their minis-
ter. And accordingly he had procured a godly and a
worthy man, one M r . Glover; but it pleased God when he
was prepared for the viage, he fell sick of a fcaver and
dyed. Afterwards, when he was ready to come away, he
became acquainted with M r . Norton,* who was willing to
come over, but would not ingage him selfe to this place,
otherwise then he should see occasion when he came hear ;
and if he liked better else wher, to repay y e charge laid out
for him, (which came to aboute TO 11 .) and to 'be at his lib-
erty. He stayed aboute a year with them, after he came
over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by
them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many
rich & able men, and sundry of his aquaintance ; so he
wente to them, & is their minister. Aboute half of y c
charg was repayed, y e rest he had for y e pains he tooke
amongst them.

Anno Dom: 1636.

M R , Ed: Winslow was chosen Gov 1 this year.f

In y e former year, because they perceived by M r . Wins-
lows later letters that no accounts would be sente, they

* Morton, in the Plymouth church place April 5, 16G3. See Emerson's

Records, says that " Mr. Winslow met Hist, of the First Church in Boston,

with Mr. John Norton, who, it seems, pp. 88-98.

was then intended to come for New Winthrop notices Mr. Norton's nr-

England, and so did in the same ship rival under date of December, IG3.3. lie

Mr. Winslow came over in, with whom says he was coming to the Mussachu-

he had treaty concerning our case. He setts, and the ship wherein he was put

came into the harbor of Plymouth and into Plymouth by contrary winds, \\ bere

there arrived, it being the setting in he continued preaching to them all the

toward winter. He stayed until the winter. Winthrop, I, 175. — Ed.

March following, and then went into * The Assistants this year were

the Bay and returned no more, but en- W r illiam Bradford, Thomas Prence.

tertained an invitation to Ipswich, and William Collier, John Aldcn, Ti»i<.iby

after the death of Mr. Cotton he came Ilatherly, John Brown, and ^u*j hen

to Boston, and was teacher of the Old Hopkins. See Morton's Memorial,

Church until his death," which took under this date. — Ed.

344 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

resolved to keep y e beaver, unci send no more, till they
had them, or came to some further agreements At least
they would forbear till M r . "Winslow came over, that by
more full conferance with him they might better under-
stand what was meete to be done. But when he came,
though he brought no accounts, yet he perswacled them to
send y c beaver, & was confident upon y c receiteof y l
beaver, & his letters, they should have accounts y e nexte
year ; and though they thought his grounds but weake,
that gave him this hope, & made him so confidente, yet
by his importunitie they yeelded, & sente y e same, ther
being a ship at y e latter end of year, by whom they sente
1150^. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins, besids sun-
drie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, &c.
And this year, in y e spring, came in a Dutch man, who
thought to have traded at y e Dutch-forte; [215] but they
would not suffer him. He, having good store of trading
goods, came to this place, & tendred them to sell; of
whom they bought a good quantitie, they being very
good & fitte for their turne, as Dutch roll, ketles, &c,
which goods amounted to y e valew of 500 H ., for y e pay-
mente of which they passed bills to M r . Sherley in Eng-
land, having before sente y e forementioned parcell of bea-
ver. And now this year (by another ship) sente an other
good round parcell that might come to his hands, & be
sould before any of these bills should be due. The quan-
tity of beaver now sent was 1809 H . waight, and of otters
10. skins, and shortly after (y e same year) was sent by
another ship (M r . Langrume maister), in beaver 0719 H .
waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which M r .
Sherley thus writs.

Your letcrs I have received, witli S. hoggsheads of beaver by
Ed: Wilkinson, m r . of y° Falcon. Blessed be God for y c safe
coming of it. I have also seen & acceped 3. bills of exchaingc,
ifce. But I must now acquainte you how the Lords heavie hand
is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly in this cittie,

1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 345

with his jndgmente of y e plague. The last weeks bill was 1200.
& odd, I fear this will be more ; and it is much feared it will be
a winter sicklies. By reason wherof it is incredible y c number
of people y l are gone into y c can try & left y c citie. I am per-
swaded many more then went out y e last great sicknes ; so as
here is no trading, earriors from most places put downe; nor no
receiving of any money, though long due. M r . Hall ows ns
more then would pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in
y e cun trie, 60. miles from London. I write to him, he came up,
but could not pay us. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell
y e beaver at S 3 . p r pound, it would not yeeld money; but when
y e Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have
better & quicker markets ; so it shall lye by. Before I ac-
cepted y e bills, I acquainted M r . Beaehamp & M r . Andrews with
them, & how ther could be no money made nor received; and
that it would be a great discredite to you, which never yet had
any turned back, and a shame to us, haveing 1S00 U . of beaver
lying by us, and more oweing then y c bills come too, &c. J3nt
all was nothing; neither of them both will put too their finger
to help. I offered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their
answer they neither would nor could, &c. How ever, your bils
shall be satisfied to y e parties good contente ; but I would not
have thought they would have left either you or me at this time,
&c. You will and may expect I should write more, & answer
your leters, but I am not a day in y e weeke at home at towne,
but carry my books & all to Clapham ; * for here is y c miserablest
time y l I thinke hath been known in many ages. I have know
3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that which should
be a means to pacifie y e Lord, & help us, that is taken away,
preaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in West-
minster on y e saboth, nor in many townes aboute us; y c Lord
in mercie looke nppon us. In y e begining of y e year was a great
[216] drought, & no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all
was burnte up, haye, at 5 U . a load ; and now all raine, so as
much sommer come & later haye is spoyled. Thus y e Lord
sends judgmente after jndgmente, and yet we cannot see, nor
humble our selves ; and ther fore may justly fear heavier judg-
ments, unless we speedyly repente, & retume unto him, which

* A village in Surrey, in the suburbs of London, south-southwest from ilic
city. — Ed.

346 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

y e Lord give us grace to doc, if it be his blessed will. Thus
desiring yon to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest

Your loving friend,
Sep 1 : 14. 1636. James Sherley.

This was all y e answer they had from M r . Sherley, by
which M r . "Winslow saw his hops failed him. So they
now resoloved to send no more beaver in y l way which
they had done, till they came to some issue or other
aboute these things. But now came over letters from M r .
Andrews & M r . Beachamp full of complaints, that they
marveled y l nothing was sent over, by which any of their
moneys should be payed in ; for it did appear by y e ac-
counts sente in An 1G31. that they were each of them
out, aboute a leven hundered pounds a peece, and all this
while had not received one penie towards y e same. But
now M r . Sherley sought to draw more money from them,
and was offended because they deneyed him ; and blamed
them hear very much that all was sent to M r . Sherley, &
nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, for they
conceived that much of their moneis had been paid in, &
y* yearly each of them had received a proportionable
quantity out of y e larg returnes sent home. For they had
sente home since y l accounte was received in An 1631.
(in which all & more then all their debts, w th y l years
supply, was charged upon them) these sumes following.

Novbr is. An° 1631, By M r . Peirce 0400 li . waigbt of beaver, & otters 20.

July 13. An° 1632. By Mr. Griffin 134SH. beaver, & otters . . . H7.

An° 1633. By M*. Graves 3366". bever, & otters . . . 340.

Ano 1634. By M'. Andrews 3738«. beaver, & otters . . . 234.

An<> 1635. By M<\ Babb 1150**. beaver, & otters . . . 200.

June 24. Ano 1636. By M r .AVillkinson 1S09*». beaver, & otters . . . 010.

Ibidem. By M r . Langrume 0710**. beaver, & otters . . . 190-

12150*1* H5C.

All these sumes were safiy rceived & well sould, as ap-
pears hy leters. The coat heaver usualy at 20 s . p r pound,

* Not eorrectly east ; it should be 12530^. — Ed.

1636.] PLYMOUTH PLAKTATION. 3^7

and some at 24 s . ; the skin at 15. & sometimes 1G. I doe
not remember any under 14. It may be y e last year might
be something lower, so also ther were some small furrs
that are not recconed in this accounte, & some black
beaver at higer rates, to make up y e defects. [217] It
was conceived that y e former parcells of beaver came to
litle less then lOOOO* 1 . sterling, and y e otter skins would
pay all y e charge, & they w lh other furrs make up besids
if any thing wanted of y c former sume. When y e former
accounte was passed, all their debts (those of "White-
Angelle & Frendship included) came but to -iTTO' 1 . And
they could .not estimate that all y e supplies since sent
them, & bills payed for them, could come to above 2000".
so as they conceived their debts had been payed, with ad-
vantage or intrest. But it may be objected, how comes
it that they could not as well exactly sett downe their
receits, as their returnes, but thus estimate it. I answer,
2. things were y e cause of it ; the first & principall was,
that y e new accountante, which they in England would
needs presse upon them, did wholy faile them, & could
never give them any accounte ; but trusting to his memo-
rie, & lose papers, let things rune into such confusion,
that neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to
rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his ac-
counts, he desired to have such a time, and such a time of
leasure, and he would doe it. In y e intrime he fell into
a great sieknes, and in conclusion it fell out he could
make no accounte at all. His books were after a litle
good begining left altogeather imperfect; and his papers,
some were lost, & others so confused, as he knew not
what to make of them him selfe, when they came to be
searched & examined. This was not unknowne to M r .
Sherley ; and they came to smarte for it to purposs, (though
it was not their faulte,) both thus in England, and also
here; for they conceived they lost some hundreds ol
pounds for goods trusted out in y e place, which were lost

348 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

for want of clear accounts to call them in. Another rea-
son of this mischeefe was, that after M r . "Winslow was
scnte into England to demand accounts, and to exceptc
against y e AYhit-Angell, they never, had any price sent
with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce of them ; but
all things stood in confusion, and they were faine to
guesse at y e prises of them.

They write back to M r . Andrews & M r . Beachamp, and
tould them they marveled they should write they had sent
nothing home since y e last accounts ; for they had sente a
great deale; and it might rather be marveled how they could
be able to send so much, besids defraying all charg at
home, and what they had lost by the French, and so much
cast away at sea, when M r . Peirce lost his ship on y e coast
of Virginia.* "What they had sente was to them all, and
to them selves as well as M r . Shcrlcy, and if they did not
looke after it, it was their owne falts ; they must referr
them to M r . Sherley, who had received [218] it, to de-
mand it of him. They allso write to M r . Sherley to y e
same purposs, and what the others complaints were.

This yearf 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods
from y e Massachusetts of such as removed theither to
plante, were in an easterly storme cast away in coming
into this harbore in y e night; the boats men were lost,
and y e goods were driven all alongc y e shore, and strowed
up & downe at high-water marke. But y e Gov r caused
them to be gathered up, and drawn togeather, and ap-
pointed some to take an inventory of them, and others to
wash & drie such things as had neede therof ; by which
means most of y e goods were saved, and restored to y e
owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (going thith-
er likwisc) -was cast away near unto Manoanscusett,J and
such goods as came a shore were preserved for them.

# "Which latter was upwards of f Winthrop (I. 169) records this rni-
800 lhs. of beaver, and some otter skins, der the date of October 6, 1035. — Ed.
See p. 304. — Ed. J See page 231. — Ed.

1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 319

Such crosses they mette with in their beginings ; which
some imputed as a correction from God for their intui-
tion (to y e wrong of others) into y l place. But I dare not
be bould with Gods judgments in this kind.

In y e year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and warlike
people), who had made warrs with sundry of their neig-
bours, and, puft up with many victories, grue now at va-
rience with y e Narigansets, a great people bordering upon
them. These Narigansets held correspondance and termes
of freindship with y° English of y e Massachusetts. Now
y e Pequents, being conscious of y e guilte of Captain-Stones
death, whom they knew to be an-English man, as also
those y l 'were witlx him, and being fallen out with y
Dutch, least they should have over many enemies at once,
sought 'to make freindship with y e English of y fi Massa-
chusetts; and for y l end sent both messengers & gifts unto
them, as appears by some letters sent from y e Gov r hither.

Dear & worthy S r : &e. To let you know somwhat of our
affairs, you may understand that y e Pequents have sent some of
theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered much wampum
& beaver, &c. The first messengers were dismissed without
answer; with y e next we had diverce dayes eonferance, and
taking y e advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord
in it, we concluded a peace & freindship with thern, upon these
conditions : that they should deliver up to us those men who
were guilty of Stones death, &c. And if we desired to plant in
Conightecute, they should give up their right to us, and so we
would send to trade with them as our freinds (which was y c
cheefe thing we aimed at, being now in warr with y e Dutch and
y e rest of their neigbours). To this they readily agreed ; and
that we should meadiate a peace betweene them and the Nari-
gansetts; for which end they were eontente we should give the
Narigansets parte of y l presente, they would bestow on us (for
they stood [219] so much on their honour, as they would not he
seen to give any thing of them selves). As for Captein Stone,
they tould us ther were but 2. left of those who had any hand
in his death ; and that they killed him in a just quarell, for (say
they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound them, to make them

350 IIISTOUY OF [book II.

by force to shew him y e way up y e river ;* and he with 2. other
coming on shore, 9. Indcans watched him, and when they were
a sleepc in y e night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men ;
and some of them going afterwards to y e pinass, it was-suddainly
blowne up.f We are now preparing to send a pinass unto
them, &c.

In an other of his, dated y e 12. of y e first month, he
hath this.

Our pinass is latly returned from y e Pequents ; they put of but

litle comoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they

mean to have no more to doc with them. I have diverce other

things to write unto you, &c.

Yours ever assured,

Jo : Winthrop.
Boston, 12. of y e 1. month, 1634.t

After these things, and, as I take, this year,§ John'
Oldom, (of whom much is spoken before,) being now an
inhabitant of y c Massachusetts, went w lh a small vessell, &
slenderly mand, a trading into these south parts, and upon
a quarell betweenc him & y e Indeans was cutt of by
them (as hath been before noted) at an iland called by y e
Indeans Munisses, but since by y e English Block Iland.||
This, with y e former about the death of Stone, and the
baffoyling of y e Pequents with y e English of y e Massachu-
setts, moved them to set out some to take revenge, and
require satisfaction for these wrongs ; but it was done so
superfitially, and without their acquainting of those of
Conightccute & other neighbours with y e same, as they
did litle good.^[ But their neigbours had more hurt done,
for some of y e murderers of Oldome fled to y e Pequents,

* Ther is litle trust to be given to sailed along the coast in 1524, discov-

their relations in these things. ered an island, which from its descrip-

| See this same account in Winthrop, tion was probably Block Island. lie

L 148, related under date of November named it *' Claudia," in honor of the

G, 163-1. — En. mother of Francis I. It bears this name

J That is, March 12, 1634-5. — Ed. on Lock's map of 15S2, in Ilakluit's

§ In July. See p. 191, note. — Ed. Divers Voyages of that date. See

|| The discovery of this island is usu- Brodhead's New York, p. 57. — Ed.

ally attributed to Block, in 1614, whose «ft Endicott's expedition in August,

name it bears. But Verazzano, who 1636. See Winthrop, 1. 194, 195. — Ed.

1G37.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 351

and though the English went to y e Pequents, and had
some parley with them, yet they did but delude them, & *
y e English returned without doing any thing to purpose,
being frustrate of their oppertunitic to cut of some of y c
English as they passed in boats, and went on fouling, and
assaulted them the next spring at their habytations, as will
appear in its place. I doe but touch these things, be-
cause I make no question they will be more fully & dis-
tinctly handled by them selves, who had more exactc
Iknowledg of them, and whom they did more properly
concern e.

This year M r . Smith layed downe his place of ministric,
partly by his owne willingnes, as thinking it too heavic
a burthen, and partly at the desire, and by y° perswasion,
of others ; and the church sought out for [2*20] some
other, having often been disappointed in their hops and
desires heretofore. And it pleased the Lord to send them
an able and a godly man,* and of a meeke and humble
spirite, sound in y e truth, and every way unreproveablc in
his life & conversation; whom, after some time of triall,
they chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours
they injoyecl many years with much comforte, in peace, &
good agreemente.

Anno Dom: 163Tt

In y e fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly
upon y e English at Conightecute, in y° lower parts of y e
river, and slew sundry of them, (as they were at work in

* M r . John Reinor. [Mr. Rayner f This year, Governor Bradford wn"

remained with the ehureh at Plymouth again called to the office of chief ma»u>-

till 105-1, when he dissolved his con- trate, and Edward Winslow, Timothy

nection. He was afterwards settled at Hatherly, John Alden, William Colb '•

Dover, N, II., where he remained till Thomas Prenee, Miles Standi^i. and

his death, in 1GG9. See Plymouth John Jenny were ehosen A^i&ianj.-.

Church Records; Davis's ed. of the See Plymouth Colony Records. — hi».
Memorial, pp. 216, 217. —Ed.]

352 HISTORY OF [flOOK IT.

y e feilds,) both men & women, to y e great terrour of y c
rest ; and wente away in great prid & triumph, with many
high threats. They allso assalted a fort* at y e rivers
mouth, though strong and well defended ; and though they
did not their prevaile, yet it struk them with much fear &
astonishmente to see their bould attempts in the face of
danger; which made them in all places to stand upon
their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and ernestly to
solissite their freinds and confederals in y e Bay of Mas-
sachusets to send them speedy aide, for they looked for
more forcible assaults. M r . Vane, being then Gov r , write
from their Generall Courte to them hear, to* joyne with
them in this warr ; to which they were cordially willing,
but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some for-
mer things, as well, as presente, considerable hereaboute.
The which will best appear in y e Gov r answer which he
returned to y e same, which I shall here inserte.

S r : The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our
late Gov r is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have
wished I might have been at more freedome of time & thoughts
also, that I might have done it more to your & my owne satis-
faction. But what shall be wanting now may be supplyed here-
after. For y e matters which from your selfe & eounsell were
propounded & objected to us, we thought notfitte to make them
so publicke as y e cognizance of our Generall Courte. But as
they have been considered by those of our eounsell, this answer
we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) "Wereas you signifie
your willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against y e Pe-
quents, though you cannot in gage your selves without y c eon-
sente of your Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affec-
tion towards us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and

* At Saybrook, at the mouth of the building of houses, and for theeonstruc-
Connecticut River. John Winthrop, tion of fortifications there; and of this
Jr. returned from England in October, place he was constituted Governor for
1635, after about a year's absence, and one year. See Winthrop, I. 170, 173,
brought a commission from Lord Say, 174 ; Trumhull, 1. CI ; Gardner's Pe-
Lord Brook, and others, to begin a quot War, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., Ill-
settlement on this river. He was fur- 13G et seq. — Ed.
nished with men and means fur the

1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 3

"JO

arc willing to attend your full resolution, when it may most
seasonably be ripened. (2 ly .) Wheras you make this warr to be
our peopls, and not [221] to conceirne your selves, otherwise then
by consequence, we. do in parte conscnte to you therin ; yet we
suppose, that, in case of pcrill, you will not stand upon such
terms, as wc hope we should not doc towards yon ; and withall
we conceive that you lookc at y c Pequents, and all other ln-
deans, as a comone enimic, who, though he may take occasion
ofy e begining of his rage, from some one parte of y c English,
yet if he prcvaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to y c rooting
out of y e whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help,
we did it not without rcspecte to your ownc saftie, as ours.
(3 ly .) Wheras you desire we should be iugaged to aide you, upon
all like occasions ; wc are perswaded you doc not double of it ;
yet as we now dealc with you as a free people, and at libertie,
so as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise then
as reason may guid & provock you ; so we desire wc may be
at y e like freedome, when any occasion may call for help from
us. And wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide
you against y e French ; we conceive y e case was not alicke; yet
we cannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (4 !y .) Weras
you objecte that we began y e warr- without your privitie, &
managed it contrary to your advise; the truth is, that our first
intentions being only against Block Hand, and y e interprice
seeming of small diffieultie, wc did not so much as consider of
taking advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we
had resolved upon y e Pequents, we sent presently, or not long
after, to you aboute it; but y e answer received, it was not sea-
sonable for us to chaing our counsclls, exceptc wc had seen
and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed our
owne.

(5'y.) For our peoples trading at Kencbeck, we assure you
(to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us;
and what we have provided in this and like cases, at our last
Courte, M r . E. W. can certifie you.

And (6 ] y) ; wheras you objecte to us y l we should hold trade
& correspondancic with y e French, your encmise; we answer,
you are misinformed, for, besids some letters which hath passed
betweene our late Gov r and them, to which we were privie, we
have neither sentc nor incouraged ours to trade with them ; only
45

354 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

one vessell or tow, for y c better conveace of our letters, had
liceus from onr Gov r to saylc thither.*

Diverce other things have been privatly objected tons, by onr
worthy freind, wherunto he received some answer; but most
of them concerning y e apprehention of pertieuler diseurteseis,
or injueries from some pertieuler persons amongst us. It con-
cernes us not to give any other answer to them then this; that,
if y e offenders shall be brought forth in a right way, we shall
be ready to doe justice as y e case shall require. In the meane
time, we desire you to rest assured, that such things are without
our privity, and not a litle greeveous unto us.

Now for y e joyning with us in this warr, which indeed con-
cerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz. : the re-
leeving of our freinds & Christian [222] breethren, who are now
first in y e danger; though you may thinke us able to make it
good without you, (as, if y e Lord please to be with us, we may,)
yet 3. things we offer to your consideration, which (we con-
ceive) may have some waight with you. (First) y l if we should
sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of seasonable help
would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or se-
cure your selves ther, with 3. times y e charge & hazard which
now y e may. 2 ! >\ The sorrowes which we should lye under (if
through your neglect) would much abate of y e aceeptablenes
of your help afterwards. 3'>\ Those of yours, who are now full
of courage and forward nes, would be much damped, and so less
able to undergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is this, that
it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an end before
y e end of this somer, otherwise y e newes of it will diseourage
both your fc our freinds from coming to us next year; with
what further hazard fc losse it may expose us unto, your selves
may judge.

The (3.) thing is this, that if y e Lord shall please to blesse onr
endeaours, so as we end y e warr, or put it in a hopefull way
without yon, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people to-
wards yours, as will be hard to entertaine such opinione of your
good will towards us, as were fitt to be nurished among such
neigbours & brethren as we are. And what ill consequences
may follow, on botli sids, wise men may fear, & would rather
prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty salutations

* But by this means they did furnish them, &. have still continued to doe.

1G37.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 355

to you selfe, and all your counsel], and other our good freinds
with yon, Lrest

Yours most assured in y e Lord,

Jo : WiNTiinor.
Boston, y e 20. of y e 3. month,* 1637.

In y e mean time, the Pequents, espctially in y e winter
before, sought to make peace with y e Narigansets, and
used very pernicious arguments to move them therunto :
as that y e English were stranegers and begane to over-
spred their countrie, and would deprive them thciof in
time, if they were suffered to grow & increse ; and if y°
Narigansets did assist y e English to subdu'e them, they
did but make way for their owne overthrow, for if they
were rooted out, the English would soone take occasion
to subjugate them; and if they would barken to them,
they should not neede to fear y e strength of y e English ;
for they would not come to open battle with them, but
fire their houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for
them as they went abroad upon their occasions ; and all
this they might easily doe without any or litle danger to
them selves. The which course being held, they well saw
the English could not long subsiste, but thev would either
be starved with hunger, or be forced to forsake the coun-
trie-; with many y° like things; insomuch that y° Nari-
gansets were once wavering, and were halfe minded to
have made peace with them, and joyed against y e English.
But againe when they considered, how much wrong they
had received from the Pequents, and what an oppcrtu-
nitic they now had by y e help of y e English to right them
selves, revenge was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed
above all y e rest; so as they resolved to joyne with y c
English against them, & did. [223] The Court here t
agreed for with to send 50. men at their owne charg; and

* That is, the 20th of May, 1G37. f The Court which met June 7th

Winthrop refers to this letter", Vol. I. agreed to send sixty men under the coiu-

p. 219. He succeeded Vane as Gov- mand of Lieutenant William Holmes.

ernor on the 17th of this month. — Ed, Plymouth Colony Records. — Kd,

356 HISTOllY OF [book II.

w lh as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed,
and had made them ready under sufficiente leaders, and
provided a barke to carrie them provisions & tend upon
them for all occasions ; but when they were ready to march
(with a supply from y° 33ay) they had word to stay, for y e
enimy was as good as vanquished, and their would be no
neede,

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their pro-
ceedings in these things, because I expecte it will be fully
done by them selves,* who best know the carragc & cir-
cumstances of things ; I shall therfore but touch them
in generall. From Connightecute (who were most senci-
hle of y e hurt sustained, & y e present danger), they sett-
out a partie of men, and an other partie mett them from
y e Bay, at y e Narigansets, who were to joyne with them.
Y c Narigansets were ernest to be gone before y e English
were well rested and refreshte, espetially some of them
which came last. It should seeme their desire was to
come upon y e enemie sudenly, & undiscovered. Ther was
a barke of this place, newly put in ther, which was come
fromConightecutte, who did incourage them to lay hold
of y e Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forward-
nes as they, for it would incorage them, and expedition
might prove to their great advantage. So they went on,
and so ordered their march, as the Indeans brought them
to a forte of y e enimies f (in which most of their cheefe

* Of the narratives of the Pequot densed and perspicuous narrative by
war written by persons who were Dr. Trumbull, in his History of Con-
actors therein, may be mentioned necticut. — Ed.

those of Captain Mason, Captain Un- f This was Mystic fort, near the
derhill, Lieutenant Gardner, command- river of that name, a few miles east of
er of the Saybrook fort, and one bear- Fort Griswold. The attack was made
ing the name of P. Vincent. That on the morning of the 2Gth of May.
by Captain Mason, published by Prince The relation afforded by Governor
from the original manuscript, in 1730, AYiuthrop in the following letter has
may be considered the most valuable, reference, it will be seen, to a sub-
All these are published in the Col- sequent stage of their proceedings,
lections of the Massachusetts Jlistori- See Davis's ed. of the ^Memorial, pp.
cal Society. The original materials 189-190; Winthrop, I. 225; Trum-
rclating to this portion of New Eng- bull, I. 84 ; Mason's Brief History, p.
land history are wrought into a con- 10. — Ed.

1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 357

men were) before day. They approached y° same willi
great silence, and surrounded it both with English & In-
deans, that they might not breake out; and so assualted
them with great courage, shooting amongst them, and
entered y" forte with all speed; and those y l first entered
found sharp resistance from the enimie, who both shott
at & grapled with them; others rane into their bowses,
& brought out fire, and sett them on fire, which soone
tooke in their matts, &, standing close togeather, witli y c
wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were
bumte to death then was otherwise slain ; it burnte their
bowstrings, & made them unservisable. Those y l scaped
y e fire were slaine with y e sword ; some hewed to peeccs,
others rune throw with their rapiers, so as they wore
quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was con-
ceived they thus destroyed about 400. at this time. It
was a fearfull sight to see them thus frying in y e fyer,
and y e streams of blood quenching y° same, and horrible
was y e stinck & sente ther of; but y e victory seemed a
sweete sacrifice, and they gave the prays therof to God,
who had wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose
their enimise in their hands, and give them so speedy a
victory over so proud & insulting an enimie. The Xarigan-
sett ludeans, all this while, stood round aboute, but aloofu
from all danger, and left y e whole [22-1] execution to } u
English, exept it were y e stoping of any \ l broke away,
insulting over their enimies in this their ruine & miscrie,
when they saw them dancing in y e flames, calling them
by a word in their owne language, signifing, O brave Pe-
quents ! which they used familiarly among them selves in
their own prayes, in songs of triumph after their victories-
After this servis was thus happily accomplished, they
marcht to the water side, wher they mctt with some of
their vesells, by which they had refreishing with victunlls
& other necessaries. But in their march y° rest of y c Pe-
quents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to

358 JIISTORY OF [book II.

have some advantage against them by * reason of a neck
of land ; but when they saw the English prepare for
them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither did hurt, nor
could receive any. After their refreishing & repair to
geather for further counsell & directions, they resolved
to pursue their victory, and follow y e warr against y e rest,
but y 6 N^rigansett Indeans most of them forsooke them,
and such of them as they had with them for guids, or
otherwise, they found them very could and backward in
y e bussines, ether out of envie, or y l they saw y e English
would make more profite of y e victorie then they were
willing they should, or els deprive them of such advan-
tage as them selves desired by having them become tribu-
taries unto them, or y e like.

For*y e rest of this bussines, I shall only relate y e same
as it is in a leter which came from M r . Winthrop to y e
Gov r hear, as folio we th.

Worthy S r : I received your loving letter, and am much pro-
vocked to express my affections towards you, but straitnes of
time forbids me ; for my desire is to acquainte you with y e Lords
greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing against his & our
enimies; that you may rejoyce and praise his name with us.
About 80. of our men, haveing costed along towards y e Dutch
plantation, (some times by water, but most by land,) mett hear
& ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or tooke prisoners.
2. sachems they tooke, & beheaded ; and not hearing of Sassa-
cous, (the cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe
and find him out. He wente and brought them word wher he
was, but Sassaeouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was
gone, fled away with some 20. more to y e Mowakes, so our men
missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and ranging up &
downe, as y e providence of God guided them (for y e Indeans
were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not whither to guid
them, or els would not), upon y e 13. of this month, they light
upon a great company of them, viz. SO. strong men, & 200.
women & children, in a small Indean towne, fast by a hideous

* Be in manuscript. — Ed.

1637-3 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 359

swamp,* which they all slipped into before our men could gett
to them. Our captains were not then come togeither, but ther
was M r . Ludlow and Captaine Masson, with some 10. [225] of
their men, 6c Captaine Patrick with some 20. or more of his,
who, shooting at y e Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more
came soone in at y e noyse. Then they gave order to surround
y e swampe, it being aboutc a mile aboute ; but Levetcnante Da-
venporte & some 12. more, not hearing that eomand, fell into
y e swampe* among y e Indeans. The swampe was so thickc
with shrub-woode, & so boggie with all, that some of them
stuck fast, and received many shott. Levetcnant Davenport
was dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another
shott in y e head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to
have been taken by y e Indeans. But Sargante Rigges, & Jefiery,
and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse of y c Indeans
with their swords. After they were drawn e out, the Indeans
desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas Stanton, our inter-
pretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld them selves,
they should have their lives, all that had not their hands in y e
English blood. Wherupon y° sachem of y e place came forth,
and an old man or 2. & their wives and children, and after that
some other women & children, and so they spake 2. howers, till
it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them
againe, to call them forth ; but they said they would selle their
lives their, and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried
out, and been presently rescued, they had slainc him. Then onr
men cutt of a plaee of y e swampe with their swords, and cooped
the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could easier kill
them throw y e thickets. So they continued all y a night stand-
ing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and y e Indeans, coming
close up to our men, shot their arrows so thicke, as they peireed
their hatte brimes, & their sleeves, & stockins, & other parts of
their cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them as
not one of them was wounded, save those 3. who rashly went
into y e swampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so
as those of them which were left dropt away betweene our men,
though they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were prcs-
enly discovered, & some killed in y e pursnte. Upon searching
of y e swampe, y e next morning, they found 9. slaine, & some

* Within the present town of Fairfield. Trumbull, I. 90. — Ed.

360 HISTORY OF [1300K II.

they pulled up, whom y Indcans had buried in y e mire, so as
they doc thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did escape, for
they after found some who dyed in their flight of their wounds
received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of y c river.
and the rest to us. Of these we send y e male children to Ber-
muda,* by M r . William Peirce, & y e women & maid children
are disposed aboute in y e townes. Ther have been now slainc
& taken, in all, aboute 700. The rest are dispersed, and the
Indeans in all quarters so terrified as all their friends are affraid
to receive them. 2. of y e sachems of Long Hand came to M r .
Stoughton and tendered them selves to be "tributaries under our
protection. And 2. of y e Neepnctt sachems have been with me
to seeke our frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have y e wife
& children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest counte-
nance and behaviour. It was by her mediation that thef 2.
English [226] maids were spared from death, and were kindly
used by her; so that I have taken charge of her. One of her
first requests was, that the English would not abuse her body,
and that her children might not be taken from her. Those
which were wounded were fetched of soone by John Galopp,
who came with his shalop in a happie houre, to bring them
victuals, and to carrie their wounded men to y c pinass, wher our
cheek surgeon was, w th M r . "Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off.
Our people are all in health, ( y « Lord be praised,) and allthough
they had marched in their armes all y e day, and had been in
fight all y e night, yet they professed they found them selves so
fresh as they could willingly have gone to sucli another bussi-

nes.

• This is y c substance of that which I received, though I am
forced to omite many considerable circomstances. So, being in
much straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within this
4. days, and in them the Lord Lee and M r . Vane,) I hear brcake
of, and with harty saluts to, &c, I rest

Yours assured,

Jo: WlNTIlROP.

The 23. of y« 5. month } t 1637.

The captains rcporte we have slaine 13. sachems ; but Sassa-
couse & Monotto are yet living,

* But yey wcre carried to ye W esl- | Th(y in the manuscr i pt< _ En .
Indeas - % That is, the 2Sih of J uly. — Ed.

1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION, 3G1

That I may make an end of this matter : this Sassa-
couse (y e Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to y e ^low-
hakes, they cutt of his head, with some other of y e cheefe
of them, whether to satisfie y e English, or rather y e Nari-
gansets, (who, as I have since heard, hired them to doc it,)
or for their owne advantage, I well know not ; but thus
this warr tooke end. The rest of y° Pequents were wholy
driven from their place, and some of them submitted them
selves to y e Narigansets, & lived under them ; others of
them betooke them selves to y c Monhiggs, under Uncass,
their sachem, w lh the approbation of y e English of Couigh-
tecutt, under whose protection Uncass lived,* and lie and
his men had been faithful to them in this warr, & done
them very good service. Put this did so vexe the Xarri-
gansetts', that they Jiacl not y e whole sweay over them, as
they have never ceased plotting and contriving how to
bring them under, and because they cannot attaine their
ends, because of y° English who have protected them,
they have sought to raise a generall conspiracie against
y e English, as will appear in an other place.

They had now letters againe out of England from }[ r .
Andrews & M r . Beachamp, that ]\I r , Sherley neither had
nor would pay them any money, or give them any ac-
counte, and so with much discontent desired them hear to
send- them some, much blaming them still, that they had
sent all to M r . Sherley, & none to them selves. Now,
though they might have justly referred them to their for-
mer answer, and insisted ther upon, & some wise men
counselled them so to doe, yet because they belceved that
[227] they were realy out round sumes of money, (cs-
petialy M r . Andrews,) and they had some in their hands,
they resolved to send them what bever they had.* 3f r .
Sherleys letters were to this purpose : that, as they had
left him in y e paiment of y e former bills, so he had tould

* But staid it till y e next year.

46

3G2 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

them he would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they
should find it true. And he was as good as his word, for
they could never gctt pency from him, nor bring him to
any accounte, though M r . Beachamp sued him in y e Chan-
eerie. )3ut they all of them turned their complaints
against them here, wher ther was least cause, and who
had suffered most unjustly ; first from M r . Allerton &
them, in being charged with so much of y l which they
never had, nor drunke for ; and now in paying all, & more
then all (as they conceived), and yet still thus more de-
manded, and that with many heavie charges. They now
discharged M r . Shcrley from his agencie, and forbad him
to buy or send over any more goods for them, and prest
him to come to some end about these things.

Anno Dom: 1638.

This year M r . Thomas Prcnce was chosen Gov 1 ".*

Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them,
this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for rob-
ery & murder which they had committed; their names
were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and Richard
Stinnings ; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who was also
guilty, but he escaped away, and could not be found.
This Arthur Peach was y e chccfc of them, and y e ring
leader of all y e rest. He was a lustie and a desperate

* Mr. Prence was not again elected of* the first settlers of Easiham in 16-1-1,
ehief magistrate till the year of Governor at which place he continued to reside
Bradford's decease, in 1657. He was till 1665, when he returned to Ply-
then chosen, and continued in that office mouth. An ample notice of him and
by renewed election for sixteen consec- his family will be found in Davis's
utive years, till his death in 1673. He edition of the Memorial, pp. 421-405,
was then succeeded by Josiah Winslow. and in Moore's Memoirs of American
See Morton's Memorial, Governors. It appears that he left no

Governor Prcnce came over in the male descendants. The Governor nni-

Fortnne in 16*21, bein^ then about 21 formly wrote his name Prcnce, though

years of age. In 1624 he married Pa- Morton and others wrote it Prince.
tience, a daughter of Elder Brewster, The Assistants this year were Wil-

who died in 1631. In the next year he liam Bradford, Edward Winslow, Miles

married Mary, a daughter of William Standish, John Alden, John Jenny,

Collier, wk^surxiv:^d-4tim. lie was one John Aiwood, and John Brown. — Ed.

1G3S.J PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 3C3

yonge man, and had been one of y e souldicrs in y e Pe-
quente warr, and had done as good servise as y° most ther,
and one of y e forwardest in any attcmptc. And being now
out of means, and loath to worke, and falling to idle
courses & company, he intended to goe to y e Dutch plan-
tation ; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants
and apprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther
was allso of his secret going away in this maner ; he was
not only rune into debte, but he had gott a maid with
child, (which was not known till after his death,) a mans
servante in y e towne, and fear of punishmqnte made him
gett away. The other 3. complotting with him, raiic away
from their maisters in the night, and could not be heard
of, for they went not y e ordinarie way, but shaped such a
course as they thought to avoyd y e pursute [228] of any.
But falling into y° way that lyeth betweene y° Bay of Mas-
sachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest
them selves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of y c
way, by y e way side. At length ther came a Narigansett
Indean by, who had been in y e Bay a trading, and had
both cloth & beads aboute him. (They had mcctt him y e
day before, & he was now returning.) Peach called him
to drinke tobaco with them, and he came & sate downe
with them. Peach tould y e other he would kill him, and
take what he had from him. But they were some thing
afraid ; but he said, Hang him, rogue, he had killed many
of them. So they let him alone to doc as he would; and
when lie saw his time, he tooke a rapier and rane him
through the body once or twise, and tooke from him 5.
fathume of wampam, and 3. coats of cloath, and wente
their way, leaving him for dead. But he scrabled away,
when they were gone, and made shift to gett home, (but
dyed within a few days after,) by which means they were
discovered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For
they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, (not
thinking their facte had been known,) by y e sachems

36i HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

coinand they were carried to Aquidnett Hand, & ther ac-
cused of y a murder, and were examed & comitted upon it
by y e English ther. The Indeans sent for M r . Williams,
Sz made a greeveous complainte ; his freinds and kinred
were ready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto,
some conceiving they should now find y e Pequents words
trew: that y e English would foil upon them. But M r .
Williams pacified them, & tould them they should see
justice done upon y e offenders ; & wente to y e man, &
tooke M r . James, a phisition, with him. The man tould
him who did it, & in what maner it was done ; but y e phi-
sition found his wounds mortal!, and that he could not
live, (as he after testified upon othe, before y e jurie in
oppen courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both M r .
Williams, M r . James, & some Indeans testified in courte.
The Gov" in y e Bay were aquented with it, but refferrd
it hither, because it was done in this jurisdiction;* but
pressed by all means y l justice might be done in it; or
els y e countrie must rise & see justice done, otherwise it
would raise a warr. Yet some of y e rude & ignorante
sorte murmured that any English should be put to death
for-y e Indeans. So at last they of y e iland brought them
hither, and being often examened, & y e evidence prodused,
they all in the end freely confessed in effect all y l the In-
dean accused them of, & that they had done it, in y e maner
afforesaid ; and so, upon y e forementioned evidence, were
cast by y e jurie,j" & condemned, & executed for the same.

* And yet afterwards they laid elaime diction in the place where the murder

to those parts in y e eontroversie ahout was committed, neither had they at the

Seacunk. [Winthrop notices this horn- island any government established, it

ieide under date of August of this year, would be safer to deliver the principal,

Mr. Williams, of Providence, had writ- who was certainly known to have killed

ten to him, informing him of the arrest the party, to the Indians his friends."

of Peach and his companions at Rhode The grounds for the advice here given

Island, and desiring advice as to the as to the question of jurisdiction do not

disposition to be made of them. Win- correspond with the statement in the

throp *' returned answer, that, seeing text by our author. See the letter of

they were of Plymouth, they should Williams noticed above, in 3 Mass.

certify Plymouth of them, and if they Hist. Coll., I. 171-173. — Ed.]

would send for them, to deliver them ; f Sept, 4. [See Plymouth Colony

otherwise, seeing no English had juris- Records, under this date. — Ed.]

1638-3 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 3G5

And some of y e Narigansett In deans, & of y e parties freinds,
were presents when it was done, which gave them & all
y e countrie good satisfaction. But it was a matter of
much sadnes to them hear, and was y e 2. execution which
they had since they came;* heing both for wilfull mur-
der, as hath bene before related. Thus much of this mater.

[229] They received this year more letters from Eng-
land full of reneued complaints, on y e one side, that they
could gett no money nor accounte from M r . Sherley; & he
againe, y l he was pressed therto, saying he was to accounte
with those hear, and not with them, &c. So, as was be-
fore resolved, if nothing came of their last letters, they
would now send them what they could, as supposing, when
some good parte M T as payed them,- that !M r . Sherley & they
would more easily agree aboute y e remainder.

So they sent to M r . Andrews and M r . Beach amp, by M r .
Joseph Yongc, in y e Mary & Anne, 1325 H . waight of bea-
ver, clevided betweene them. M r . Beachamp returned an
accounte of his moyety, that he made 400 11 . starling of it,
fraight and all charges paid. But M r . Andrews, though
he had y e more and beter parte, yet he made not so much
of his, through his owne indiscretion ; and yet turned y e
lossf upon them hear, but without cause.

They sent them more by bills & other paimente, which
was received & acknowledged by them, in money J &
y e like ; which was for katle sould of M r . Allertons, and y Q
price of a bark sold, which belonged to y e stock, and made
over to them in money, 431- H . sterling. The whole sumc
was 1234 H . sterling, save what M r . Andrews lost in y c
beaver, which was otherwise made good. But yet this did
not stay their clamors, as will apeare here after more at
large.

It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse y e cuntry
with such access & confluance of people into it, as it was

* The oilier execution was that of f Being- about 40 li .
John Billington, in 1G30. See pages J And devided betweene them.
276,277.— Ed.

366 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

therby much inriehed, and catle of all kinds stood at a
high rate for diverce years together. Kine were sould
at 20 H . and some at 25". a peecc, yea, some times at 2S H .
A cow-calfe usually at 10 u . A milch goate at 3 U . & some
at 4?\ And femall kids at 30 s . and often at 40 s . a pcece.
By which means y c ancicnte planters which had any stock
begane to grow in their estats. Come also wente at a
round rate, viz. 6". a bushell. So as other trading begane
to be neglected ; and the old partners (having now forbid-
den M T . Sherley to send them any more goods) broke of
their trade at Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would fol-
low it no longer. But some of them, (with other they
joyncd with,) being loath it should be lost by discontinu-
ance, agreed with y c company for it, and gave them aboute
y e 6. parte of their gaines for it; [230] with y e first fruits
of which they builte a house for a prison ; and the trade
ther hath been since continued, to y e great benefite of y e
place ; for some well fore-sawc that these high prises of
corne and catle would not long continue, and that then
y e comoditics ther raised would be much missed.

* This year, aboute y e 1. or 2. of June,* was a great &
fearfull earthquake ; it was in this place heard before it
was felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or low mur-
mure, like unto remoate thunder; it came from y c norward,
& pased southward. As y e noyse aproched nerer, they
eirth begane to shake, and came at length with that vio-
lence as caused platters, dishes, & sucli like things as
stoode upon shelves, to clatter & fall downe ; yea, persons
were afraid of y e houses them selves. It so fell oute y l at
y e same time diverse of y e chcefe of this towne were mett
together at one house, conferring with some of their
freinds that were upon their removall from y e place, (as if
y e Lord would hcrby shew y e signes of his displeasure, in
their shaking a peeces & removalls one from an other.)

* Winthiop and Johnson notice this earthquake as occurring on the 1st of
June. — Ed.

1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH . PLANTATION. 367

How ever it was very terrible for y e time, and as y e men
were set talking in y e house, some women & others were
without y c clores, and y e earth shooke with y l violence as
they could not stand without catching hould of y e posts
& pails y l stood next, them ; but y c violence lasted not
long. And about haife an hower, or less, came an other
noyse & shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as
y e former, but quickly passed over ; and so it ceased. It
was not only on y e sea coast, but y e Indeans felt it within
land ; and some ships that were upon y e coast were shaken
by it. So powerfull is y e mighty hand of y e Lord, as to
make both the earth & sea to shake, and the mbuntaines
to tremble before him, when he pleases; and who can
stay his hand 1 It was observed that y° soiiiers, for divers
years togeather after this earthquake, were not so hotte &
seasonable for y e ripning of corne & other fruits as for-
merly; but more could & moyst, & subjecte to erly &
untimly frosts, by which, many times, much Indean corne
came not to maturitie ; but whether this was any cause,
I leave it to naturallists to judge.

Anno Dom: 1639. §• Anno Dom: 1640*

These 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them fell not
out many things more then y e ordinary passages of their
comone affaires, which are not needfull to be touched.
[231] Those of this plantation having at sundrie times
granted lands for severall townships, and amongst y e rest
to y c inhabitants of Sityate, some wherof issewed from
them selves, and allso a large tracte of land was given to

till bis decease, in 1G57. The Assist- for John Alden. See Plymouth Col
ants this year were Thomas Prence, ony Records. — Ed.

36S niSTOKY OF [book II.

their 4. London partners in y l place, viz. M r . Sherley, M r .
Bcacham, M r . Andrews, & M r . Hatlierley. At M r . Hather-
ley's request and choys it was by him taken for him sclfe
and them in y l place ; for the other 3. had invested him
with power & trust to chose for them. And this tracte of
land extended to their utmostc limets that way, and bor-
dered on "their neigbours of y e Massachusets, who had
some years after seated a towne (called Hingam) on their
lands next to these parts. So as now ther grue great dif-
ferance betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds,
and some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They
of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their peo-
ple, and measure & stack them out. The other pulled up
their stacks, & threw them. So it grew to a controversie
betweene the 2. governments, & many letters and passages
were betweene them aboute it ; and it hunge some 2. years
in suspense. The Courte of Massachusets appointed some
to range their Hue according to y e bounds of their patente,
and (as they wente to worke) they made it to take in all
Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on y c
other hand, according to y e line of y e patente of this place,
it would take in Hingame and much more within their
bounds.

In y e end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners
of each side, and to give them full & absolute power to
agree and setle y e bounds betwene them; and what they
should doe in y e case should stand irrevocably. One
meeting they had at Hingam, but could not conclude ;
for their comissioners stoode stiffly on a clawes in their
graunte, That from Charles-river, or any branch or parte
therof, they were to extend their limits, and 3. myles fur-
ther to y e southward ; or from y e most southward parte of
y e Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further. But they chose
to stand on y e former termes, for they had found a smale
river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in land
trended southward, and issued into some part of y l river

1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 3G9

taken to be Charles-river, and from y e most southerly part
of this, & 3. mile more southward of y e same, they would
rune a line cast to y e sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say
they) take in a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be
knownc y l though this patente & plantation were much
the ancienter, yet this inlargcmente of y e same (in which
Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs were
first to take place, before this inlargmente.* Xow their
answer was, first, that, however according to their owne
plan, they could noway come upon any part of their an-
cieante grante. [232] 2 Iy . They could never prove y l to
be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew not which was
Charles-river, but as y e people of this place, which came
first, imposed such a name upon y l river, upon which,
since, Charles-towne is builte (supposing y l was it, which-
Captaine Smith in his mapp so named).-]* Now they y l
first named it have best reason to know it, and to cxplame
which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles river,
as fare as it was by them navigated, and y l was as farr as
a b.oate could goe. But y l every runlett or small brookc,
y l should, farr within land, come into it, or mixe their

* The grant from the Council of the f " The River Charles " is laid down

territory of Massachusetts was made on Captain Smith's map, first published

March 19th, 1627-8. The charter of in 1616, in his Description of New

incorporation from the king was ob- England; but it is very evident that he

tained the next year, March 4th, 1628 never saw the stream which now bears

-9. The Warwick patent of New Ply- that name. He probably never entered

mouth, defining the boundaries of that Boston harbor, but shot across the bay.

colony, is dated January 13th, 1609-30. The Indians had told him of a river

In the first patent granted to the Ply- called the " Massachusetts River," and

mouth people, in 1621, their territorial he supposed he saw the mouth of it at

limits are not defined ; the planters had the bottom of the bay. In a later work

liberty to make choice of any land not he says : " I took the fairest reach in

already inhabited, or granted to others, this bay for a river, whereupon I called

The terms and conditions of the second it Charles River" ; but later visitors of

patent, surreptitiously obtained the next whom he is speaking, who had explored

year by Peirce, and assigned by him to the harbor, " find that fair channel to

the adventurers in 1603, are not known, divide itself into so many fair branches

If it ever came to the colony, it is not as to make forty or fifty pleasant islands

now extant. Sec pages 107, 139; within that excellent bay." See Smiths

Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, pp. Advertisements, &c, in 3 Mass. Hist.

2, 3, 23 ; Plymouth Colony Laws, Brig- Coll., III. 34. — Ed.
ham's ed., p. 23; 4 Mass. Hist. Coll.,
II. 156-163. — Ed.

i 47

370 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

strcmcs with it, and were by y e natives called by other &
diffcrente names from it, should now by them be made
Charles-river, or parts of it, they saw no reason for it.
And gave instance in Humbcr, in Old England, which
had y e Trentc, Ouse, and many others of lesser note fell
into it, and yet were not counted parts of it; and many
smaler rivers & broks fell into y e Trente, & Ouse, and no
parts of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions & nom-
inations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that they
had no east line in their patente, but were to begine at y e
sea, and goe west by a line, &c. At this meeting no con-
clution was made, but things discussed & well prepared
for an issue. The next year y e same coihissioners had
their power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate,
and concluded y e mater, as followeth.

The agreemente of i/ e bounds behoixte Plimoth and Massa-
chusetts.

Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by y e 2. jurisdic-
tions, y e one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John
Endecott, gent: and Israeli Stoughton, gent: the other of New-
Plirrioth Govermente, to William Bradford, Gov r , and Edward
Winslow, gent: and both these for y e setting out, setling, & de-
termining of y e bounds & limitts of y e lands betweene y e said
jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente age, but y e posteriiie
to come may live peaceably & quietly in y l behalfe. And for
as much as y e said comissioners on both sids have full power so
to doe, as appeareth by y e records of both jurisdictions ; we
therfore, y e said comissioners above named, doe hearby with one
consente & agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by these pres-
ents declare, that all y e marshes at Conahasett y l lye of y" one
side of y e river next to Hingam, shall belong to y e jurisdition of
Massachusetts Plantation ; and all y e marshes y l lye on y e other
side of y e river next to Sityate, shall be long to y e jurisdiction
of New-Plimoth ; excepting 60. acers of marsh at y e mouth of y e
river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe herby agree,
conclude, & detirmine shall belong to y e jurisdition of Massa-
chusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and

1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 371

conclude, y l the bounds of y e limites betweene both y° said juris-
ditions are as followcth, viz. from y e mouth of y e brook y l runcth
into Chonahasett marches (whicli we call by y e name of Bound-
brooke) with a stright & directe line to y e midle of a great ponde,
y l lyeth on y e right hand of y e uper path, or commone way, y l
leadeth betweene Waimoth and Plimoth, close to y e path as
[233] we goe alonge, which was formerly named (and still we
desire may be caled) Accord pond, lying aboute five or 6. myles
from Weimoth southerley ; and from thenee with a straight
line to y c souther-most part of Charles-river,* & 3. miles southerly,
inward into y e countrie, according as is exprcsed in y c patente
granted by his Ma tiG to y e Company of y c Massachusetts Plan-
tation. Provided allways and never y e less concluded & deter-
mined by mutuall agreemente betweene y e said comissioners, y l
if it fall out y l the said line from Accord-pond to y e sothenno.<t
parte of Charles-river, & 3. myles southerly as is before expresecl,
straiten or hinder any parte of any plantation begune by y Q
Gove rL of New-Plimoth, or hereafter to be begune within 10.
years after y e date of these ps m % that then, notwithstanding
y * said line, it shall be lawfull for y e said Gov* of New-Plimoth
to assume on y e northerly side of y e said line, wher it shall so
intrench as arToresaid, so much land as will make up y° quantity
of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch plantation be-
gune^ or to [be] begune as afforesaid ; which we agree, deter-
mine, & conclude to appcrtaine & belong to y e said Gov rt of
New-Plimoth. And wheras y e said line, from y° said brooke
which runeth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bonnd-
brooke, and y e pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere y e lands be-
longing to y e tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe thcrfore
hereby determine & conclude, that if any devissions allready
made and recorded, by either y e said townships, doe crose the
said line, that then it shall stand, & be of force according to y e
former intents and purposes of y* said townes granting them
(the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). And yi no towne
in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceede, but eontame them
selves within y e said lines expressed. In witnes wherof we,
the comissioners of both jurisdictions, doc by these presents
indented set our hands & seales y* ninth day of y e 4. month m

2

* Which is Charles River may still be questioned.

372 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

16. year of our sovcraine lord, king Charles ; and in y e year of
our Lord, 1640.*

William Bradford, Gov r . Jo: Endecott.

Ed: Winslow. Israell Stoughton.

Wheras y e patcnte was taken in y e name of William
Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes : To him,
his heires, and associats & assignes ; and now y e noum-
ber of free-men being much increased, and diverce toun-
ships established and setled in severall quarters of y 6
govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sand-
wich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe
after, Seacunke (called afterward, at y e desire of y e inhab-
itants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by y e Courte de-
sired that William Bradford should make a surrender of
y e same into their hands. The which he willingly did, in
this malier following.

Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others y e first instru-
ments of God in the begiiiing of this great work of plantation,
togeather with such as y e allordering hand of God in his provi-
dence soone added unto them, have been at very great charges
to procure y e lands, priviledges, & freedoms from all intangl-
ments, as may appeare by diverse & sundric deeds, inlargments
of grants, purchases, and payments of debts, &c, by reason
wherof y e title to y c day of these presents [234] remaineth in y e
said William Bradford, his heires, associats, and assignes : now,
far y c better setting of y e estate of the said lands (contained in
y c grant or pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first
instruments termed & called in sondry orders upon publick rec-
orde, Y e Purchasers, or Old corners;! wilncs 2. in spetiall, the

* This question of boundary between tended those who united in hiring- the

the two colonies was not finally settled trade of the colony for six years. 1 his

till the year 1CG4. See Records of is doubtless a misapprehension ; it being

Mass., IV, Part 2, pp. 114-110. — Ed. far more probable that by it is intended

f The record of December 1, 1G40, those who purchased from the Adven-

may be seen in Hazard, taken from the turers, at the expiration of the seven

Plymouth Colony Records, and a list of years' copartnership, all their interest

the names of the " Purchasers," fifty- in the plantation. The Purchasers, or

ei^ht in number, is subjoined to it. Old Comers, therefore, would embrace

Jud^e Davis expresses the opinion, that those who represented the colony at

by the term ; ' Purchasers 55 is here in- that time. All these names in Hazard

1639, 1640.] Plymouth plantation.

373

one bearing date y c 3. of March, 1639. the other in Des: the 1.
An 1640. whemnto these presents have spetiall relation &
agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other y°
freemen & inhabitants of y c said corporation. Be it knowne
unto all men, therfore, by these presents, that the said William
Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with y e said purehas-
sers, doe only reserve unto them selves, their heires, and assignes
those 3. traetes of land mentioned in y e said resolution, order,
and agreemente, bearing date y e first of Des: 1640. viz. first,
from y c bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles to y e eastward of Nacm-
schatet, and from sea to sea, erose the neck of land. The 2. of
a place called Acoughcouss, which lyeth in y c botome of y c bay
adjoyning to y e west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2. Tnyles to y c
westerne side of y e said river, to an other place called Acushente
river, which entereth at y e westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles
to y e eastward therof, and to extend 8. myles up into y e eoimtrie.
The 3. place,* from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with ,
Cawsumsett neck.) which is y e cheefe habitation of y e Indeans,

will be found in the list relative to the di-
vision of cattle in 1G27, with the excep-
tion of the names of six persons, who
sustained a different relation to the colo-
ny, but who, if not interested in the pur-
chase, were thought worthy to have a
place in this list. Those who hired the
trade of the colony for six years were
eight of the "cheefe " persons in the
plantation, who were called the " Un-
dertakers." They had before jointly
assumed for the colony the payment of
the 1800/. sterling for the purchase from
the Adventurers, and now entered into
this agreement for the purpose of ena-
bling them to discharge that obligation,
and also to furnish means to help over
some of their friends and brethren from
Leyden, who desired to be with them.
They assumed also all the other debts
which then lay upon the colony, esti-
mated at 000/. ; agreeing, besides, to
furnish to the colony annually the value
of 50/. in hose and shoes. There is no
evidence that the undertakers in the
colony ever exceeded the original num-
ber of eight. Four of their friends in
London, who were before interested as
adventurers, and whose names are
found on page '227, united in the part-
nership with them in the prosecution of

the trade, the history of which Bradford
has so minutely detailed in these pnges.
All the expenses incurred in procuring
their patent, as well as for the transpor-
tation of the two companies of Leyden
people, and everything else of that na-
ture, were borne by the undertakers.

Judge Davis appears also to have
misapprehended another point. In l&Jfi
Mr. AlleTlon was sent to England partly
to see if some composition could ho
made with the adventurers, in which
Captain Standish had made some prog-
ress the year before, and also to make
some provision for the colony, \vlm:h
was in a necessitous condition. He
carried with him a commission author-
izing him to hire the sum of 100/., for
the payment of which nine persons in
the colony became jointly bound. Judnc
Davis has mistaken this obligation lor
that assumed the next year by the un-
dertakers in agreeing to pay the 1S0U/.
for tlie purchase from the adventurers.
See pp. 210-214, 225, 228 ; Dave's
ed. of the Memorial, pp. 3m?, 3K». 1W-,
393, 403-405 ; Bradford's Leiter-lh.uk,
in 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., pp. 40, 00. — Kd,

* For the location of these resened
tracts, see Davis's edition of the Me*
mortal, p. 405. — Ed.

374 HISTOllY OF [book II.

co reserved for them to dwell upon,) extending into y° land 8.
myles through y e whole breadth tberof. Togeather with such
other small pareells of lands as they or any of them are person-
ally possessed of or intressed in, by vcrtue of any former titles
or grantc whatsoever. And y° said William Bradford doth, by
y e free & full eonsente, approbation, and agreemente of y c said
old-planters, or purchasers, together with y e liking, approbation,
and acceptation of y c other parte of y e said corporation, surren-
der into y e hands of y e whole eourte, consisting of y e free-men
of this corporation of New-Plimoth, all y l other right & title,
power, authority, priviledges, immunities, & freedomes granted
in y e said letters patents by y e said right Honb le Counsell for
New-England ; rcserveing his & their personall right of free-
men, together w lh the said old planters afforesaid, excepte y e said
lands before excepted, declaring the freemen of this corporation,
togeather with all such as shal be legally admitted into y e same,
his associats. And y e said "William Bradford, for him, his heiers,
6c assignes, doe hereby further promise and grant to doe & per-
forate whatsoever further thing or things, aete or actes, which
in him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente for y e bet-
ter confirming and establishing the said premises, as by counsell
lerned in y e lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised, when
he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the said Wil-
liam Bradford hath in publick eourte surrendered the said letters
patents actually into y e hands & power of y° said eourte, bind-
ing him selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignes
to deliver up whatsoever spctialties are in his hands that doe or
may concerne the same.

[235] In these 2. years they had sundry letters out of
England to send one over to end the buissines and ac-
counte with M r . Sherley ; who now professed he could not
make up his accounts without y c help of some from hence,
espetialy M r . Winslows. They had serious thoughts of it,
and y e most parte of y e partners hear thought it best to
send ; but they had formerly written such bitter and
threatening letters as M r . Winslow was neither willing to
goe, nor y l any other of y e partners should ; for he was
perswaded, if any of them wentc, they should be arested,
and an action of such a sume layed upon them as they

1G39, 1G40.] Plymouth plantation. 375

should not procure baele, but must lye in prison, and
then they would bring them to what they liste ; or other
wise they might be brought into trouble by y e arch-
bishops means, as y e times then stood. But, notwithstand-
ing, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine Stan-
dish was willing to goe, but they resolved, seeing they
could not all agree in this thing, and that it was waighty,
and y 9 consequence might prove dangerous, to take M r .
Winthrops advise in y e thing, and y e rather, because M r .
Andrews had by many letters acquaynted him with y e dif-
ferences betweene them, and appoynted him for his as-
signe to receive his parte of y e debte. (And though they
den eyed to pay him any as a debte, till y e controversie
was ended, yet they had deposited 110 H . in money in his
hands for M r . Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone as
he would come to any agreement w th y e rest.) But M r .
Winthrop was of M r . Winslows minde, and disswaded
them from sending ; so they broak of their resolution
from sending, and returned this answer: that the times
were dangerous as things stood with them, for they knew
how M r . Winslow had suffered formerley, and for a small
matter was clapte up in y e Fleete, & it was long before he
could gett out, to both his & their great loss and damage;
and times were not better, but worse, in y l respecte. Yet,
that their equall & honest minds might appeare to all men,
they made them this tender : to refterr y e case to some
gentle-men and marchants in y e Bay of y e Massachusetts,
such as they should chuse, and were well knowne unto
them selves, (as they perceived their wer many of their
aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them then
y e partners hear,) and let them be informed in y c case
by both sids, and have all y e evidence y l could be pro-
dused, in writing, or other wise ; and they would be
bound to stand to their determination, and make good
their award, though it should cost them all they had in
1 y° world. But this did not please them, but they were

376 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

offended at it, without any great reasone for ought I
know, (seeing nether side could give in clear accountes,
y e partners here could not, by reason they .(to their smarte)
were failed by y e accountante they sent them, and M r . Slier-
ley pretened he could not allso,) save as they conceived
it a disparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte
of y e place? and other concurring circomstances. So this
came to nothing; and afterward M r . Sherley write, y 1 if
M r . "Winslow would mett him in France, y° Low-Countries,
or Scotland, let y e place be knowne, and he [236] come
to him ther. But in regard of y e troubles that now be-
gane to arise in our owne nation, and other reasons, this
did not come to any effecte. That which made them so
desirous to bring things to an end was partly to stope y e
clamours and aspertions raised & cast upon them here-
aboute ; though they conceived them selves to sustaine
the greatest wrong, and had most cause of complainte ; and
partly because they feared y e fall of catle, in which most
parte of their estats lay. And this was not a vaine feare;
for they fell indeede before they came to a conclusion,
and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a month before
was "worth 20 H ., and would so have passed in any pay-
men te, fell now to 5 n . and would yeeld no more ; and a goate
that wente at 3 !1 . or 50 3 . would now yeeld but 8. or 10".
at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought
it would be by degrees ; and not to be from y e highest
pitch at once to y e lowest, as it did, which was greatly
to y e damage of many, and y e undoing -of some. An other
reason was, they many of them grew aged, (and indeed
a rare thing it was that so many partners should all live
together so many years as these did,) and saw many
changes were like to befall ; so as they were loath to
leave these intanglments upon their children and posteri-
tie, who might be driven to remove places, as they had
done ; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they dyed.
But this bussines must yet rest; y c next year gave it

1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 377

more ripnes, though it rcndred them less able to pay, for
y c reasons afforesaid.

Anno Dom\ 16-41.*

M R . Sherley being weary of this controversies and . de-
sirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to M r .
John Atwode and M r . William Collier, 2. of y e inhab-
itants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaintance, and
desired them to be a means to bring this bussines to an
end, by advising & counselling the partners hear, by
some way to- bring it to a composition, by mutuall agree-
mente. And he write to them selves allso to y l end, as
by his letter may apear; so much therof as concernse y e
same I shall hear relate.

S r . My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much con-
cerning y e ending of accounts betweexte us, as 1 profess I know
not what more to write, &c. If you desire an end, as you
secme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise ; that is, to
parfecte all accounts, from y e first to y e last, &c. Now if we
find this diffieulte, and tedious, haveing not been so stricte &
carefull as we should and oughte to have done, as for my
ownc parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to remisse,
and doe verily thinke so are you, &c. I fear you can never
make a perfecte accounte of all your pcty viages, out, & home
too & again e, &e. f So then y e second way must be, by biding,
or compounding ; [237] and this way, first or last, we must fall
upon, &c. If w T e must warr at law for it, doc not you expecte
from me, nether will I from you, but to cleave y c heare, and then
I dare say y e lawyers will be most gainers, &e. Thus let us set
to y worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways
suffer in my name & estate. And you are not free ; nay, y e gos-
pell suffers by your delaying, and causeth y c professors of it to

* The Assistants in the government Morton's Memorial, under this date,

this year were Edward Winslow, — Ed.

Thomas Prence, William Collier, Miles f This was but to pretend advantage,

Standish, Timothy Hatherly, John for it could not be done, neither did it

Brown, and Edward Freeman. See need.

48

378 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

be hardly spoken of, that yon, being many, & now able, should
combine & joync togeathcr to oppress & burden me, *S;c.
Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer; beleevc me, I will
never take any advantage to plead it against you, or to wrong
you; or else let M r . Winslow come over, and let him have such
full power & authority as we may ende by compounding; or
else, y e accounts so well and fully made up, as we may end by
reeoning. Now, blesed be God, y c times be much changed here,
I hope to see many of you return e to you r native countrie againe,
and have such freedome fc libertie as y c word of God prescribs.
Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now; God hath
miraculously confounded them, and turned all their popish 60
Machavillian plots & projects on their owne heads, &c. Thus
you see what is fitt to be done concerning our perticulere grcev-
ances. I pray you take it seriously into consideration ; let each
give way a litle that we may meete, &e. Be you and all yours
kindly saluted, &e. So I ever rest,

Your loving friend,

James Siierley.
Clapham, May IS. 1641.

Being thus by this leter, and allso by M r . Atwodes &
M r . Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an end,
(and y e continuall clamors from y e rest,) and by none more
urged then by their own desires, they tooke this course
(because many scandals had been raised upon them).
They apoynted these 2. men before mentioned to meet
t on a certaine day, and called some other freinds on both
sids, and M r . Free-man, brother in law to M r . Beachamp,
and having drawn e up a collection of all y e remains of y e
stock, in what soever it was, as housing, boats, bark, and
all implements belonging to y e same, as they were used in
y e time of y e trad, were they better or worce, with y c rc-
maines of all coihodities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth,
or any thing els, as well y e refuse as y e more vendible, with
all debts, as well those y l were desperate as others more*
hopefull ; and having spent diverce days to bring this
to pass, having y e helpe of all bookes and papers, which
either any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who

1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 379

was their accountante ; and they found y e sume in all to
arise (as y e things were valued) to aboute 1400 h . And
they all of them tooke a voluntary but a sollcm oath,
in y e presence one of an other, and of all their frends,
y e persons abovesaid y l were now presente, that this was
all that any of them knew of, or could remember ; and
Josias Winslow did y G like for his parte. But y° truth
is they wrongd them selves much in y e valuation, for
they reconed some catle as they were taken of M r . Aller-
ton, as for instance a cowe in y e hands of one cost 25 h .
and so she was valued in this accounte; but when she
came to be. past away in parte of paymente, after y e agrec-
mente, she would be accepted but at 4?\ 15 s . [238] Also,
being tender of their oaths, they brought in all they knew
owing to y e stock; but they had not made y e like dili-
gente search what y e stocke might owe to any, so as
many scattering debts fell upon afterwards more then
now they knew of.

Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreement©
betweene M r Atwode, on M r . Sherleys behalfe, and them
selves. The efFecte is as folloeth.

Articles of agreements made and concluded upon f 15. day
of October, 1641. fyc.

Injp: Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years agreed
upon betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard
Andrews, of London, marehants, and William Bradford, Edward
Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster,
John Aldon, & John Rowland, \v tU Isaack Allerton, in a trade
of beaver skines & other furrs arising in New-England ; iho
terme of which said partnership being expired, and diverse sumes
of money in goods adventured into New-England by y e said
James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and many
large returncs made from New-England by y e said William
Bradford, Ed: Winslow, &e. ; and differance arising aboute y e
charge of 2. ships, the one called y e White Angele, of Bristow,
and y e other y e Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended

380 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

in her, &c; which said ships & their viages, y e said William
Bradford, Ed: W. &c. conceive doe not at all appertaine to
their accounts of partnership; and weras y e accounts of y e said
partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley ap-
peare (through y G defaulte of Josias Winslow, y e booke keeper) ;
and weras y G said W. B. &c. have received all their goods for
y e said trade from the foresaid James Sherlcy, and have. made
most of their returnes to him, by conscnte of y c said John Bea-
champ & Richard Andrews ; and wheras also y e said James
Sherlcy hath given power & authoritic to I\I r . John Atwode,
with y c advice & consente of William Collier, of Duxborow,
for and on his behalfe, to put such an absolute end to y e said
partnership, with all and every accounts, rcconings, dues, claimes,
demands, whatsoever, to y G said James Sherlcy, John Beacham,
& Richard Andrews, from y e said W. B. &c. for and concerning
y e said beaver trade, & also y c charge y c said 2. ships, and their
viages made or pretended, whether just or unjuste, from y e
worlds begimng to this presente, as also for y c paimente of a
purchas of 1S00 H . made by Isaack Allerton, for and on y e behalfe
of y e said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of y e joynt stock, shares,
lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-England aforesaid,
as apeareth by a deedc bearing date y e 6. Nov br . 1627 ; and also
for and from such sume and sumes of money or goods as are
received by William Bradford, Tho: Prence, & Myles Standish,
for y e recovery of dues, by accounts betwexte them, y e said
James Sherly, John Bcachamp, & Richard Andrews, and Isaack
Allerton, for y c ship caled y e White Angell. Now y e said John
Attwode, with advice & counsell of y e said William Collier,
having had much comunication & spentc diverse days in agita-
tion of all y e said differances & accounts with y e said W. B.,
E. W., &c. ; and y e said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with y e
said book-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering
togeither y c remainder of y G stock of partnership for y° said trade,
and what soever hath beene received, or is due by y° said attor-
neyship before expresed, and all, and all manner of goods, debts,
and dues therunto belonging, as well those debts that are weake
and doubtfull [239] and desperate, as those y l are more secure,
which in all doe amounte to y e sume of 1400 H . or ther aboute;
and for more full satisfaction of y c said James Sherlcy, Jolni
Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and all y e rest
of y° abovesaid partners, togeither with Josias Winslow y*

1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 381

booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie oath, y l within y e said
sume of 1400 u . or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they
knew, to y e utmost of their rcmemberance.

In consideration of all which matters & things before ex-
pressed, and to y e end y l a full, absolute, and finall end may be
now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded, and love &
peace continued, it is therfore agreed and concluded betweene
y° said John Attwode, with y e advice & consent of y^ said
William Colier, for & on y e behalfe of y e said James Sherley, to
and with y e said W. B., &c. in maner and forme following: viz.
that y c said John Attwode shall procure a sufliciente release
and discharge, under y e hands & seals of y c said James Sherley,
John Beachamp, & Riehard Andrews, to be delivered fayer &
unconcealed unto y c said William Bradford, &e., their heircs,
executors, & administrators, & every of them shall be fully and
absolutly aquited & discharged of all actions, suits, reconings,
accounts, claimes, and demands whatsoever concerning y e gen-
erall stock of beaver trade, paymente of y e said 1800*'. for y e
purchass, and all demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or
unjuste, concerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and Frendship
aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever hath been received by y ft
said William Bradford, of y c goods or estate of Isaack Allerton,
for satisfaction of y e accounts of y e said ship called y e Whit
Angele, by vertue of a hec of attourney to him, Thomas Prcnce,
& Myles Standish, directed from y e said James Sherley, John
Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, for y l purpose as afforesaid.

It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said parties
to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c. shall now be
bound in 2400 [i . for paymente of 1200 i! . in full satisfaction of all
demands as afforesaid ; to be payed in maner & forme following;
that is to say, 400*\ within 2. months next after y c receite of the

• aforesaid releases and discharges, one hundred end ten pounds
wherof is allready in y c hands of John Winthrop senior of Bos-
ton, Esquire, by the means of M r . Richard Andrews afforesaid,
and 80 h . waight of beaver now deposited into y e hands of y e said
John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of y° said 400 fi .
and y e other SOO 11 . to be payed by 200 H . p r aiiume, to such as-
signes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in Plimoth or
Massachusetts Bay, in such goods & comodities, and at such
rates, as the countrie shall afford at y c time of delivery & pay-

1 mente ; and in y e mean time y e said bond of 2400**. to be de-

382 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

posited into y e hands of y c said John Attwode. And it is agreed
upon by & betweene y e said parties to these presents, that if
y e said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said re-
leases & discharges as aflbresaid from y e said James Sherley,
John Bacbamp, & Richard Andrews, at or before y e last day of
August next insuing y e date hear of, y l then y e said John Att-
wode shall, at y e said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to
[240] be delivered unto y e said W. B., E. W., &c. their said
bond of 2400 H . and y e said S0 n . waight of beaver, or y e due valew
therof, without any fraud or further delay ; and for performance
of all <fc singnler y e covenants and agreements hearin contained
and expressed, which on y e one parte and behalfe of y c said
James Sherley are to be observed & performed, ehall become
bound in y e - suiiie of 2400 H . to them, y e said William Bradford,
Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William
Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland. And it is lastly
agreed upon betweene ,y e said parties, that these presents shall
be left in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in y e hands of M r .
John Reanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all y e
said parties have hereunto severally sett their hands, y c day and
year first above writen.

John Atwode, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, &c.

In y e presence of Edmond Freeman,
William Thomas,
William Pady,
Natiianiell Souther.

The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to
some issue, as will then appearc, though not to a finall
ende with all y e parties ; but thus much for y e presente.

I had forgoten to inserte in its place how y e church
here had invited and sent for M r . Charles Chansey,* a
reverend, godly, and very larned man, intending upon
triall to chose him pastor of y e church hear, for y e more
comfortable performance of y e ministrie with M r . John Eei-
nor, the teacher of y e same. But ther fell out some differ-
ance aboute baptising, he holding it ought only to be by

# M r . Chancey came to them in ye year 1638. and staid till y c later part of
this year 1G41.

1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 383

diping, and putting y e whole body under water, and that
sprinkling was unlawfull. The church yeelded that im-
mersion, or dipping, was lawfull, but in this could coun-
trie not so convenicnte. But they could not nor durst not
yeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which all y° churches
of Christ doe for y e most parte use at this day) was un-
lawfull, & ah humane invention, as y e same was prcst ;
but they were willing to yeeld to him as far as y cy could,
& to y e utmost ; and were contented to suffer him to prac-
tise as he was perswaded ; and when he came to minister
that ordnance, he might so doe it to any y l did desire it in
y l way, provided he could peacably suffer M r . Eeinor, and
such as desired to have theirs otherwise baptised by him,
by sprinkling or powering on of water upon them ; so as
ther might be no disturbance in y c church hereaboute.
But he said he could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the
church procured some other ministers to dispute y° pointe
with him publikly; as M r . Ealfe Partrich,* of Duxberic,
who did it sundrie times, very ablie and snfficently, as
allso some other ministers within this govermente. But
he was not satisfied ; so y e church sent to many other
churches to crave their help and advise in [2-il] this
mater, and, with his will & consente, sent them his argu-
ments writen under his owne hand. They sente them (o
y e " church at Boston in y e Bay of Massachusets, to be
comunicated with other churches ther. Also they sent
the same to y e churches of Conightecutt and New-Haven,
with sundrie others ; and received very able & sufficent
answers, as they conceived, from them and their lamed

* Mr. Partridge was the first minis- gation, so afraid of bein# anything that

ter of Duxbury. lie was settled over looked like a bird wandering from his

the church there in 1G37. He arrived jiest, that he remained with "his poor

at Boston, November 17, 1036. Mather people till he took whig to become a

has honored him with a brief notice in bird of Paradise, alon£ with the win ceil

his Magnalia, and has exercised his serap/um of heaven." He died at a

punning propensities upon his name, good old age, in 1658. Sec also Win-

" M r . Partridge was, notwithstanding sor's Duxbury, pp. 171 - ITS ; Win-

lhe paucity and poverty of his congre- throp, I. 205. — Ed.
t

384 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

ministers, who all concluded against him. But him selfe
was not satisfied thenv lh . Their answers are too large
hear to relate. They conceived y e church had done what
was meete in y e thing, so M r . Chansey, having been y°
most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate,
wher he now remaines a minister to y e church ther.*
Also about these times, now y l catle & other things be-
gane greatly to fall from their former rates, and persons
begane to fall into more straits, and many being allready
gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to Duxberie,
Marshfeeld, and other places, & those of y e cheefe sorte,
as M r . Winslow, Captaine Standish, M r . Allden, and many
other, & stille some dropping away daly, and some at
this time, and many more unsetled, it did greatly weaken
y e place, and by reason of y e straitnes and barrennes of y e
place, it sett y e thoughts of many upon removeall ; as will
appere more hereafter.

Anno Dom: 1642.*j*

Marvilous it may be to see and consider how some
kind of wickednes did grow & breake forth here, in a

land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and
so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it was

t

* Mr. Chauney was elected pastor Mr. Chauney, and had it baptized
of the church of Scituate in 1641, where there." In 1654, the Overseers of
he remained till 1654. He still retained Harvard College offered Mr. Chauney
the views maintained at Plymouth on the Presidency of that institution,
the subject of baptism. Winthrop, in which he accepted, and there remained
1642, says: "Mr. Chauney of Scituate till his death, in. 1671-2. See ample
persevered in his opinion of dipping in notices of him in Mather's Magnalia,
baptism, and practised accordingly ; Book 111. Chap. 23 ; Quincy's History
first upon two of his own, which being of Harvard College, I. pp. 24, 27 ;
in very cold weather, one of them Deane's Scituate, pp. 172- 179. — Ed.
swooned away. Another, having a j The Assistants in the govern-
child about three years old, feared it ment this year were Edward Wins-
would be frightened (as others had low, Thomas Prence, William Collier,
been, and one caught hold of Mr. Timothy Ilatherly, John Brown, Wil-
Chauncy, and had near pulled him into liam Thomas, and Edmond Ereeman.
the water). She brought her child to See Morton's Memorial, under this
Boston, with letters testimonial from year. — Ed.

1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 385

knowne ; as in no place more, or so much, that I have
known or heard of; insomuch as they have been some-
what censured, even by moderate and good men, for
their severitie in punishments. And yet all this could
not suppress y e breaking out of sundrie notorious sins,
(as this year, besids other, gives us too many sad presi-
dents and instances,) espetially drunkennes and unclain-
nes; not only incontinencie betweene persons unuiaried,
for which many both men & women have been punished
sharply enough, but some maried persons allso. But that
which is worse, even sodomie and bugerie, (things fear-
full to name,) have broak forth in this land, oftener then
once. I say it may justly be marveled at, and cause us to
fear & tremble at the consideration of our corrupte natures,
which are so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay,
cannot by any other means but y e powerfull worke &
grace of Gods spirite. But (besids this) one reason may
be, that y e Divell may carrie a greater spite against the
churches of Christ and y e gospell hear, by how much y e
more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie
amongst them, and strictly punisheth the contrary when
it ariseth either in church or comone wealth; that he
might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon them in y° eyes
of [y e ] world, who use to be rash in judgmente. I would
rather think e thus, then that Satane hath more power
in these heathen lands, as som have thought, then in
more Christian nations, espetially over Gods servants in
them.

2. An other reason may be, that it may be in this case
as it is with waters when their streames are stopped or
darned up, when they gett passage they flow with more
violence, and make more noys and disturbance, then when
they are suffered to rune quietly in their owne chanels.
So wikednes being here more stopped by strict laws,
and y e same more nerly looked unto, so as it cannot rune
in a comone road of liberty as it would, and is inclined,
49

3S6 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

it searches every wher, and at last breaks out wher it getts
ventc.

3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily pcrswaded)
is not more evills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many
by proportion, as in other places ; but they are here more'
discoverd and seen, and made publick by due serch, in-
quisition, nnd due punishment; for y e churches looke
narrowly to their members, and y e magistrats over all,
more strictly then in other places. Besids, here the
people are but few in comparison of other places, which
are full & populous, and lye hid, as it were, in a M r ood
or thickett, and many horrible evills by y l means are never
seen nor knowne; wdreras hear, they are, as it were,
brought into y e light, and set in y e plaine feeld, or rather
on a hill, made conspicuous to y e veiw of all.

But to proceede ; ther came a letter from y e Gov r in y°
Bay to them here, touching matters of y e forementioned
nature, which because it may be usefull I shall hear re-
late it, and y e passages ther aboute.

S r : Having an opportunitie to signifie y e desires of our Gcn-
erall Court in toow things of spctiall importance, I willingly
take this occasion to imparte them to you, y L you may imparte
them to y e rest of your magistrals, and also to your Elders, for
counscll; and give us your advise in them. The first is" con-
cerning heinous offences in point of uncleannes; the perticuler
cases, with y e circomstanccs, and y e questions ther upon, you
have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is concerning y e Ilanders at
Aquidnett ; y l seeing the cheefest of them are gone from us, in
offences, either to churches, or comone welth, or both ; others
are dependants on them, and y e best sorte are such as close
with them in all their rejections of us. Neither is it only
in a faction y l they are devided from us, but in very deed
they rend them selves from all y e true churches of Christ,
and, many of them, from all y e powers- of majestracie. We
have had some experience hereof by some of their under-
worked, or emissaries, who have latly come amongst us,*

* The persons here alluded to are doubtless Francis Hutchinson and Mr.

1642.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

387

and have made publick defiance against magistraeie, minis-
trie, churches, & church covenants, &c. as antichristian ; se-
cretly also sowing y e seeds of Familisme, and Anabaptistrie,
to y e infection of some, and danger of others ; so that we are
not willing to joyne with them in any league or confederacie
at all, but rather that you would consider & advise with us
how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from being infected
by them. Another thing I should mention to you, for y e main-
tenance of y e trad of beaver; if thcr be not a company to order
it in every jurisdition among y e English, which companies
should agree in generall of their way in trade, I supose that
y e trade will be overthrowne, and y e Indeans will abuse us. For
this cause we have latly put it into order amongst us, hoping of
ineouragmente from you (as we have had) y l we may continue
y e same.* Thus not further to trouble you, I rest, with my
loving remembrance to your selfe, ccc.

Your loving friend,
Boston, 28. (1.) 1642. Hi: Bellingham.

The note inclosed follows on y e other side.j*

Collins, a son and son-in-law of the
eelebrated Mrs. Hutchinson who was
banished from Massachusetts in the
early part of the year 1G38. They vis-
ited Boston during the last year, where
they were arrested, fined, and impris-
oned ; and, proving Tefraetory, they
were finally " dismissed. " In 1644, at
the November session of the General
Court, this colony passed a law, by
which all wilful and obstinate opposers
of the baptizers of infants should be
banished. See the judicious note of
Mr. Savage on this, in Winthrop, II.
174. An excellent history of what is
called the " Antinomian Controversy"
in Massachusetts, is given by the Rev.
G. E. Ellis, in a Memoir of Mrs. Hutch-
inson, in Sparks's American Biogra-
phy. Winthrop and Weld were strong-
ly opposed to this lady, and this should
be borne in mind in reading their narra-
tives relating to this subject. The au-
thor of a book entitled A Glass for
the People of Xew England, " By S.
G[room]," who appears to have had
some original minutes of the trial of
Mrs. Hutchinson, and of Wheelwright's
* 4 seditious " sermon, is very severe upon
the authorities of the colony for their

treatment of these persons. See Win-
throp, II. 38-40 ; Records of Massa-
chusetts, II. 85. — Ed.

* At the General Court, the June
previous, " to prevent the great disorder
in the beaver trade, " the Massachusetts
government farmed the trade in furs
with the Indians to a few persons, for
three years, who were, " to give into
the treasury the twentieth part of all
the furs by them so traded." See
Records of Mass., I. 322, 3*23. — Ed.

f A leaf is here wanting in the origi-
nal manuscript, it having been cut out.
Prince has the following memorandum
on a blank leaf at the commencement of
the volume: " Page -43 missing when
the book came into my hands at first."
It will be remembered that the original
narrative was written on one side only
of the leaf. The folio wanting con-
tained the questions inclosed by Gov-
ernor Bellingham, with, probably, a re-
cital of the occasion on which they
arose, of which Winthrop gives a suf-
ficiently minute account. If five or six
more of the original folios following had
shared the fate of the one now missing,
no serious loss would have been sus-
tained. — Ed.

388 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

[244] Worthy & beloved S r :

Your letter (with y e questions inclosed) I have comnnicated
with our Assistants, and we have refered y e answer of them to
such Kevc d Elders as are amongst us, some of whose answers
thcrtoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their owne hands ;
from y e rest we have not yet received any. Our farr distance
hath bene y e reason of this long delay, as also y l they could not
conferr their counsells togeather.

For our selves, (you know our breedings & abillities,) we
rather desire light from your selves, & others, whom God hath
better inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in cases
so difficulte and of so high a nature. Yet under correction, and
submission to better judgments, we propose this one thing to
your prudent considerations. As it seems to us, in y e case even
of willfull murder, that though a man did smite or wound an
other, with a full pourpose or desire to. kill him, (w ch is mur-
der in a' high degree,, before God,) yet if he did not dye, the
magistrate was not to take away y e others life,* So by propor-
tion in other grosse & foule sines, though high attempts & nere
approaches to y e same be made, and such as in the sight &
account of God may be as ill as y e accomplishmente of y e foul-
est acts of y l sine, yet we doute whether it may be safe for y e
magistrate to proceed to death ; we thinke, upon y e former
grounds, rather he may not. As, for instance, in y e case of
adultrie, (if it be admitted y l it is to be punished w th death,
which to some of us is not cleare,) if y e body be not actually
defiled, then death is not to be inflicted. So in sodomie, & beas-
tialitie, if ther be not penetration. Yet we confess foulnes of
ckcomstances, and frcquencie in y e same, doth make us remaine
in y e darke, and desire further light from you, or any, as God
shall give.

As for y e 2. thing, concerning y e Ilanders? w T e have no con-
versing with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie or
humanity may require.

And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin
held an orderly course, & have been sory to see y e spoyle therof
by others, and fear it will hardly be recovered. But in these, or
any other things which may concerne y e coiiione good, we shall
be willing to advise & concure with you in what we may.

* Exod: 21.22. Deu : 19. 11. Num: 35.16. 18.

j

I

1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 389

Thus \v th my love remembered to your selfe, and y e rest of our
worthy friends, your Assistants, I take leave, & rest,

Your loving friend,

W. B.
Plim: 17.3. month, 1642.

Now follows y e ministers answers. And first M r . Rey-
nors.

Qest: What sodmiticall acts are to be punished with death,
& what very facte (ipso faeto) is worthy of death, or, if y° fact
it selfe be not eapitall, what circomstances concurring may
make it eapitall ?

Ans: In y e judiciall law (y e moralitic. wherof concemeth us)
it is manyfest y l carnall knowledg of man, or lying w th man, as
with woman, eurn penetratione corporis, was sodomie, to be
punished with death; what els can be understood by Levit:
18. 22. & 20. 13. & Gen : 19. 5? 2*. It seems allso y* this foule
sine might be eapitall, though ther was not penitratio corporis,
but only eontactus & fricatio usq, ad efiusionem seminis, for
these reasons: [245] 1. Because it was sin to be punished with
death, Levit. 20. 13. in y e man who was lyen withall, as well as
in him y l lyeth with him; now his sin is not mitigated wher
ther is not penitration, nor augmented wher it is; wheras its
charged upon y e women, y l they were guilty of this umiaturall
sine, as well as men, Rom. 1. 26. 27. Y e same thing doth furdcr
apeare, 2. because of y l proportion betwexte this sin & beas-
tialitie, wherin if a woman did. stand before, or aproaeh to, a
beast, for y l end, to lye downe therto, (whether penetration was
or not,) it was eapitall, Levit: 18. 23. & 20. 16. 3 ly . Because
something els might be equivalent to penetration wher it had
not been, viz. y e fore mentioned acts with frequencie and long
continuance with a high hand, utterly extinguishing all light of
nature; besids, full intention and bould attempting of y e foulest
acts may seeme to have been eapitall here, as well as coming
presumptuously to slay with guile was eapitall. Exod : 21. 14.

Yet it is not so manyfest y l y e same acts were to be punished
with death in some other sines of uncleanncs, w ch yet by y e law
of God were eapitall crimes ; besids other reasons, (1.) because
sodomie, & also beastialitie, is more against y e light of nature
then some other eapitall crimes of unelainnes, which reason is

390 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

to be attended unto, as y l which most of all made this sin capi-
tall ; (2.) because it might be coiiiited with more secrecie & less
suspition, & therfore needed y e more to be restrained & sup-
posed by y e law ; (3'>) because ther was not y e like reason & de-
gree of sining against family & posteritie in this sin as in some
other capitall sines of uncleannes.

2. Quest: How fan* a magistrate may extracte a confession
from a dclinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime, seeing
Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum.

Ans : A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligente in-
quision into y e cause brought before him. Job 29. 16. Pro: 24.
11. 12. & 25. 2. (2^.) If it be manifest y l a capitall crime is
committed, & y l comone reporte, or probabilitie, suspition, or
some complainte, (or y e like,) be of this or y l person, a magis-
trate ought to require, and by all due means to procure from
y e person (so farr allready bewrayed) a naked confession of
y e fact, as apears by y l which is morall & of perpetuall equitie,
both in y e case of uneertaine murder, Deut: 21. 1. 9. and slan-
der, Deut: 22. 13. 21; for though nemo tenetur .prodere seipsum,
yet by that w ch may be known to y e magistrat by y e forenamed
means, he is bound thus to doe, or els he may betray his coun-
trie & people to y e heavie displeasure of God, Levit: IS. 24. 25.
Jos: 22. 18. Psa: 106. 30; such as are ifiocente to y e sinfull,
base, cruell lusts of y e profane, & such as are delinquents, and
others with them, into y e hands of y b stronger temptations, &
more bouldness, & hardncs of harte, to coiliite more & worse
villany, besids all y e guilt & hurt he will bring upon him selfe.
(3 Iy .) To inflicte some punish me nte meerly for this reason, to
exlracte a confTession of a capitall crime, is contrary to y e nature
of vindictive justice, which always hath respecte to a know
crime coinitited by y e person punished ; and it will therfore, for
any thing which can before be knowne, be y e provoeking and
forcing of wrath, compared to y e wringing of y e nose, Pro: 30.
33. which is as well forbiden y e fathers of y e countrie as of y e
family, Ephe. 6. 4. as produsing many sad & dangerous effects.
That an oath (ex officio) for such a purpose is no due means,
hath been abundantly proved by y e godly learned, & is well
known.

Q. 3. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other
circomstances shall be sufliciente to convince ? or is ther no
conviction without 2. wiincses?

1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 391

Ans: In taking away y e life of man, one witnes alone will
not suffice, ther must be tow, or y L which is instar ; y e texts arc
manifest, Numb : 35, 30. Deut : 17. 6. & 19. 15. 2*. Thcr may
be conviction by one witnes, & some thing y l hath y c force of
another, as y e evideneie of y c faet done by such an one, & not an
other; unforced confession when thcr was no fear or danger of
suffering for y e fact, hand writings acknowledged & confessed.

John Reynor.

M r . Partrich his writing, in ans: to y e questions.

[246] What is y l sodomiticall acte which is to be punished
with death ?

Though I conceive probable y l a voluntary effusion of seed per
modum cohcubitus of man with man, as of a man with woman,
though in coneubitu ther be not penetratio corporis, is y l sin which
is forbidQii, Levit : IS. 22. & adjudged to be punished with death,
Levit: 20. 13. because, though ther be not penetratio corporis,
yet ther may be similitudo concubitus muliebris, which is y l the
law specificth ; yet I dar not be con-* (1.) because, Gen : 19. 5.
y e intended acte of y e Sodomits (who were y e first noted maisters
of this unnatural 1 act of more then brutish filthines) is expressed
by carnall copulation of man with woman: Bring them out
unto us, y l we may know them ; (2^.) because it is observed
among y e nations wher this unnaturall unclainnes is coniited, it
is w th penetration of y e body ; (3 1 ?.) because, in y e judieiall pro-
ceedings of y e judges in England, y e indict: so rune (as I have
been informed).

Q. How fan* may a magistrat extracte a confession of a capi-
tall crime from a suspected and an accused person ?

Ans : I conceive y l a magistrate is bound, by carfull exami-
nation of circomstances & waighing of probabilities, to sifte
y c accused, and by force of argumente to draw him to an ac-
knowledgment of y e truth ; but he may not extracte a confession
of a capitall crime from a suspected person by any violent
means, whether it be by an oath imposed, or by any punish-
mente inflicted or threatened to be inflicted, for so he may draw
forth an acknowledgmente of a crime from a fearfull inocentc ;
if guilty, he shall be compelled to be his owne accuser, when no
other can, which is against y c rule of justice.
S

* " Be confident"? — Ed.

392 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

Q,. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other
circomstanees shall be suffieente to convicte ; or is ther no con-
viction witliout two witnesses?

Ans: I conceive y l , in y e case of capitall crimes, ther can be

no safe proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses, as

Numb : 35. 30. Deut : 19. 15. excepte ther can some evidence

be prodused as aveilable & iirme to prove y e facte as a witnes

is, then one witnes may suffice ; for therin y e end and equitie of

y e law is attained. But to proceede unto sentence of death upon

presumptions, wher probably ther may subesse falsum, though

ther be y e testimony of one wittnes, I supose it cannot be a safe

way ; better for such a one to be held in safe custodie for further

triall.

Ralph Partricii.

The Answer of M r . Charles Chancy.

An contaetus et fricatio usq. ad seminis effusioem sine pcne-
tratione corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda?

Q. The question is what sodomiticall acts arc to be punished
w th death, fc what very facte comitted, (ipso facto,) is worthy of
death, or if y e facte it selfe be not capitall, what circomstanees
concuring may make it capitall. The same question .may be
asked of rape, inceste, beastialitie, unnaturall sins, prcsumtuous
sins. These be y e words of y e first question.

Ans : The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God shall
directe by his word & spirite) in these following conclusions :
(1.) That y e judicials of Moyses, that are appendanees to y e
morall law, & grounded on y e law of nature, or y e decalogue, are
imutable, and ppctuall, w ch all orthodox devines acknowledge ;
see y e authors following. Luther, Tom. 1. Whitenberge : fol.
435. & fol. 7. Melanethon, in loc: cum loco de conjugio. Cal-
vin, 1. 4. Institu. c. 4. sect 15. Junious de politia Moysis, thes.
29. & 30. Hen : Bulin : Decad. 3. sermo. S. Wolf: Muscu. loc:
com: in 6. preeepti explieaei : Bucer de regno Christi, 1. 2.
c. 17. Theo: Beza, vol: L de hereti: puniendis, fol. 154.
Zanch: in 3. prsecept: Ursin : Pt. 4. explicat contra John.
Piscat: in Aphorismi Loc. de lege dei aphorism. 17. And more
might be added. I forbear, for brevities sake, to set downe their
very words ; this being y e constantc & generall oppinion of y e
best devines, I 'will rest in this as undoubtedly, true, though
much more might be said to confirme it.

1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 393

i

2. That all y e sines mentioned in y e question were punished
with death by y e judicial! law of Moyses, as adultry, Levit: 20.
10. Deut: 22." 22. Esech : 16. 38. Jhon. S. 5. which is to be
understood not only of double adultrie, when as both parties
are maried, (as some conceive,) but whosoever (besids her hus-
band) lyes with a married woman, whether y e man be maried
or not, as in y e place, Deut: 22. 22. or whosoever, being a maried
man, lyeth with another woman (besids his wife), as P. Martire
saith, loc : com : which in diverce respects rnaks y e sine worse
on y e maried mans parte ; for y e Lord in this law hath respeet
as well to publick honesty, (the sin being so prejudicall to y°
church & state,) as y e private wrongs (saith Junious). So incest
is to be punished with death, Levit: 20. 11. 22. Beastiality lik-
wise, Lev: 20. 15. Exod: 22. 19. Raps in like maner, Deut:
22. 25. Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 13. And all

* presumptuous sins, Numb: 15. 30. 31.

3. That y e punish mente of these foule sines w lh death is
grounded on y e law of nature, & is agreeable to the morall law.
(1.) Because the reasons aiiexed shew them to be perpetuall.
Deut. 22. 22. So shalt thou put away evill. Incest, beastiality,
are caled confusion, & wickednes. (2.) Infamie to y e whole hu-
mane nature, Levit: 22. 12. Levit: 18. 23. Raps are as mur-
der, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie is an abomination, Levit: 22. 22.
[247] No holier & juster laws can be devised by any man or
angele then have been by y e Judg of all y e world, the wisdome
of y e Father, by whom kings doe raigne, ccc. (3.) ^Because, be-
fore y e giving of y e Law, this punish mente was anciently prac-
tised, Gen : 26. 11. 38. 29. 39. 20. & even by the heathen, by
y e very light of nature, as P. Martire shews. (4 1 ?.) Because y e
land is defiled by such sins, and spews out y e inhabitants, Levit:
18. 24, 25. & that in regard of those nations y l were not ac-
quainted w lh the law of Moyses. 4. All y e devins above speci-
fied consent in this, that y e unclean acts punishable with death
by y e law of God are not only y e grose acts of uncleannes by
way of carnall copulation, but all y e evidente attempts therof,
which may appeare by those severall words y l are used by y e
spirite of God, expressing y e sins to be punished with death ; as
y e discovering of nakednes, Levit: IS. 20. which is retegere pu-
denda, as parts p r euphemismum (saith Junius), or detegere ad
cubandum (saith Willett), to uncover y e shamefull parts of y»

50

394 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

body (saith Ainsworth), which, though it reaches to y e grose acts,
yet it is plaine it doth comprehend y e other foregoing immodest
attempts, as contactum, fricationem, &c. ; likwise y° phrase of
lying with, so often used, doth not only signifie carnall copula-
tion, but other obscene acts, feeding y e same, is implyed in
Pauls word ap^voKoiTa^ 1. Cor: 6. 9. & men lying with men, 1.
Tim: 1. 9. men defiling them selves w th mankind, men burning
with lust towards men, Rom: 1. 26. & Levit: IS. 22. sodoiii) &
sin going after strange flesh, Jud : v. 7. 8. and lying with man-
kind as with a woman, Levit: 18. 22. Abulensis says y l it sig-
nifies omnes modos quibus masculus masculo abutatur, chang-
ing y e naturall use into y l which is against nature, Rom : 1. 26.
arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well translate Levit: 20. 15. to
give consente to lye withall, so approaching to a beast, & lying
downe therto, Levit: 20. 16. ob solum conatu (saith Willett), or
for going about to doe it. Add to this a notable speech of
Zepperus de legibus (who hath enough to end controversies of
this nature). L. 1. he saith : In crimine adulterii voluntas
(understanding manifeste) sine effectu subsecuto de jure atten-
ditur ; and he proves it out of good laws, in these words: Solici-
tatores alienum nuptiam itemq, matrirnonium interpellatores, etsi
effectu sccleris potiri non possunt, propter voluntatem tamen
perniciosa? libidinis extra ordinem puniuntur; nam generale est
quidem affectu sine efiectu [non] puniri, sed contrarium observa-
tur in atrocioribus & horum similibus.

5. In concluding punishments from y e judiciall law of Moyses
y l is perpetuall, we must often p r ceed by analogicall proportion
& interpretation, as a paribus similibus, minore ad majus, &c. ;
for. ther will still fall out some cases, in every coruone-wealtb,
which are not in so many words extante in holy write, yet y c
substance of y e matter in every kind (I conceive under correc-
tion) may be drawne and concluded out of y e scripture by good
consequence of an equevalent nature; as, for example, ther is
no express law against destroying conception in y e wombe by
potions, yet by anologie with Exod : 21. 22, 23. we may reason
y l life is to be given for life. Againe, y c question, An contactus
& fricatio, &c, and methinks y l place Gen : 33. 9. in y e punish-
mente of Onans sin, may give some clearc light to it; it was
(saith Pareus) beluina crudelitas quam Deus pari loco cum par-
ricidio habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam

1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 395

horainem ex scmine generandnm oecidere? Propterea juste a
Deo occisus est. Observe his words. And againe, Discamus
quantopere Deus abominetur ornnein seminis genitalis abusum,
illicita eilusionem, & corruptions, &e., very pertinente to .this case.
That allso is considerable, Deut: 25. 11, 12. God comanded
y\ if any wife drue nigh to deliver her husband out of y e hand
of him y l smiteth him, &c., her hand should be cutt off. Yet
such a woman in y l case might say much for her selfe, y l what
she did was in trouble & perplexitie of her minde, & in her hus-
bands defence ; yet her hand must be cutt of for such impuritie
(and this is moralJ, as I conceive). Then we may reason from
y e less to y e greater, what greevous sin in y e sight of God it is,
by y e instigation of burning lusts, set on fire of hell, to proceede
to contactum" & fricationem ad emissionem seminis, &c., & y l
contra naturam, or to attempte y e grosse acts of unnaturall filthi-
nes. Againe, if y l unnaturall lusts of women with men, or wo-
man with woman, or either with beasts, be to be punished with
death, then a pari naturall lusts of men towards children under
age are so to be punished.

6. Circumstantiac variant vis e actiunes,* (saith y e lawiers,) &
circomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all recked up ;
but God hath given laws for those causes & cases that are of
greatest momente, by which others are to be judged of, as in
y e diflerance betwixte chanc medley, & willfull murder ; so in
y e sins of uncleannes, it is one thing to doe an actc of unclean-
nes by sudden temptation, & another to lye in waite for it, yea,
to make a coiuune practise of it; this mightily augments &
multiplies y e sin. Againe, some sines of this nature are simple,
others compound, as y l is simple adultrie, or inceste, or simple
sodomie; but when ther is a mixture of diverce kinds of lust, as
when adultery & sodomie & p r ditio seminis goe togeather in y e
same acte of uncleannes, this is capitall, double, & trible. Againe,
when adultrie or sodomie is comited by pfessors or church mem-
bers, I fear it corns too near y e sine of preists daughters, forbid-
den, & comanded to be punished, Levit: 21. 9. besids y e pre-
sumption of y e sines of such. Againe, when uncleannes is
comited with those whose chastity they are bound to pserve,
this corns very nere the incestious copulation, I feare ; but I
must hasten to y e other questions.

[248] 2. Question y e second, upon y e pointe of examination,

* Perhaps " vim action is" or " vitiu actionis." — Ed.

i

396 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

how farr a magistrate may cxtracte a confession from a delin-
quente to accuse him sclfe in a capitall crime, seeing Nemo
tciietnr prodere seipsum.

Ans: The words of the question may be understood of ex-
tracting a confession from a delinquente either by oath or bodily
tormente. If it be mente of extracting by requiring an oath,
(ex officio, as some call it,) & that in capitall crimes, I fear it is
not safe, nor warented by Gods word, to extracte a confession
from a delinquente by an oath in matters of life and death.
(1.) Because y e practise in y e Seripturs is other wise, as in y c
case of Achan, Jos : 7. 19. Give, I pray y e , glorie to y e Lord God
of Israll, and make a confession to him, & tell me how thou
hast done. He did not compell him to sweare. So when as
Johnathans life was indangered, 1. Sam. 14.43. Saule said unto
Johnathan, Tell me what thou hast done; he did not require an
oath. And notable is y l , Jcr: 38. 14. Jeremiah was charged by
Zcdechias, who said, I will aske the a thing, hide it not from
me; & Jeremiah said, If I declare it unto y e , wilt thou not
surely put me to death? impling y l , in case of death, he would
have refused to answer him. (2.) Reason shews it, & expe-
rience; Job : 2. 4. Skin for skin, (fee. It is to be feared y l those
words (whatsoever a man hath) will comprehend also y e con-
science of an oath, and y e fear of God, and all care of religion ;
therfore for laying a snare before y e guiltie, I think it ought not
to be donn. But now, if y e question be mente of inflicting
bodyly torments to extracte a confession from a mallefactor,
I conceive y l in maters of higest consequence, such as doe con-
ceime y e saftie or ruine of stats or countries, magistrats may
prbceede so farr to bodily torments, as racks, hote-irons, &c, to
extracte a confiession, espetially wher presumptions are strounge ;
but otherwise by no means. God sometims bids a sinner till
his wickednes is filled up.

Question 3. In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes with
other circumstances shall be sufiicente to eonvicte, or is ther no
conviction without 2. witneses ?

Deut: 19. 25. God hath given an express rule y l in no case
one witness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in capitall
cases. God would not put our lives into y e power of any one
toungue. Besids, by y e examination of more wittneses agreeing
or disagreeing, any falshood ordenarilly may be discovered; but
this is to be understood of one witnes of another; but if a man

1642.1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 397

witnes against him selfe, bis ownc testimony is sufficente, as in
y e case of y e Amalakite, 2. Sam: 1. 16. Againe, when ther are
sure & certaine signcs & evidences by circumstances, ther needs
no witnes in this case, as in y e bussines of Adoniah desiring
Abishage y e Shunamite to wife, that therby he might make way
for him selfe unto y e kingdome, 1. King: 2. 23, 24. Againe,
probably by many concurring circumstances, if probability may
have y e "strength of a witnes, som thing may be this way gath-
ered, me thinks, from Sallomons judging betweexte y e true
mother, and y e harlote, 1. King. 3. 25. Lastly, I see no cause
why in waighty matters, in defecte of witneses & other proofes,
we may not have recourse to a lott, as in y e case of Achan,
Josu: 7. 16. which is a clearer way in such doubtfull cases (it
being solemnely & religiously performed) then any other that I
know, if it be made y e last refuge. But all this under correc-
tion.

The Lord in mercie direete & prosper y e desires of his servants
that desire to walk before him in truth & righteousnes in the
administration of justice, and give them wisdom e and largnes

of harte.

Charles Ciianncy.

Besids y e occation before mentioned in these writings
concerning the abuse of those 2. children, they had aboute
y e same time a case of buggerie fell out amongst them,
which occasioned these questions, to which these answers
have been made.

And after y e time of y c writig of these things befell a
very sadd accidente of the like foule nature in this gover-
mente, this very year, which I shall now relate. Ther
was a youth whose name was Thomas Granger ; he was
servant to an honest man* of Duxbery, being aboute 16.
or 17. years of age. (His father & mother lived at the
same time at Sityate.) He was this year detected of bug-
gery (and indicted for y e same) with a mare, a cowe, tow
goats, five sheep, 2. calves, and a turkey. Horrible
[2-19] it is to mention, but y e truth of y e historie requires
it. He was first discovered by one y f accidentally saw his

• Love Brewster. Plymouth Colony Records. — Ed.

398 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

lewd practise towards the mare, (I forbear perticnlers.)
Being upon it examined and comitted, in y c end he not
only confest y e fact with that beast at that time, but sun-
drie times before, and at severall times with ally 6 rest of
y e forenamed in his indictmente ; and this his free-confes-
sion was not only in private to y c magistrats, (though at
first he strived to deney it,) but to sundrie, both ministers
& others, and afterwards, upon his indictmente, to y e whole
court & jury; and confirmed it at his execution. And
wheras some of y e sheep could not so well be knowne by
his description of them, others with them were brought
before him, and he declared which were they, and which
were not And accordingly he was cast by y e jury, and
condemned, and after executed about y e 8. of Sept r , 1642.
A very sade spectakle it was ; for first the mare, and then
y e cowe, and y e rest of y e lesser catle, were kilcl before his
face, according to y e law, Levit: 20. 15. -and then he him
selfe was executed. The catle were all cast into a great
& large pitte that was digged of purposs for them, and no
use made of any part of them.

Upon y e examenation of this person, and also of a for-
mer that had made some sodomiticall attempts upon an-
other, it being demanded of them how they came first to
y e knowledge and practice of such wickednes, the one con-
fessed he had long used it in old England ; and this youth
last spoaken of said he was taught it by an other that had
heard of such things from some in England when he was
ther, and they kept catle togeather. By which it appears
how T one wicked person may infecte many; and what care
all ought to have what servants they bring into their
families.

But it may be demanded how it came to pass that so
many wicked persons and profane people should so quick-
ly come over into this land, & mixe them selves amongst
them'? seeing it was religious men y l begane y e work, and
they came for religions sake. I confess this may be mar-

1642.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 399

veilled at, at least in time to come, when the reasons ther-
of should not be knowne; and y e more because here was
so many hardships and wants melt withall. I shall ther-
fore indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And first,
according to y l in y e gospell, it is ever to be remembred
that wher y e Lord begins to sow good seed, ther y e envious
man will endeavore to sow tares. 2. Men being to come
over into a wildernes, in which much labour & servise was
to be done aboute building & planting, &c, such as wanted
help in y l respecte, when they could not have such as y ey
would, were glad to take such as they could ; and so, many
untoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were thus
brought over, both men & women kind ; who, when their
times were expired, became families of them selves, which
gave increase hereunto. 3. An other and a maine reason
hearof was, that men, finding so many godly disposed per-
sons willing to come into these parts, some begane to
make a trade of it, to transeport passengers & their goods,
and hired ships for that end ; and then, to make up their
fraight and advance their profite, cared not who y e persons
were, so they had money to pay them. And by this means
the cuntrie became pestered with many unworthy persons,
who, being come over, crept into one place or other.
4. Againe, the Lords blesing usually following his people,
as well in outward as spirituall things, (though afflictions
be mixed withall,) doe make many to adhear to y e people
of God, as many followed Christ, for y e loaves sake, Iohn
6. 26. and a mixed multitud came into y e willdernes with
y e people of God out of Eagipte of old, Exod. 12. 38; so
allso ther were sente by their freinds some under hope
y l they would be made better; others that they might be
eased of such burthens, and they kept from shame at
home y l would necessarily follow their dissolute courses.
And thus, by one means or other, in 20. years time, it is
a question whether y e greater part be not growne y e
worser.

400 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

[250] I am now come to y e conclusion of that long &
tedious bussines betweene y e partners hear, & them in
England, the which I shall manifest by their owne letters
as followeth, in such parts of them as are pertinente to y e
same.

M r . Sherlei/s to M r . Attwood.

M r . Attwood, my approved loving freind : Your letter of
y e 18. of October last I have received, wherin I find you have
taken a great deall of paines and care aboute y L troublesome
bussines betwixtc our Plimoth partners & freinds, & us hear,
and have deeply ingaged your selfe, for which complements &
words are no reall satisfaction, &c. For y e agreemente you
have made with M r . Bradford, M r . Winslow, & y e rest of y e
partners ther, considering how honestly and justly I am per-
swaded-they have brought in an accounte of y c remaining stock,
for my ownc parte I' am well satisfied, and so I thinke is M r .
Andrewes, and I supose will be M r . Beachampe, if most of it
might acrew to him, to whom y e least is due, &c. And now
for peace sake, and to conclud as we began, lovingly and frcindly,
and to pass by all failings of all, the conclude is accepted of;
I say this agreemente y l you have made is condesended unto,
and M r . Andrews hath sent his release to i\l r . Winthrop, with
sueh directions as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to
trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in y e presence
of M r . Weld, and 3M r . Peeters, and some others, and 1 have also
sente you an other, for the partners ther, to scale to me ; for you
must not deliver mine to them, exeepte they seale & deliver one
to me; this is fitt and equall, &c. -

Yours to coiliand in what I may or can,

James Sherley.

June 14. 1642.

His to y t partners as followeth.

Loving freinds,

M r . Bradford, M r . Winslow, M r . Prence, Captaine Standish,
M r . Brewster, M r . Alden, & M r . Rowland, give me leave to
joyne you all in one letter, concerning y e finall end & conclude
of y l tedious & troublsome bussines, & I thinke I may truly say

1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. ■ 401

uncomfortable & unprofitable to all, &c. It hath pleased God
now to put ns upon a way to scase all suits, and disquieting of
our spiritcs, and to conclude with peace and love, as we began.
I am contented to yceld & make good what M 1 *. Attwood and
you have agreed upon ; and for y l end have scnte to my loving
freind, M r . Attwood, an absolute and gcnerall release unto you
all, and if ther wante any thing to make it more full, write it
your selves, & it shall be done, provided y l all you, either joyntly
or severally, seale y e like discharge to me. And for y l end I
have drawne one joyntly, and sent it to M r . Attwood, with y l I
have sealed to you. M r . Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also,
& sent it to M r . Winthrop, whith such directions as he con-
ceived fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks
544 11 . unto y e gentlemen of y e Bay. Indeed, M r . Welld, M r .
Peters, & M r . Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines
with Mr. Andrews, M r . Beachamp, & my selfe, to bring us to
agree, and to y l end we have had many meetings and spent
much time aboute it. But as they are very religious & honest
gentle-men, yet they had an end y l they drove at & laboured to
accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for y c generall
good of their paten te). It had been very well you had sent
one over. M r . Andrew wished you might have one 3. parte of
y e 1200 H . & y e Bay 2. thirds; but then wc 3. must have agreed
togcather, which were a hard mater now. But M r . Weld, M r .
Peters, & M r . Hibbens, & I, have agreed, they giving you bond
(so to compose with M r . Beachamp, as) to procure his gcnerall
release, & free i you from all trouble & charge y l he may put
you too; which indeed is nothing, for I am perswaded M r .
Weld will in time gaine him to give them all that is dew to
[251] him, which in some sorte is granted allready ; for though
his demands be great, yet M r . Andrewes hath taken some paines
in it, and makes it appear to be less then I thinkc he will con-
sente to give them for so good an use; so you necde not fear,
that for taking bond ther to save you harmles, you be safe and
well. Now our accord is, y l you must pay to y e gentle-men of
y e Bay 900 H . ; they are to bear all chargs y l may any way arise
concerning y e free & absolute clearing of you from us three.
And you to have y c other 300 H . &c.

Upon y e receiving of my release from you, I will send you
your bonds for y e purchass money. I would have sent them now,
51

402 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

but I would have M r . Beachamp release as well as I, because
you are bound to him in them. Now I know if a man be bound
to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all released, and my dis-
charge doth cutt them of; wherfore double you not but you shall
have them, & your comission, or any thing els that is fitt. Now
yon know ther is tow years of y e purehass money, that I would
not owne, for I have formcrley certified you y l 1 would but pay
7. years ; but now you are discharged of all, &c.

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can,

James Sherley.
June 14. 1642.

The coppy of his release is as followeth.

Wheras diveree questions, differences, & demands have arisen
& depended betweene William Bradford, Edward "Winslow,
Thomas Prence, Mylest Standish, "William Brewster, John
Allden, and John Howland, gent: now or latly inhabitants or
resident at New-Plimoth, in New-England, on y e one party,
and James Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in th 5
other parte, for & concerning a stocke & partablc trade of
beaver & other comoditics, and freighting of ships, as y e White
Arigell, Frindship, or others, and y e goods of Isaack Allerton
which were scazed upon by vertue of a letcr of atturney made
by y e said James Sherley and John Beachamp and Richard
Andrews, or any other maters concerning y e said trade, either
hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or elsewher, all
which differences are since by mediation of freinds composed,
compremissed, and all y e said parties agreed. Now know all
men by these presents, that I, the said James Sherley, in per-
formance of y e said compremise & agrcemente, -have remised,
released, and quite claimed, & doe by these presents remise,
release, and for me, myne heires, executors, & Administrators,
and for every of us, for ever quite claime unto y e said William
Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish,
William Brewster, John Allden, & John Howland, and every of
them, their & every of their heires, executors, and adminis-
trators, all and all maner of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekon-
ingSj comissions, bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions,
claimes, challinges, differences, and demands whatsoever, with

1612.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

403

or against y G said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas
Prcncc, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and
John Rowland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time
to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or thing
whatsoever from y° begining of y e world untill y e day of y e date
of these presents. In witnes wherof I have hereunto put my
hand & seale, given y e second day of June, 1642, and in y e
eighteenth year of y e raigne of our soveraignc lord, king Charles,

&c.

James Siierley.

Sealed and delivered

in y e presence of Thomas Weld,*
Hugh Peters,
William Hibbins.
Arthur Tirrey, Scr.
Tno : Sturgs, his servante.

M r . Andrews his' discharg was to y e same effecte; he
was by agreemete to have 500 u . of y e money, the which
he gave to them in y e Bay,t who brought his discharge
and demanded y e money. And they tookc in his release
and paid y e money according to agreemete, viz. one third
of the 500**. they paid downe in hand, and y e rest in 4.
equall payments, to be paid yearly, for which they gave

* Messrs. Weld, Peters, and Hibbins
were sent to England in the early part
of the last year, in the service of the
Massachusetts colony. The latter re-
turned in September of this year. The
others never returned. See Winthrop,
II. 24-20, 75, 76. — Ed.

f By means of Messrs. Weld, Pe-
ters, and Hibbins, says Winthrop, un-
der date of August of this year, " Mr.
Richard Andrews, an haberdasher in
Cheapside, London, a godly man, and
who had been a former benefactor to
this country, having 500 pounds due
to him from the Governor and company
of Plymouth, gave it to this colony, to
be laid out in cattle, and other course of
trade, for the poor/' At the General
Court of Massachusetts in November
of this year, " Mr. Bellingham, Captain
Cooke, and Lieutenant Duncan were
appointed to go to New Plymouth, to
settle the business about Mr. Andrews

his 500/., to take bond, seal their dis-
charge, and take their discharge for
Mr. Andrews " ; respecting which see
further in Mass. Colony Records, Vol.
II. p. 39, under dale of May, 1013. In
3 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 21, is a letter
from Mr. Andrews, dated from Rotter-
dam, January, 1045, written to Governor
Winthrop, i'n reply to one from him of
two years before ; in which he makes
complaint of his inability to effect a
settlement with the partners here. It is
possible that this letter was penned un-
der a misapprehension based upon some
intimations in the letter of Winthrop,
which may have been written before the
above settlement was effected. This
Richard Andrews, so long connected
with the colony of Plymouth, first as
one of the adventurers and then as an
associate with the undertakers, was an
alderman of London. See Savage's
Winthrop, II. 75. — Ed.

404: HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

their bonds. And wheras 44 H . was more demanded, they
conceived they could take it of with M r . Andrews, and
therforc it was not in the bonde. [252] But M r . Bea-
champ would not parte with any of his, but demanded
400 H . of y° partners here, & sent a release to a friend, to
deliver it to them upon y e receite of y e money. But his
relese was not perfecte, for he had left out some of y e
partners names, with some other defects ; and besids, the
other gave them to understand he had not near so much
due. So no end was made with him till 4. years after ;
of which in it plase.* And in y l regard, that them selves
did not agree, I shall inserte some part of M r . Andrews
letter, by which he conceives y e partners here were
wronged, as followeth. This leter of his was write to
M r . Edmond Freeman,! brother in law to M r . Beachamp.

M r . Freeman,

My love remembred unto you, &c. I then certified y e part-
ners how I found M r . Beachamp & M r . Sherley, in their perticu-
ler demands, which was according to mens principles, of getting
what they could ; allthough y e one will not shew any accounte,
and y e other a very unfaire and unjust one ; and both of them
discouraged me from sending y e partners my accounte, M r . Bea-
champ espetially. Their reason, I have cause to conceive, was,
y l allthongh I doe not, nor ever intended to, wrong y e partners
or y G bussines, yet, if I gave no accounte, I might be esteemed
as guiltie as they, in some degree at least ; and they might
seeme to be y e more free from taxation in not delivering their
accounts, who have both of them charged y e accounte with
much intrest they have payed forth, and one of them would
likwise for much intrest he hath not paid forth, as appeareth

* Governor Bradford makes no fur- f Edmund Freeman eame over in

ther mention of the settlement with the Abigail, in October, 1G35, and soon

Mr. Beauchamp, under the year indi- after settled in Sandwieh. Two sons

caled. It appears from the Old Colony and two daughters eame with him.

Records, that in 1045 the undertakers The sons, Edmund and John, married

pledged their estates for security of a daughters of Governor Prence. See

debt, to him; and in 1G52, certain houses Savage's Gleanings, in 3 Mass. Hist,

and lands of theirs were sold for the Coll., VIII. 2GG-26S ; Winthrop,!. 1G9,

payment of the same. See Russell's 170; Davis's ed. of the Memorial, p.

Guide to Plymouth, Appendix D. — Ed. 424 ; Winsor s Duxbury, p. 2G0. — Ed.

1612.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 405

by Ins accounte, &c. And seeing y e partners have now made
it appear y L ther is 1200 H . remaining clue between us all, and
that it may appear by my accounte 1 have not charged y e bussi-
nes with any intrest, but doe forgive it imto y e partners, above
200* 1 . if M r . Sherley & M r . Beachamp, who have betwcene them
wronged y e bussines so many 100 H . both in principall & intrest
likwise, and have therm wronged me as well and as much as
any of y e partners; yet if they will not make & deliver faire &
true accounts of y e same, nor be con ten te to take what by
computation is more then can be justly due to either, that is,
to JYI r . Beachamp 150 li . as by M r . Allertons accounte, .and M r .
Sherleys accounte, on oath in chaneerie; and though ther might
be nothing due to M r . Sherley, yet he requirs 100*'. &e. I con-
ceive, seing y e partners have delivered on their oaths y e sufiie
remaining in their hands, that they may justly detaine y c G50 !i .
which may remaine in their hands, after I am satisfied, untill
M r . Sherley & M r . Beachamp will be more fair & just in their
ending, &c. And as I intend, if y e partners fayrly end with me,
in satisfing in parte and ingaging them selves for y e rest of my
said 544 i! . to returne back for y e poore my parte of y e land at
Sityate, so likwise I intend to relinquish my right & intrest in
their dear patente, on which much of our money was laid forth,
and also my right & intrest in their cheap purchass, the which
may have cost me first & last 350 H .* But 1 doubte whether
other men have not charged or taken on accounte what they
have disbursed in y e like case, which I have not charged, neither
did I conceive any other durst so doe, untill I saw y e accounte
of the one and heard y e words of y° other; the which gives me
just cause to suspecte both their accounts to be un faire ; for it
seemeth they consulted one w T ith another aboute some perticu-
lers therm. Therfore I conceive y e partners ought y e rather to
require just accounts from each of them before they parte with
any money to either of them. For marchants understand how
to give an acounte ; if they mean fairley, they will not deney
to give an accounte, for they keep memorialls to helpe them to
give exacte acounts in all pertieulers, and memoriall cannot for-
get his charge, if y e man will remember. I desire not to wrong
M r . Beachamp or M r . Sherley, nor may be silente in such ap-

* This he means of y e first adven- fore been shown ; and what he here
tures, all which were lost, as hath be- writs is probable at least.

406 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

parente probabilities of their wronging y e partners, and me lik-
wisc, either- in deneying to deliver or shew any accountc, or in
delivering one very unjuste in some perticulers, and very sus-
pitious in many more; either of which, being from understand-
ing marchants, cannot be from weaknes or simplisitie, and ther-
fore y e more unfaire. So comending you & yours, and all y c
Lord's people, unto y c gratious protection and blessing of y c
Lord, and rest your loving friend,

Richard Andrkwes.
Aprill 7. 1643.

This lcter was write y° year after y e agreement, as dotli
appear; and what his judgmente was herein, y e contents
doth manifest, and so I leave it to y c equall judgmente of
any to consider, as they see cause.

Only- I shall adde what M r . Sherley furder write in a
leter of his, about y e same time, and so leave this bussines.
His is as followeth on y e other side.*

[253] Loving freinds, M r . Bradford, i\l r . Winslow, Cap:
Standish, M r . Prenee, and y e rest of y e partners w th you ; I shall
write this generall leter to you all, hoping it will be a good con-
clude of a generall, but a costly & tedious bussines I thinke to
all, I am sure to me, &c.

I received from M r . Winslow a letter of y e 28. of Sept: last,
and so much as concerned y e generall bussines I shall answer in
this, .not knowing whether I shall have opportunitie to write
per.ticuler letters, ecc. I expected more letters from you all, as
some perticuler writs,f but it seerneth no fitt opportunity was
offered. And now, though y e bussines for y e maine may stand,
yet some perticulers is alltered ; I say my former agreemente
with M r . Weld & M r . Peters, before they % could conclude or
gett any grante of M r . Andrews, they sought to have my release ;
and ther upon they sealed me a bond for a 110 li . So I sente
my acquittance, for they said without mine ther would be no
end made (& ther was good reason for it). Now they hoped, if
y e >' ended with me, to gaine M r . Andrews parte, as they did

* Being the conclusion, as will be f Perhaps write, for wrote. — Ed.
seen, of page 252 of the original. — Ed. J The in the manuscript. — Ed.

1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 407

holy, to a pound, (at which I should wonder, but y l I observe
some passages,) and they also hoped to have gotten M r . Bea-
charnps part, & I did thinke he would have given it them. But
if he did well understand him sclfe, & that aconnte, he would
give it; for his demands make a great sound/ But it seemeth
he would not parte with it, supposing it too great a sume, and
y l he might easily gaine it from you. Once he would have
given them 40 tj . but now they say he will not doe that, or rather
I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, & have M r . An-
drewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110 tL . 3 months
hence. Now it will fall out farr better for you, y l they deal not
with M r . Beachamp, and also for me, if you be as kind to me
as I have been & will be to you ; and y l thus, if you pay M r .
Andrews, or y e Bay men, by his order, 544 H . which is his full
demande; but if looked into, perhaps might be less. The man
is honest, & in my conscience would not willingly doe wronge,
yett he may forgett as well as other men ; and M r . Wiftslow
may call to mindc wherin he forgetts ; (but some times it is
good to buy peace.) The gentle-men of y e Bay may abate 100 u .
and so both sids have more right & justice then if they exacte
all, &e. Now if you send me a 150*'. then say M r . Andrews
full sume, & this, it is nere 700 H . M r . Beachamp he demands
400 H . and we all know that, if a man demands money, he must
shew wherfore, and make proofe of his debte ; which I know he
can never make good proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto
him as principall money; so till he can, you have good reason
to keep y e 500*'. fcc. This I proteste I write not in malice
against M r . Beachamp, for it is a reall truth. You may partly
see it by M r , Andrews making up his accounte, and I think you
are all perswaded I can say more then M r . Andrews concerning
that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as plaine &
easily, but because of former discontents, I will be sparing till I
be called ; & you may injoye y e 500 H . quietly till he begine; for
let him take his course hear or ther, it shall be all one, I will
doe him no wronge ; and if he have not on peney more, he is
less loser then either M r . Andrews or I. This I conceive to be
just & honest; y e having or not having of his release matters

i

§ not; let him make such proafe of his debte as you cannot

\

i
4

* This was a misterie to ihem, for y e last year, till now ye conclution was
they heard nothing hereof from any side past, and bonds given.

408 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

disprove, and according to your first agreemente you will pay
it, &c.

Your truly aflectioncd freind,

James Sherley.
London, Aprill 27. 1G43.

Anno Dom: 1643.*

I am to begine this year whith that which was a mater of
great saddnes and morning unto them all. Aboutc y e
18,| of Aprill dyed their lleve fl Elder, and my dear &
loving friend, M r . William Brewster; a man that had done
and suffered much for y e Lord Jesus and y e gospells sake,
and had bore his parte in well and woe with this poore
perseciited church above J 36. years [254] in England,
Holand, and in this wildernes, and done y e Lord & them
* faithfull service in his place & calling. And notwith-
standing y e many troubls and sorrows he passed throw,
the Lord upheld him to a great age. He was ncre four-
skore§ years of age (if not all out) when he dyed. He
had this blesing added by y c Lord to all y e rest, to dye in
his bed, in peace, amongst y e mids of his freinds, who
mourned & wepte over him, and ministered what help &
comforte they could unto him, and he againe recomforted
them whilst he could. His sicknes was not' long, and till
y° last day therof he did not wholy keepe his bed. His
speech continued till somewhat more then halfe a day, &
then failed him; and aboute 9. or 10. a clock that eving
he dyed, without any pangs at all. A few bowers before,

* The Assistants this year were Ed- printed this memoir in the Chrnnicles

ward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Wil- of the Pilgrims, pp. 461 -409, from Mor-

Jiam Collier, Timothy Hatherly, John ton's copy. Morton printed a portion

Brown, Edmund Freeman, and William of it in the Memorial, and Judge Davis

Thomas. See Morton's Memorial, un- lias added what he omitted, from the

der this year. — Ed. Church Records. — Ed. <

f In the Plymouth Church Records, J In Morton's copy it is "about"

where this memoir was copied by Mor- 36 years. — Ed.

ton from this History, he erroneously § Morton, in his Memorial, profess-

substituted the lGih of April, 1014, for edly citing from Bradford, says, " He

the date in the text. It is stated cor- was fourscore and four years of age,"

rectly in the Memorial. Dr. Young has which may be an error. — Ed.

1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 409

he drew his breath shorte, and some few mimits before
his last, lie drew his breath long, as a man falen into a
sound slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so
sweetly departed this life unto a better.

I would now demand of any, what he was y e worse for
any former sufferings % What doe I say, worse % Nay,
sure he was 7° better, and they now added to his honour.
It is a manifest token (saith y e Apostle, 2. Thes: 1. 5, 6, 7.)
ofy* righeous judgmente of God y l ye may be counted worthy
ofy e Idngdome of God, for which ye allso suffer; seing it is
a righteous thing with God to recompence tribulation to them
y l trouble you : and to you who are troubled, rest with us,
when y e Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his
mighty angels. 1. Pet. 4. 14. If you be reproached for y e
name of Christ, hapy are ye, for y e spirits of glory and of
God rcsteth upon you. What though he wanted y e riches
and pleasurs of y e world in this life, and pompous monu-
ments at his funurall] yet y e memoriall of y e just shall be
blessed, when y e name of y e wicked shall rott (with their
marble monuments). Pro: 10. 7.*

I should say something of his life, if to say a litle were
not worse then to be silent. But I cannot wholy forbear,
though hapily more may be done hereafter. After he had
attained some learning, viz. y e knowledg of y e Latine
tongue, & some insight in y e Greeke, and spent some
small time at Cambridge, and then being first seasoned
with y e seeds of grace and vertue, he went to y e Courte,
and served that religious and godly gentlman, M r . Davison,
diverce years, when he was Secretary of State ; who found
him so discreete and faithfull as he trusted him above all
other that were aboute him, and only imployed him in all
matters of greatest trust and secrecie. He esteemed him
rather as a sonne then a servante, and for his wisdom &
godlines (in private) he would converse with him more

* Some of the passages here cited appear to be from the common version of
the Bible. See page 0. — Ed.

52

f

wxi*i b

410 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

like a freind & familier then a maister. He attended his
m r . when lie was sente in ambassage by the Queene into
y e Low-Countries, in y G Earle of Leicesters time, as for
other waighty affaires of state, so to receive possession of
the cautionary townes, # and in token & signe therof the
keyes of Flushing being delivered, to him, in her ma ti3
name, he kepte them some time, and comitted them to
this his servante, who kept them under his pilow, on
which he slepte y° first night. And, at his returne, y e
States honoured him with a gould chaine, and his maister
comitted it to him, and coiiianded him to wear it when
they arrived in England, as they ridel thorrow the coun-
try, till they came to y° Courte. He afterwards remained
with him till his troubles, that he was put from his place
aboute y e death of y e Queene of Scots ; f and some good
time after, doeing him manie faithfull offices of servise in
y° time of his troubles. Afterwards he wente and lived in
y c country, in good esteeme amongst his freinds and y c
gentle-men of those parts, espetially the godly & religious.
He did much good in y e countrie wher he lived, in promot-
ing and furthering religion, not only by his practiss &
example, and provocking and incouraging of others, but
by procuring of good preachers to y e places theraboute,
and drawing on of others to assiste & help forward in
such a worke ; he him selfe most comonly deepest in y c
charge, & some times above his abillitie. And in this

* " Early in 15S5, the States of the of considerable sums of money advanced
Low Countries became obliged to throw by Elizabeth for their service, "the
themselves on the Queen's protection, towns of Flushing and Brille, and the
and after Antwerp was seized by the castle of Rammekins, were given up to
Spaniards, she was necessitated to her." See JN'icholas's Life of William
adopt decided measures. Elizabeth de- Davidson, p. 15 ; Grattan's J\ T ether-
tennined to assist them in their resolu- lands, p. 181. — Ed.
tion of defending their freedom by force f The death of Mary was on the Sth
of arms ; and Mr. Davidson was select- of February, 15SG-7. * The particulars
ed as her majesty's ambassador to form of the fall of Davidson, which is a mat-
trie, treaty with them which was to be ter of public history, need not be re-
the basis of their alliance with England, peated here. Iking a Puritan, the res-
He went into Holland, according to idence of Brewster in his family may
Lord Burleigh's account, in August, account for the original leaning of the
1585." As security for the repayment latter to that party. — Ed.

1643.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

411

state he continued many years, doeing y e best good he
could, and walking according to y c light he saw, till y°
Lord re veiled further unto him. And in y e end, by y c
tirrany of y e bishops against godly preachers & people,
in silenceing the one & persecuting y e other, he and
many more of those times begane to looke further into
things, and to see into y° unlawfullnes of their callings,
and y e burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which
both he and they endeavored to cast of; as y ey allso did,
as in y e begining of this treatis is to be seene. [255] After
they were joyned togither in comunion, he was a spetiall
stay & help unto them. They ordinarily mett at his house
on y e Lords day, (which w T as a manor of y c bishops *)

* Bradford is silent as to the place of
Brewster's residence or the location of
this church ; hut the Rev. Joseph Hun-
ter, of London, in a valuable little
tract published in 1849, entitled "The
Founders of New Plymouth," a second
and enlarged edition of which appeared
in 1851, has conclusively shown that
the location of this church , which " or-
dinarily met " at the house of Brew-
ster, was in the village of Scrooby, in
that part of Nottinghamshire known as
the Hundred of Basset- La we, near to
the borders of Lincolnshire and York-
shire, and a few miles only from Aus-

terfield, the residence of Bradford.
This church was probably established
in the year 1006, the evidence to this
point being pretty decisive. On pages
10 and 11 of this History, Bradford
states, that " after they had continued
together about a year, and kept their
meetings every Sabbath in one place
or other, . . . seeing they could no

longer continue in that condition, they
resolved to get over into Holland as
they could ; which was in the year
1G07 and 1G0S." Their first attempt
at removal was probably in the fall of
1C07. Again ; in this memoir of Brew-
ster he says that he " had borne his part
in weal and woe with this poor perse-
cuted church above thirty-six years, in
England, Holland, and in this wilder-
ness. ,f Robinson must have united
with them about the same time. Con-
temporaneous with this church at Scroo-
by, of which Clifton and Robinson were
the preachers, was another Dissenting
church, not far distant, of which, Brad-
ford informs us, Mr. John Smith was
pastor. Mr. Hunter tells us that the
location of this church was at Gains-
borough, on the Trent ; that it was ear-
lier in its formation than the one at
Scrooby, so that possibly it may have
comprehended at one time the people
of both. Smith and his people removed
to Holland before the emigration of the
Scrooby church, and settled at Amster-
dam, "where, for the most part, they
buried themselves and their names."
Secretary Morton, in his Memorial,
gives 160:2 as the year of the formation
of the church of which Robinson be-
came pastor. If this date is to be
relied on, it may refer to the earlier
church-union indicated above.

"The distinction of Smith's church
and Robinson's church, " says Mr. Hun-
ter, " the Gainsborough and the Scroo-

412 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

and with great love he entertained them when they came,
making prbvission for them to his great charge.* He was
y c cheefe of those that were taken at Boston, and suffered
y e greatest loss ; and of y c seven that were kept longst in
2>rison, and after hound over to y e assises.*]* Affter he came
into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had
spente y c most of his means, haveing a great charge, and
many children ; and, in regard of his former breeding &
course of life, not so fitt for many imployments as others
were, espetially such as were toylesume & laborious. But
yet he ever bore his condition with much cherfullnes and
contentation. Towards y e later parte of those 12. years
spente in Holland, his outward condition was mended,
and he lived w T ell & plentifully; for he fell into a way (by
reason 'he had y e Latine tongue) to teach many students,
who had a disire to lerne y c English tongue, to teach
them English ; and by his method they quickly attained
it with great facilitie ; for he drew rules to lerne it by,
after y e Latine maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes
& Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other
studies, some of them being great mens sones. He also
had means to set up printing,^ (by y e help of some freinds,)

by churches, though agreeing in the the Proverbs of Solomon, by Thomas
point of the duty of separation, ought Cartwris-ht, 1617. A copy of this work
always to he kept in view. It was the was, a few years since, in the posses-
latter which formed the Plymouth emi- sion of the pastor of the First Church
gration, and which flourished when of Plymouth, and another is in the li-
Smith's church came to nothing." brary of the Pilgrim Society at the same

It appears from the second edition of place. See Young, p. 466 ; Thatcher's

Mr. Hunter's book, that Brewster held Plymouth, p. 270.
the office of Postmaster at Scrooby from From the letters of Sir Dudley Carle-

1594, and perhaps earlier, to the 30th ton to Secretary Naunton, written from

of September, 1607, when he resigned the Hague in 1619, it appears that in-

thc ehar^e. — Ed. effectual attempts were made by the for-

* In Morton's copy there is added mer, at the instigation of the English

after charge : "and continued so to do government, to effect the arrest of Brew-

whilst they could stay in England, ster, for the obnoxious books which he

And when they were to remove out of had printed. But one Brewer, who,

the country, he was one of the first in Carleton says, " set him on work, and,

all adventures, and forwardestin any." being a man of means, bare the charge

Youno-, p. 465. — Ed, of his printing, is fast in the Universi-

| See page 12, — Ed. ty's prison." See CarletorTs Letters,

J Among the books printed by Brew- ed. 1757, pp. 3S0, 386, 389, 390,437;

ster at Leyden was a Commentary on Young, pp. 467, 468. — Ed.

1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 413

and so had imploymente inoughg, and by reason of many
books which would not be alowed to be printed in Eng-
land, they might have had more then they could doc. But
now removeing into this countrie, all these things were
laid aside againe, and a new course of living must be
framed unto ; in which he was no way unwilling to take
his parte, and to bear his burthen with y e rest, living
many times without bread, or corne, many months to-
gether, having many times nothing but fish, and often
wanting that also ; and drunke nothing but water for
many years togeather, yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his
death. And yet he lived (by y e blessing of God) in health
till very old age. And besids y\ he would labour with his
hands in y c feilds as long as he was able ; yet when the
church had no other minister, he taught twise every Sab-
oth, and y l both powerfully and profitably, to y e great con-
tentment of y c hearers, and their comfortable edification ;
yea, many were brought to God by his ministrie. He did
more in this behalfe in a year, then many that have their
hundreds a year doe in all their lives. For his personall
abilities, he was qualified above many ; he was wise and
discreete and well spoken, having a grave & deliberate
utterance, of a very cherfull spirite, very sociable & pleas-
ante amongst his freinds, of an humble and modest mind,
of a peaceable disposition, under vallewing him self & his
owne abilities, and some time over valewing others ; in-
offencive and iiiocente in his life & conversation, w ch gained
him y e love of those without, as well as those within ; yet
he would tell them plainely of their faults & evills, both
publickly & privatly, but in such a maner as usually was
well taken from him. He was tender harted, and com-
passionate of such as were in miserie, but espetialy of
such as had been of good estate and ranke, and were fallen
unto want & poverty, either for goodnes & religions sake,
or by y e injury & oppression of others ; he would say, of
all men these deserved to be pitied most. And none did

414 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

more offend & displease him then such as would hautily
and proudly carry & lift up themselves, being rise from
nothing, and haveing litle els in them to comend them
but a few fine cloaths, or a litle riches more then others.
In teaching, he was very moving & stirring of affections,
also very plaine & distincte in what he taught ; by which
means he became y e more profitable to y e hearers. He had
a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick & private, in
ripping up y e hart & conscience before God, in y e humble
confession of sinne, and begging y e mercies of God in
Christ for y e pardon of y e same. He always thought it
were better for ministers to pray oftener, and devide their
prears, then be longe & tedious in y e same (excepte upon
sollemne & spetiall occations, as in days of humiliation &
y e like). His reason was, that y e harte & spirits of all,
espetialy y e weake, could hardly continue & stand bente
(as it were) so long towards God, as they ought to doc in
y l duty, without flagging and falling of. For y e gover-
mente of y e church, (which was most [25 G] proper to his
office,) he was carfull to preserve good order in y 6 same,
and to preserve puritie, both in y e doctrine & comunion
of y e same ; and to supress any errour or contention that
might begine to rise up amongst them ; and according-
ly God gave good success to his indeavors herein all his
days, and he saw y e fruite of his labours in that behalfe.
But I must breake of, having only thus touched a few, as
it were, heads of things,

I cannot but here take occasion, not only to mention,
but greatly to admire y e marvelous providence of God,
that notwithstanding y e many changes and hardships that
these people wente throwgh, and y e many enemies they had
and difficulties they mette with all, that so many of them
should live to very olde age ! It was not only this reve d
mans condition, (for one swallow maks no summer, as
they say,) but many more of them did y e like, some dying
aboute and before this time, and many still living, who

1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 4.15

attained to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse to 7(>. and
above, and some nere 80. as he did." It must neecls be
more then ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that so it
should be ; for it is found in experience, that chaing of
aeir, famine, or unholsome foode, much drinking of water,
sorrows & troubls, &c, all of them are enimies to health,
causes of many diseaces, consumers of naturall vigoure
and y e bodys of men, and shortners of life. And yet of
all these things they had a large parte, and suffered deeply
in y e same. They wente from England to Holand, wher
they found both worse air and dyet then that they came
from; from thence (induring a long imprisonments as it
were, in y e ships at sea) into New-England ; and how it
hath been with them hear hath allready beene showne ;
and what crosses, troubls, fears, wants, and sorrowes they
have been lyable unto, is easie to conjecture ; so as in some
sorte they may say with y e Apostle, % Cor: 11. 26, 27.
they were in journeings often, in perils of waters, in jwriUs
ofrobers, in per ills of their owne nation, in perils among y*
heathen, in p>erills in y* willdernes, in jierills in y e sea, in
perills among false breethern ; in icearines Sf painfullnes, in
watching often, in hunger and thirst, in fasting often, in
could and nakednes. What was it then that upheld them %
It was Gods vissitation that preserved their spirits. Job
10. 12. Thou hast given me life and grace, and thy vissita-
tion hath preserved my spirits He that upheld y e Apostle
upheld them. They were persecuted, but not forsaken, cast
downe, but perished not. 2. Cor: 4. 9. As nnknowen, and
yet knotcen ; as dying, and behold ive live ; as chastened,
and yett not kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would
have all men to behold and observe such mercies and
works of his providence as these are towards his people,

that they in like cases might be incouraged to depend
i

* Judge Davis, on pages 226-228 Colony ; lie gives also a few similar in-
of his edition of the Memorial, pub- stances of great age in the other New

li«ilip<5 n liftt pvhifutinrr thp lnnnnritv nf Fnfrlon^ onlnninn "TTV

lishes a list exhibiting the longevity of England colonies. — Ed.
many of the first planters of the Old

416 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

upon God in their trials, & also blese his name wheiy they
see his goodnes towards others. Man lives not by Wad
only, Deut: 8. 3. It is not by good & dainty fare, by
peace, & rest, and harts ease, in injoying y° contentments
and good things of this world only, that preserves health
and prolongs life. God in such examples would have y e
world see & behold that he can doe it without them ; and
if y c world will shut ther eyes, and take no notice therof,
yet he would have his people to see and consider it.
Daniell could be better liking with pulse then others
were with y e kings dainties. Jaacob, though he wente
from one nation to another people, and passed thorow
famine, fears, & many afflictions, yet he lived till old age,
and dyed sweetly, & rested in y e Lord, as infinite others
of Gods servants have done, and still shall doe, (through
Gods goodnes,) notwithstanding all y e malice of their
enemies ; when y e branch of y e wicked shall be cut of before
his day, Job. 15. 32. and f bloody and dcceiifull men shall
not live out halfe their days. Psa: 55. 23.

By reason of y e plottings of the Narigansets, (ever since
y e Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into a gen-
erall conspiracie against y e English. in all parts, as was in
part discovered y e yeare before ; and now made more
plaine and evidente by many discoveries and free-conffes-
sions of sundric Indeans (upon severall occasions) from
diverse places, concuring in one ; with such other concur-
ing circomstances as gave them suffissently to understand
the trueth therof, and to thinke of means how to prevente
y e same, and secure them selves. Which made them enter
into this more nere union & confederation following.

[257] Articles of Confederation betweene y e Plantations under
y e Govermente of Massachusets, y e Plantations under y e
Govermente of New-Plimoth, y e Plantations under y e Gover-
mente of Conightecute, and y e Govermente of New-Haven,
with y e Plantations in combination therwith.

Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one

1643.] PLYMOUTH TLAKTATION. 417

and y e same end and aime, namly, to advance the kingdome of
our Lord Jesns Christ, 6c to injoyc y e liberties of y e Gospeil in
puritie with peace; and wheras in our selling (by a wisc>provi-
dence of God) we are further disperced upon y G sea coasts and
rivers then was at first intended, so y l we cannot, according to
our desires, with conveniencie eomunicate in one govcrmente &
jurisdiction; and wberas we live encompassed with people of
severall nations and Strang languages, which hereafter may
prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and for as much as y e
natives have formerly comitted sundrie insolencies and outrages
upon severall plantations of y c English, and have of late com-
bined them selves against us; and seeing, by reason of those
distractions in England (which they have heard of) and by
which they know we are hindered from y l humble way of seek-
ing advice or reaping those comfurtable fruits of protection
which at other times we might well expecte; we therfore doe
conceive it our bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a
presente consociation amongst our selves, for mutuall help &
strength in all our future concernments. That as in nation and
religion, so in other respects, we be & continue one, according
to y e tenor and true meaning of the insuing articles. Wherfore
it is fully agreed and concluded by & betweene y e parties or
jurisdictions above named, and they joyntly & severally doe by
these presents agree & conclude, that they all be and henceforth
be called by y e name of The United Colonics of New-England.

2. The said United Collonies, for them selves & their pos-
terities, doe joyntly Sc severally hereby enter into a firme & per-
petual! league of frendship & amitic, for offence and defence,
mutuall advice and succore upon all just occasions, both for
preserving & propagating y c truth [and liberties] of y e Gospeil,
and for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare.

3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at presente
are or hereafter shall be setled with[in] y c limites of y e Massa-
chusets shall be for ever under y e Massachusets, and shall have
peculier jurisdiction amonge them selves in all cases, as an intire
body. And y l Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New- Haven shall
each of them have like peculier jurisdition and govcrmente
within their limites, and in reference to y c plantations which
allready are setled, or shall hereafter be erected, or shall setle
within their limites, respectively ; provided y l no other jurisdition

53

418 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

shall hereafter be taken in, as a distincte head or member of this
confederation, nor shall any other plantation or jurisdiction in
prescnte being, and not allready in combination or under y e
jurisdiction of any of these confederats, be received by" any of
them ; nor shall any tow of y e confederats joyne in one jurisdic-
tion, without consente of y e rest, which consete to be interpreted
as is exprcsed in y e sixte article ensewing.

4. It is by these confTederats agreed, y l the charge of all just
warrs, whether oftencive or defencive, upon what parte or mem-
ber of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, pro-
vissions, and all other disbnrsments, be borne by all y e parts of
this confederation, in differente proportions, according to their
dirTerente abilities, in maner following : namely : y l the comis-
sioners for each jurisdiction, from time to time, as ther shall be
occasion; bring a true accounte and number of all their males in
every plantation, or any way belonging too or under their sev-
erall jurisdictions, of what qualitie or condition soever they be,
from 1G. years old to 60. being inhabitants ther; and y l accord-
ing to y e diflerente numbers which from time to time shall be
found in each jurisdiction upon a true & just accounte, the
service of men and all charges of y e warr be borne by y ft pole ;
each jurisdiction or plantation being left to their owne just
course & custome of rating them selves and people according
to their dirTerente estates, with due respects to their qualities and
exemptions amongst them selves, though the confederats take
no notice of any such priviledg. And y l according to their dif-
ferente charge of each jurisdiction & plantation, the whole ad-
vantage of y e warr, (if it please God to blesse their indeaours,)
whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be proportionably
devided amonge y e said confederats.

5. It is further agreed, that if [any of] these jurisdictions, or
any plantation under or in combynacion with them, be invaded
by any enemie whomsoever, upon notice & requeste of any 3.
[25S] magistrats of y l jurisdiction so invaded, y e rest of y e con-
federats, without any further meeting or expostulation, shall
forthwith send ayde to y e confederate in danger, but in dirTerente
proportion ; namely, y c Massachusets an hundred men sufficently
armed & provided for such a service and journey, and each of
y e rest forty five so armed & provided, or any lesser number, if
Jess be required according to this proportion. But if sueh con-

1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 419

federate in danger may be supplyed by their nexte confederates,
not exeeding y e number hereby agreed, they may crave help
ther, and seeke no further for y e presente; y c charge to be borne
as in this article is exprest, and at y e returne to be victfiled &
suplyed with powder & shote for their jurney (if ther be need)
by y l jurisdiction which imployed or sent for them. But none
of y e jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting of
y e coin is si oners for this confederation, a greater aide appear nes-
sessarie. And this proportion to continue till upon knowlege of
greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought to
y e nexte meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in
[any] such case of sending men for presente aide, whether before
or after such order or alteration, it is agreed y l at y e meeting of
y e comissioners for this confederation, the cause of such warr
or invasion be duly considered ; and if it appeare y l the falte
lay in y e parties so invaded, y l then that jurisdiction or planta-
tion make just satisfaction both to y e invaders whom they have
injured, and beare all y e charges of y e warr them selves, without
requiring any allowance from y e rest of y e confederats towards
y e same. And further, y l if any jurisdiction see any danger of
any invasion approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that
in such a case 3. magistrats of y l jurisdiction may suinone a
meeting, at such conveniente place as them selves shall thinke
meete, to consider & provid against y e threatened danger, pro-
vided when they are mett, they may remove to what place they
please; only, whilst any of these foure confederats have but 3
magistrats in their jurisdiction, their requeste, or summons,
from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall force with y e
3. mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till ther be an
increase of majestrats ther.

6. It is also agreed y l , for y e managing & concluding of all
affairs propper, & concerning the whole confederation, tow
comissioners shall be chosen by & out of each of these 4. juris-
dictions ; namly, 2. for y e Massachusets, 2. for Plimoth, 2. for
Conightecutt, and 2. for New-Haven, being all in church fellow-
ship with us, which shall bring full power from their severall
Generall Courts respectively to hear, examene, waigh, and de-
tirmine all affairs of warr, or peace, leagues, aids, charges, and
numbers of men for warr, divissions of spoyles, & whatsoever
is gotten by conquest; receiving of more confederats, and all
things of like nature, which arc y e proper concomitants or con-

420 HISTORY OF [1300K II.

sequences of such a confederation, for arnitie, offence, & de-
fence; not interrnedling with y e governiente of any of y e juris-
dictions, which by y e 3. article is preserved entirely to them
selves. But if these 8. comissioners when they meete shall not
all agree, yet it [is] concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreejfng shall
have power to sctle & determine y e bussines in question. But
if 6. doe not agree, that then such propositions, with their rea-
sons, so farr as they have been debated, be sente, and referred
to y e 4. Generall Courts, viz. y e Massachuscts, Plimoth, Conigh-
tecutt, and New-haven ; and if at all y e said Generall Courts
y e bussines so referred be concluded, then to be prosecuted by
y e confederats, and all their members. It was further agreed
that these S. comissioners shall mcetc once every year, besids
extraordinarie meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to con-
sider, treate, & conclude of all aflaires belonging to this con-
federation, which meeting shall ever be y e first Thursday in
September. And y l the next meeting after the date of these
■presents, which shall be accounted y c second meeting, shall be
at Boston in y e Massachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 4. at New-
Haven, the 0. at Plimoth, and so in course successively, if in
y e meanc time some midle place be not found out and agreed
on, which may be comodious for all y e jurisdictions.

7. It is further agreed, y l at each meeting of these 8. comis-
sioners, whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all 6. of them
agreeing as before, may chuse a presidente out of them selves,
whose office & work shall be to take care and directe for order,
and a eomly carrying on of all proceedings in y e present meet-
ing; but he shall be invested with no such power or respecte,
as by which he shall hinder y e propounding or progrese of any
bussines, or any way cast y e scailes otherwise then in y e pre-
cedente article is agreed.

[259] S. It is also agreed, y l the comissioners for this confed-
eration hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordi-
narie, as they may have comission or opportunitie, doe indeaover
to frame and establish agreements & orders in generall cases
of a eivill nature, wherin all y e plantations are interessed, for y e
preserving of peace amongst them selves, and preventing as much
as may be all occasions of warr or difference with others; as
aboute y e free <5c speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdic-
tion, to all y e confederats equally as to their owne; receiving
those y l remove from one plantation to another without due

1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 421

certificate; how all y e jurisdictions may carry towards y* In-
dcans, that they neither growe insolente, nor be injured without
due satisfaction, least warr brcake in upon the confederats
through such miscarriages. It is also agreed, y L if any servante
rune away from his maister into another of these confederated
jurisdictions, that in such case, upon y e certificate of o"nV magis-
trate in y e jurisdiction out of which y e said servante flcdd, or
upon other 'due proofc, the said servante shall be delivered,
either to his maister, or any other y l pursues & brings such
certificate or proofe. And y l upon y e escape of any prisoner
whatsoever, or fugitive for any criminal] cause, whether break-
ing prison, or getting from y e officer, or otherwise escaping, upon
y e certificate of 2. magistrats of y e jurisdiction out. of which y e
escape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender at
y e time of y e escape, the magistrats, or sume of them of y l
jurisdiction wher for y e presente the said prisoner or fugitive
abideth, shall forthwith grante such a warranto as y e case will
beare, for y e apprehending of any such person, & y e delivering
of him into y e hands of y e officer, or other person who pursues
him. And if ther be help required, for y e safe returning of any
such offender, then it shall be granted to him y l craves y e same,
he paying the charges therof.

9. And for y l the justest warrs may be of dangerous conse-
quence, espetially to y e smaler plantations in these United
Collonies, it is agreed y l neither y e Massachusets, Plinioth,
Conightecutt, nor New-Haven, nor any member of any of them,
shall at any time hear after begine, undertake, or ingage them
selves, or this confederation, or any parte therof, in any warr
whatsoever, (sudden* exegents, with y e necessary consequents
therof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much as
y e case will permitte,) without y e consente and agrcementc of
y e forementioned 8. comissioncrs, or at y e least 6. of them, as in
y e sixt article is provided. And y l no charge be required of any
of the confederats, in case of a defensive warr, till y e said comis-
sioners have mett, and approved y c justice of y e warr, and have
agreed upon y e sume of money to be levied, which sume is then
to be paid by the severall confederats in proportion according
to y e fourth article.

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are sum-

* Substituted for sundry on the authority of the original MS. Records. — Ed.

422 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

moned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as in y G 5.
article, if any of y c comissioners come not, due warning being
given or sente, it is agreed y l 4. of the comissioners shall have
power to directe a warr which cannot be delayed, and to send
for due proportions of men out of each jurisdiction, as well as
6, might doe if all mett; but not less then 6. shall determine
the justice of y e warr, or alow y e demands or bVjls of charges, or
cause any levies to be made for y c same.

11. It is further agreed, y l if any of y e confederats shall here-
after breake any of these presente articles, or be any other ways
injurious to any one of y c other jurisdictions, such breach of
agrecmente or injurie shall be duly considered and ordered by y e
comissioners for y e other jurisdiction ; that both peace and this
presente confederation may beintirly preserved without violation.

12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and y e severall arti-
cles therof being read, and seriously considered, both by y c
Gcnerall Courte for y e Massaehusets, and by y e comissioners
for Plimoth, Conigtecute, & New-Haven, were fully alowed <5c
confirmed by 3. of y e forenamed confederats, namly, y e Massa-
ehusets, Conightecutt, and New-Haven; only y e comissioners
for Plimoth haveing no comission to conclude, desired respite
till they might advise with their Gcnerall Courte; wher upon
it was agreed and concluded by y e said Courte of y e Massa-
ehusets, and the comissioners for y e other tow confederats, that,
if Plimoth consente, then the whole treaty as it stands in these
present articls is, and shall continue, firme & stable without al-
teration. But if Plimoth come not in, yet y e other three con-
federats doe by these presents [260] confeirme y e whole confed-
eration, and y e articles therof; only in September nexfe, when
y e second meeting of y e comissioners is to be at Boston, new
consideration may be taken of y e 6. article, which concerns
number of comissioners for meeting & concluding the affaires
of this confederation, to y e satisfaction of y e Courte of y e Massa-
ehusets, and y e comissioners for y e other 2. confederats, but y e
rest to stand unquestioned. In y e testimonie wherof, y e Gcnerall
Courte of y e Massaehusets, by ther Secretary, and y e comission-
ers for Conightecutt and New-Haven, have subscribed these
presente articles this 19.* of y e third month, comonly called
May, Anno Dom : 1643.

* "Winthrop, II. IOG, erroneously dates this the 29th, See Mr. Savage's
note at the same page. — Ed.

1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 423

* At a meeting of y e comissioners for y e confederation held at
Boston y e 7. of Sept: it appearing that the Gcnerall Courte of
New- PJi moth, and y e severall towncshipes therof, have read &
considered & approved these articles of confederation, as ap-
peareth by coiiiission from their Generall Courte bearing date
y e 29. of August, 1643. to M r . Edward Winslow and M r . Wil-
liam Collier, to ratifie and confmnc y e same on their behalfes.
We, therfore, y e Comissioners for y e Massaehusets, ConighVecutt,
& New-Haven, doe also, for our severall governments, subscribe
unto them/

John Winthrop, Gov r . of y e Massaehusest.

Tho : Dudley. Theopii: Eaton.

Geo: Fenwick. Edwa: Hopkins.

Thomas Gregson.

These were y e articles of agreemente in y e union and
confederation which they now first entered into ; and in
this their first meeting, held at Boston y e day & year
abovesaid, amongst other things they had this matter of
great consequence to considere on : the Narigansets, after
y e subduing of y e Pequents, thought to have ruled over
all y e Indeans aboute them ; but y e Englisli, espetially
those of Conightecutt holding correspondencie & frenship
with Uncass, sachem of y e Monhigg Indeans which lived
nere them, (as y e Massaehusets had done with y e Xarigan-
sets,) and he had been faithfull to them in'y e Pequcnte
warr, they were ingaged to supporte him in his just lib-
erties, and were contented y l such of y e surviving Pequents
as had submited to him should remaine with him and
quietly under his protection. This did much increase his
power and augmente his greatnes, which y e Xarigansets
could not inclurc to see. But Myantinomo, their cheefe

* These articles of agreement may the public in a more attractive form, in

also be seen in Hazard, II. 1-6, at the connection with the Old Coluny Rcc-

beginning of his copy of the Records of ords, which are now printing; by the

the United Colonies, which are embraced Slate, under the careful superintendence

in 5\2 pages of that volume. Hazard of Dr. N. B. ShurilefT, in the same

probably printed from the copy of these superior manner in which thai labor has

Records belonging to Plymouth. These been accomplished for the early Records

valuable papers will soon be given to of the Massachusetts Colony. — Ed.

424 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

sachem, (an ambitious & politick man,) sought privatly
and by trearchery (according to y e Indcan maner) to make
him away, by hiring some to kill him. Sometime they
assayed to poyson him ; that not takeing, then in y e night
time to knock him on y° head in his liousc, or secretly to
shoot him, and such like attempts. But none of these
taking effecte, he made open warr upon him (tllpugh it
was against y e covenants botli betweene y e English &
them, as also betweene them selves, and a plaine breach
of y e same). He came suddanly upon him with 900. or
1000. men (never denouncing any warr before). Y c oth-
ers power at y l presente was not above halfe so many ;
but it pleased God to give XJncass y e victory, and he slew
many of his men, and wounded many more; but y e cheefe
of all was, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner. And seeing
he was a greate man, and y e Narigansets a potente people
& would secke revenge, he would doe nothing in y e case
without y e advise of y e English ; so he (by y e help & direc-
tion of those of Conightecutt) kept him prisoner till this
meeting of y e comissioners. The comissioners weighed y e
cause and passages, as they were clearly represented &
sufficently evidenced betwixte Uncass and Myantinomo ;
and the things being duly considered, the comissioners
apparently saw y l Uncass could not be safe whilst Mian-
tynomo lived, but, either by secrete trechery or open
force, his life would still be in danger. "Whcrfore they
thought he might justly put such a false & bloud-thirstie
enimie to death; but in his owne jurisdiction, not in y e
English plantations. And they advised, in y e manor of
his death all mercy and moderation should be showed,
contrary to y e practise of y e Indeans, who exercise torturs
and cruelty. And, [2G1] Uncass having hitherto shewed
him selfe a freind to y e English, and in this craving their
advise, if the Xarigansett Indeans or others shall unjustly
assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice and re-

1644.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 425

quest, y e Euglish promise to assiste and proteete him as
farr as they may agiiiste such violence.

This was y e issue of this bussines. The reasons and pas-
sages hereof are more at large to be seene in* y e acts &
records of this meeting of y e comissioners. And Uncass
follewd this advise, and accordingly executed him, in a
very faire maner, acording as they advised, with due re-
specte to his honour & greatnes.* But what followed on
y e Narigansets parte will appear hear after.

Anno Born: 1644.

M tt . Edward Winslow was chosen Gov r this year.j"

Many having left this place (as is before noted) by rea-
son of y e straightnes & barrennes of y e same, and their
finding of better accommodations elsewher, more su table
to their ends & minds ; and sundrie others still upon every
occasion desiring their dismissions, the church begane
seriously to thinke whether it were not better joyntly to
remove to some other place, then to be thus weakened,

* The fate of Miantinomp cannot took place soon after the return of the

fail to impress the attentive reader of Connecticut and New Haven commis-

the history of that transaction with a sinners, at a spot now called Sachem's

feeling of deep sympathy for the noble Plain, in the eastern part of the town of

prisoner. The reasons for the advice Norwich, where a monument is erected

given to Uneas by the commissioners of bearing this inscription : li Mianlonomo,

the United Colonics, at their session at 1G43." — Ed.

Boston in September of this year, which f The Assistants this year were the

resulted in his execution, may be seen same as those of the last year, with the

at large in Hazard, II. 7-9, They exception that Bradford took the place

will not appear satisfactory to a reader of Prence. Morion notices the death,

of the present day. There is reason to this year, of John Atwood and of John

believe that the friendly relations of Jenny. The former was an Assistant

Miantinomo with Gorton and his het- in 1G38. He and William Collier are

erodox associates, in connection with mentioned, on page 377, as acquaint-

the sale of Shawomet and Pataxct to ances of Mr. Sherley. and they were

the latter, may have operated as a se- appointed by him to effect a settlement

cret ground of influence against him. with the partners here, Jenny arrived

Winthrop r s account of this transaction, in the Little James, in 1G*23. lie was

II. 130-131, should be read in this an Assislant in 1G37, and was continued

connection, and also Mr. Savage's note in the office four years. Sec Winsor's

at the same place. See also Drake's Duxbury, pp, 179, 160 ; Morton's Me-

History of Boston, pp. 272- 27o, and morial, under the years 1G03, 1G37-

Trumbull, I. 131, 135. The execution 10-10, 1044. — Ed.

54

426 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

and as it were insensibly dissolved. Many meetings and
much consultation was held hcaraboutc, and diverse were
mens minds and opinions. Some were still for staying
togeather in this place,. aledging men might hear live, if
they would be contente with their condition ; and y l it was
not for wante or necessitie so much y l they removed, as
for y e enriching of them selves. Others were resolute upon
removall, and so signified y l hear y ey could not stay; but
if y e church did not remove, they must ; insomuch as
many were swayed, rather then ther should be a dissolu-
tion, to condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could be
found, that might more conveniently and comfortablie re-
ceive y e whole, with such accession of others as might
come to them, for their better strength & subsistance ;
and some such like cautions and limitations. So as, with
y e afforesaide provissos, y e greater parte consented to a
removall to a place called Nawsett, which had been super-
ficially vciwed and y e good will of y e purchassers * (to
whom it belonged) obtained, with some addition thertoo
from y e Courte. But now they begane to see their errour,
that they had given away already the best & most coiiiodi-
ous places to others, and now wanted them selves ; for this
place was about 50. myles from hence, and at an outside
of y e countrie, remote from all society; also, that it would
prove so straite, as it would not be competente to receive
y e whole body, much less be capable of any addition or

* The tract of land which embraced Church, " which came forth as it were
Nauset was one of the three parcels re- out of our bowels." Duxbury and
served to the purchasers, or old com- Marshfield had before been sealed, en-
ers, on the surrender of the patent by tirely from Plymouth. With the ex-
Bradford, March 2d, IG40-1. Governor caption of Scituate, which was peopled
Prence was one of the first settlers of partly from the parent settlement, the
this place, and with him were associated other towns then existing in the colony
Deacon John Doan, Nicholas Snow, were settled from other sources. See
Josiah Cook, Richard Biggins, John pp. 37-2, 373 ; Hazard, I. 408 ; Davis's
Smalley, and Edward Bangs. In 103 1, ed. of the Memorial, p. -31 ; Pratt's
the Court ordered that Nauset should History of Eastham, Wellfleet, and
henceforth be called and known hy the Orleans, pp. 1*J, 22 ; Appendix to Pob-
name of Eastham. The church at East- bins's Ordination Sermon, 1760, pp.
ham " was the third," says Cotton, the 5, 7. — Ed.
author of tho Account of Plymouth

1644] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 427

increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they should be
worse ther then they are now hear. The which, with
sundery other like considerations and inconveniences,
made them chaing their resolutions ; but such as were
before resolved upon removal I tooke advantage of this
agreemente, & wente on notwithstanding, neither could y e
rest hinder them, they haveing made some begiiiing. And
thus was this poore church left, like an anciente mother,
growne olele, and forsaken of her children, (though not in
their affections,) yett in regarde of their bodily presence
and personall helpfullness. Her anciente members being
most of them worne away by death ; and these of later
time being like cliildren translated into other families,
and she like a widow left only to trust in God. Thus she
that had made many rich became her selfe poore.

[262] Some tilings handled^ and pacified by y e colhisstoner

this year.

Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of y e jurisdictions
in y e westerne parts, viz. Conightecutt & New-haven, have beenc
latly exercised by sundrie insolencies & outrages from y e In-
deans; as, first, an Englishman, riming from his m r . out of
Massachusets, was murdered in y e woods, in or nere y e limites
of Conightecute jurisdiction;* and aboute G. weeks after, upon
discovery by an Indean, y e Indean sagamore in these parts
promised to deliver the murderer to y e English, bound ; and
having accordingly brought him within y e sight of Uncaway, by
their joynte consente, as it is informed, he was ther unbound,
and left to shiftc for him seife; wherupon 10. Englishmen forth-
with coming to y c place, being sentc by M r . Ludlow, at y e In-
deans desire, to receive y e murderer, who seeing him escaped,
layed hold of S. of y e Indeans ther presente, amongst whom ther
was a sagamore or 2. and kept them in hold 2. days, till 4. saga-
mors ingaged themselves within one month to deliver y e pris-
oner. And about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean
came presumtuously and with guile, in y e day time,, and mur-

* This murder was committed in the and Stamford. See Trumbull, I. p.
spring of this year, between Fairfield 14*2. — Ed.

*

428 history of [book: II.

therously assailed an English woman in her house at Stamford,
and by 3. wounds, supposed mortall, left her for dead, after he
had robbed y e house. By which passages y c English were pro-
voked, & called to a due consideration of their owne saftie ; and
y e - Indeans generally in those parts arose in an hostile mailer,
refused to come to y e English to carry on treaties of peace, de-
parted from their wigwames, left their corne unweeded,. and
shewed them selves tumultuously about some of y e English
plantations, & shott of peeces within hearing of y e towne ; and
some Indeans came to y e English & tould them y e Indeans would
fall upon them. So y l most of y e English thought it unsafe to
travell in those parts by land, and some of y c plantations were
put upon strong watchs and ward, night & day, fc could not
attend their private occasions, and yet distrusted their owne
strength for their defence. Wherupon Hartford & New-Haven
were sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to send into y c
weaker parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger, and
New-Haven, for conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Unca-
way, though belonging to Conightecutt. Of all which passages
they presently acquainted y e comissioners in y e Bay, & had y e
allowance fc approbation from y e Generall Courte ther, with
directions neither to hasten warr nor to bear such insolencics
too longe. Which courses, though chargable to them selves,
yet through Gods blessing they hope fruite is, & will be, sweete
and wholsome to all y e collonies ; the murderers are since deliv-
ered to justice, the publick peace preserved for y e presente, &
probabillitie it may be better secured for y e future.*

Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and y e fear of a
warr hereby diverted. But now an other broyle was be-
gune by y e JNTarigansets ; though they unjustly had made
warr upon Uncass, (as is before declared,) and had, y e
winter before this, ernestly presed y e Gove r of y c Massa-
chusets that they might still make warr upon them to
revenge y e death of their sagamore, w ch , being taken pris-
oner, was by them put to death, (as before was noted,)
pretending that they had first received and accepted his
ransome, and then put him to death. But y e Gove r re-

* See Hazard, II. 22, 23. —Ed.

1644.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 429

fused their presents, and tould them y 1 it was them selves
had done y e wronge, & broaken y e conditions of peace ;
and he nor y e English neither could nor would allow
them to make any further warr upon him, but if they did,
must assiste him, & oppose them ; but if it did appeare,
upon good proofe, that he had received a ransome for his
life, before he put him to death, when y c comissioners
rnett, they should have a fair hearing, and they would
cause Uncass to returne y c same. But notwithstanding,
at y e spring of y e year they gathered a great power, and
fell upon Uncass, and slue sundrie of his men, and wound-
ed more, and also had some loss them selves. Uncass
cald for aide from y e English ; they tould him what y' J
N" arigansets objected, he deney the same ; they tould him
it must come to triall, and if he was inocente, if y e Xari-
gansets would not desiste, they would aide & assiste him.
So at this meeting they [263] sent both to Uncass & y°
Narrigansets, and required their sagamors to come or
send to y e comissioners now mete at Hartford, and they
should have a faire & inpartiall hearing in all their greev-
ances, and would endeavor y l all wrongs should be recti-
fied wher they should be found ; and they promised that
they should sally come and returne without any danger or
molestation ; and sundry y e like things, as appears more
n\ large in y e messengers instructions.* Upon w ch the
Narigansets sent one sagamore and some other deputies,
with full power to doe in y e case as should be meete. Un-
cass came in person, accompanyed with some cheefe aboute
him. After the agitation of y e bussines, y e issue was this.
The comissioners declared to y Narigansett deputies as
followeth.

1. That they did not find any proofe of any ransome agreed on.

2. It appeared not y l any wampam had been paied as a ran-
some, or any parte of a ransome, for Myautinomos life.

3. That if they had in any measure proved their charge

* Which mav be seen in Hazard, II. 14- 1G. — Ed.

430 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

against Uncass, the comissioners would have required him to
have made answerable satisfaction.

4. That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, y c English
will consider y e same, & proceed accordingly.

5. The comissioners did require y L neither them selves nor
y e Nyanticks make any warr or injurious assanlie upon Un-
quass or any of his company until! they make profe of y e ran-
sume charged, and y l due satisfaction be deneyed, unless he
first assaulte them.

6. That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged to
assist him.

Hearupon y e Narigansette sachim, advising with y e other
deputies, ingaged him selfe in the behalfe of y e Narigansets &
Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be comitted upon Uncass,
or any of his, untill after y e next planting of come; and y l after /
that, before they begine any warr, they will give 30. days warn-
ing to y c Gove r of the Massachusets or Conightccutt. The
comissioners approving of this offer, and taking their ingag-
niente under their hands, required Uncass, as he expected y e
continuance of y c favour of the English, to observe the same
termes of peace with y e Narigansets and theirs.

These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by y e comission-
ers, for y e severall jurisdictions, y e 19. of Sept: 1644.

Edwa: Hopkins, Presidente.

Simon Bradstreete.

Will m . Hatiiorne.

Edw : Winslow.

Jojin Browne.

Geor: Fenwick.

Tiieopii : Eaton.

Tho : Gregson.

The forenamed Narigansets deputies did further promise, that
if, contrary to this agreemente, any of y c Nyantick Pcquents
should make any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they
would deliver them up to y e English, to be punished according
to their demerits; and that they would not use any means to
procure the Mowacks to come against Uncass during this
truce.*

* This declaration and agreement may also be seen in Hazard, II. 25-27.
— Ed.

1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 431

These were their names subscribed with their marks,

Weetowish. Chinnough.

PAMPIAMETT. PUMMUNISH.

[264] Anno Dom: 1G45*

The comissioners this year were calecl to meete togither
at Boston, before their ordinarie time; partly in regard of
some differances falen bctwecne y e French and y e govcr-
m ente of y e Massachusets, about their aiding of Munscire
Latore against Munsseire de Aulney,j" and partly aboute
y e Indeans, who had broaken y e former agreements aboute
the peace concluded y e last year. This meeting was held /
at Boston, y e 28. of July.

Besids some underhand assualts made on both sids, the
Narigansets gathered a great power, and fell upon Uncass,
and slew many of his men, and wounded more, by rea-
son y l they farr exseeded him in number, and had gott
store of pecces, with which they did him most hurte. And
as they did this withoute y e knowledg and consente of y°
English, (contrary to former agreemente,) so they were
resolved to prosecute y e same, notwithstanding any thing
y e English said or should doe against them. So, being
incouraged by ther late victorie, and promise of assistance
from y e Mowaks, (being a strong, warlike, and desperate
people,) they had allready devoured Uncass & his, in their
hops ; and surly they had done it in deed, if the English
had not tiinly sett in for his aide. For those of Conigli-

* The Assistants this year were the lie was permitted to hire any ships in

same as those of last year, except, that the harbor of Boston, or such persons

Wmslow and Standish took the places as might be willing to accompany him ;

of Bradford and Thomas ; Bradford be- a proceeding considered impolitic by

ing again elected Governor. — Ed. many in the colony. D'Aulney died

t The claims of these rivals of Aca- before the year 1G52, and La Tour

die were for years a source of great married his widow. For the proeeed-

annoyance to the Massachusetts gov- ings of the United Colonies at this

eminent. Each solicited aid against session in reference to these claimants,

the other. La Tour pretended to be a see Hazard, II. 50 - 54. See also

Huguenot, and some favor was probably Winthrop and Hutchinson passim. —

shown to him for that reason. In 1G43, Ed.

432 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

tecutc sent him 40. men, who were a garison to him, till
y e comissioners could meete and take further order.

Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers,
viz. Sargent John Davis, Benedicte Arnold, and Francis
Smith, with full & ample instructions, both to y e Narigan-
sets and Uncass ; to require them y l they should either
come in person or send sufficiente men fully instructed to
deale in y e bussines ; and if they refused or delayed, to
let them know (according to former agreements) y l the
English are engaged to assiste against these hostile inva-
sions, and y l they have sente their men to defend Uncass,
and to know of y e JSTarigansets whether they will stand to
their former peace, or they will assaulte y e English also,
that they may provid accordingly.

But y e messengers returned, ^ot only with a sleigh ting,
but a threatening answer from the Narigansets (as will
more appear hereafter). Also they brought a letter from
M r . Roger Williams, wherin he assures them that y e warr
would presenly breake forth, & y e whole country would
be all of a flame. And y l the sachems of y e Narigansets
had concluded a newtrality with y e English of Providence
and those of Aquidnett Hand. "Wherupon y e comission-
ers, considering y e great danger & provocations offered,
and y e necessitie we should be put unto of making warr
with y e Narigansetts, and being also carfull, in a matter
of so great waight & generall concernmente, to see y e way
cleared, and to give satisfaction to all y e colonies, did
thinke fitte to advise with such of y e magistrats & ciders
of y e Massachusets as were then at hand, and also with
some of y° cheefe millitary comanders ther ; who being
assembled, it was then agreed, —

First, y L our ingagmente bound us to aide & defend
Uncass. 2. That this ayde could not be intended only
to defend him & his forte, or habitation, but (according*
to y e comone acceptation of such covenants, or ingagments,
considered with y e grounds or occasion therof) so to ayde

1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 433

him as he might be preserved in his liberty and estate.
3 ly . That this ayde [265] must be speedy, least he might
be swalowed up in y e mean time, and so come to late.
4 ly . The justice of this warr being cleared to our selves
and y e rest then presente, it was thought meete y l the case
should be stated, and y e reasons & grounds of y e warr de-
clared and published. 5 l/ . That a day of humiliation
should be apoynted, which was y e 5. day of y e weeke fol-
lowing. 6 ly . It was then allso agreed by y e comissioners
that y e whole number of men to be raised in all y e colo-
nies should be 300. Wherof from y e Massachusetts a 190.
Plimoth, 4Q. Conightecute, 40. New-Haven, 30. And
considering y l Uncass was in present danger, 40. men of
this number were forthwith sente from y e Massachusets
for his sucoure ; and. it was butVaeede, for y e other 40.
from Conightecutt had order to stay but a month, Sz their
time being out, they returned ; and y e Narigansets, hear-
ing therof, tooke the advantage, and came suddanly upon
him, and gave him another blow r , to his further loss, and
were ready to doe y e like againe ; but these 40. men being
arrived, they returned, and did nothing.

The declaration which they sett forth I shall not
transcribe, it being very larg, and put forth in printe, to
which I referr those y l would see y e same, in which all
passages are layed open from y e first.* "I shall only note
their prowd carriage, and answers to y e 3. messengers sent
from y e comissioners. They received them with scornc &
contempte, and tould them they resolved to have no
peace without Uncass his head ; f also they gave them
this further answer: that it mattered not who began e y c
warr, they were resolved to follow it, and that y e English
should withdraw their garison from Uncass, or they would
procure y e Mowakes against them ; and withall gave
them this threatening answer: that they would lay y°

# This declaration is in Hazard, II. f See Hazard, II. 49. — Ed.
45. — Ed.

55

434 HISTORY OF [BOOK IX.

English catle on heaps, as high as their houses, and y l no
English-man should shirr out of his dore to pisse, but he
should he kild. And wheras they required guids to pass
throw their countrie, to deliver their message to Uncass
from y e comissioners, they deneyed them, but at length
(in way of scorne) offered them an old Pequente woman.
Besids allsb they conceived them selves in danger, for
whilst y e interpretour was speakcing with them about y e
answer he should returne, 3. men came & stood behind
him with ther hatchets, according to their murderous
maner; but one of his fellows gave him notice of it, so
they broak of & came away; with sundry such like af-
frontes, which made those Indeans they carryed with
them to rune away for fear, and leave them to goe home
as they could. V

Thus whilst y e comissioners in care of y e publick peace
sought to quench y e fire kindled amongst y e Indeans, these
children of strife breath out threatcnings, provocations,
and warr against y e English them selves. So that, unless
they should dishonour & provoak God, by violating a just
ingagmente, and expose y e colonies to contempte & danger
from y e barbarians, they cannot but exerciese force, when
no other means will prevaile to reduse y e Narigansets &
their confedcrats to a more just & sober temper.

So as here upon they went on to hasten y e preparations,
according to y c former agreemente, and sent to Plimoth
to send forth their 40. men with all speed, to lye at Sea-
cunke, least any deanger should befalle it, before y c rest
were ready, it lying next y e enemie, and ther to stay till
y e Massachusetts should joyne with them. Allso Conig-
tecute & Newhavcn forces were to joyne togeather, and
inarch with all speed, and y e Indcan confederats of those
parts with them. All which was done accordingly ; and
the souldiers of this place were at Seacunk, the place of
their rendevouze, S. or 10. days before y° rest were ready ;
they were well armed all with snaphance peeces, and

1615.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 435

wente under y e camand of Captain [266] Standish. Those
from other places were led likwise by able comanders,* as
Captaine Mason for Conigtecute, &c. ; and Majore Gibons
was made generall over y e whole, with such comissions &
instructions as was meete.

Upon y e suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the pres-
ent necessitie requiring it,) the deputies of y e Massachu-
setts Courte (being now assembled iihediatly after y c set-
ting forth of their 40. men) made a question whether it
was legally done, without their comission. It was an-
swered, that howsoever it did properly belong to y c au-
thority of y e several 1 jurisdictions (after y e warr was agreed
upon by y e comissioners, & the number of men) to provid
y e men & means to carry on y e warr ; yet in this prcsente
case, the proceeding of y e comissioners and y e comission
given was as sufficiente as if it had been done by y e Gen-
erall Courte.

First, it was a case of such presente & urgente necessitie, as
could not stay y e calling of y e Courte or Counsell. 2^. In y°
Articles of Confederation, power is given to y e comissioners to
consult, order, & determine all affaires of warr, &c. And y c
word determine comprehends all acts of authority belonging
therunto.

3 ly . The comissioners arc y e [sole] judges of y e necessitie of
the expedition.

4 ly . The Generall Courte have made their owne comissioners

*

their sole counsell for these affires.

5 ly . These counsels could not have had their due efTeete ex-
cepte they had power to proceede in this case, as they have
done ; which were to make y e comissioners power, and y e maine
end of y e confederation, to be frustrate, and that mearly for ob-
serving a ceremony.

6 Iy . The comissioners haveing sole power to manage y e warr
for number of men, for time, place, &c, they only know their
owne counsells, & determinations^ and therfore none can grante
coniission to acte according to these but them selvcs.f

* Comandcr in the MS. — Ed. after them, or any confirmation of that

f " 7. To send a new commission which they have, would cast blame

436 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

All things being thus in rcadincs, and some of y c soul-
diers gone -forth, and the rest ready to march, the comis-
sioners thought it meete before any hostile acte was per-
formed, to cause a presentc to be returned, which had
been scute to y e Gove r of the Massachusetts from y e
Narigansett sachems, but not by him received, but layed
up to be accepted or refused as they should carry them
selves, and observe y° covenants. Therfore they violating
the same, & standing out thus to a warr, it was againe
returned, by 2. messengers & an interpretour. And fur-
ther to let know that their men already sent to Uncass
(& other wher sent forth) have hitherto had express order
only to stand upon his & their owne defence, and not to
attempte any invasion of y e Narigansetts country; and
yet if they may have due rcperation for what is past, and
good securitie for y e future, it shall appear they are as de-
sirous of peace, and shall be as tender of y° Nariganscts
blood as ever. If therefore Pessecuss, Innemo, with
other sachem es, will (without further delay) come along
with you to Boston, the comissioners doe promise & as-
sure them, they shall have free liberty to come, and re-
tourne without molestation or any just greevance from y e
English. But deputies will not now serve, nor id ay the
preparations in hand be now stayed, or y e directions given
recalled, till y e forementioned sagamors come, and some
further order be taken. But if they will have nothing
but warr, the English are providing, and will procecde
accordingly.

Pessccouss, Mixano, & "Witowash, 3. principall sachems
of y° Narigansctt Indcans, and Awasequen, deputie for y e

upon the commissioners, and would matter thereof, but they would reserve

weaken their power as if they iiad pro- the manner of proceedings as to their

ceeded unwarrantably. own commissioners to further consid-

" Afier much apitaiion and long time eraiion, and so go on to expedite the

spent herein, it was at Jast agreed that present business propounded to them

the Court would allow the proceedings by the commissioners." Hazard, II.

of the commissioners in this case for the 32. — Ed.

1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 437

Nyan ticks, with a large train e of men, within a few days
after came to Boston.

And to omitte all other circomstances and debats y l
past betweenc them and the comissioners, they came to
this conclusion following.

[267] 1. It was agreed betwixte y e comissioners of y e United
Collonies, and y e forementioned sagamores, & Niantick deputie,
that y e said Narigansets eo Niantick sagamores should pay or
cause to be payed at Boston, io y c Massachusets comissioners,
y° fullsume of 2000. fathome of good white wampame, or a third
parte of [good] black wampampeage, in 4. payments; namely,
500. fathome within 20. days, 500. fathome within 4. months,
500. fathome at or before next planting time, and 500. fathome
within 2. years next after y Q date of these presents; which
2000. fathome y e comissioners aecepie for satisfaction of for-
mer charges expended. ^

2. The foresaid sagamors & deputie (on y e behalfe of y e Nari-
gansctt & Niantick Jndeans) hereby promise & covenantc tliat
they [will] upon demand and profe satisfie & restore unto Uncass,
y e Mohigan sagamore, all such captives, whether men, or women,
or children, and all such canowes, as they or any of their men
have taken, or as many of their ownc canowes in y c roome of
them, full as good as they were, with full satisfaction for all
such conic as they or any of theirc men have spoyled or de-
stroyed, of his or his mens, since last planting time; and y e Eng-
lish comissioners hereby promise y l Uncass shall doe y e like.

3/ Wheras ther arc sundry differences & greevances betwixte
Narigansett & Niantick Indeans, and Uncass his men, (which
in Uncass his absence cannot now be detirmined,) it is nearby
agreed y l Nariganset & Niantick sagamores either come them
selves, or send their deputies to y e next meeting of y c comis-
sioners for y e collonies, either at New-Haven in Sep 1 1646. or
sooner (upon conveniente warning, if y e said comissioners doe
meete sooner), fully instructed to declare & make due proofe of
their injuries, and to submitc to y e judgmente of y e comis-
sioners, in giving or receiving satisfaction; and y e said comis-
sioners (not doubting but Uncass will cither come him sclfe, or
send his deputies, in like mancr furnished) promising to give a
full hearing to both parties with equall justice, without any
partiall respects, according to their allegations and profs.

438 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

4. The said Narigansett & Nianliek sagamors & deputies
doe hearby promise & covenants to keep and maintaine a fume
& perpetuall peace, both with all y e English United Colonies &
their successors, and with Uncass, y e Monhegen sachem, & his
men ; with Ossarnequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin,
Shoanan, Passaconaway, and all other Indean sagamors, and
their companies, wlio are in freindship with or subjecte to any
of y e English ; hearby ingaging them selves, that they will not
at any time hearafter disturbe y e peace of y e cuntry, by any
assaults, hostile attempts, invasions, or other injuries, to any of
y e Unnited Collonies, or their successors; or to y e afforesaid In-
deans; either in their persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly
or indirectly; nor will they confederate with any other against
them ; & if they know of any Indeans or others y l conspire or in-
tend hurt [either] against y e said English, or any Indeans subjecte
to or in freindship with them, they will without delay aequainte
& give notice therof to y e English coil^ssioners, or some of them.

Or if any questions or differences shall at any time hereafter
arise or grow betwext them & Uncass, or any Endeans be-
fore mentioned, they will, according to former ingagments (which
they hearby confirme fc ratifie) first aequainte y e English, and
crave their judgments & advice therin ; and will not attempte
orbegine any warr, or hostille invasion, till they have liberty
and alowance from y e comissioners of y e United Collonies so
to doe.

5. The said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores & deputies
doe. hearby promise y l they will forthw th deliver & restore all
such Indean fugitives, or captives which have at any time fled
from any of y e English, and are now living or abiding amongst
them, or give due satisfaction for them to y c comissioners for y°
Massaehusets; and further, that they will (without more delays)
pay, or cause to be payed, a yearly tribute, a month before [In-
dian] harvest, every year after this, at Boston, to y e English Colo-
nies, for all such Pequents as live amongst them, according to
y e former treaty & agreemente, made at Hartford, 1G33. namly,
one fathome of white wampam for every Pcquente man, & halfe
a fathume for each Pequente youth, and one hand length for
each mal-ehild. And if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this
tribute for any Pequents with him, the Narigansetts sagamores
promise to assiste y e English against him. And they further

1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 439

covenaute y l they will rcsigne & yecld up the whole Pequcntc
cuntrie, and* every parte of it, to y e English collonies, as due to
them by conquest.

6. The said Narigansctt & Niantick sagamores & deputie doe
hereby promise & covenantc y l within 14. days they will brin<*
& deliver to y e Massachusetts comissioncrs on y e behalfc of [all]
y e collonies, [268] foure of their children, viz. Pessecous his eldest
son, the soiic Tassaquanawite, brother to Pessccouss, Awash awe
his sone, and Ewangsos sone, a Niantick, to be keptc (as hos-
tages & pledges) by y e English, till both y e foremen tioncd 2000.
fathome of warn pa m be payed at y e times appoynted, and y e
differences betwecxte themselves & Uncass be heard & ordered,
and till these articklcs be under writen at Boston,*by Jencmo &
Wipctock." And further they hereby promise & covenantc, y l
if at any time hearaftcr any of y e said children shall make es-
cape, or be conveyed away from y e English, before y e premisses
be fully accomplished, they will either^ bring back & deliver to
y e Massachusctt comissioners y e same children, or, if they be
not to be founde, such & so many other children, to be chosen
by y e comissioncrs for y e United Collonies, or their assignes,
and y l within 20. days after demand, and in y e mean time, untill
y e said 4. children be delivered as hostages, y e Narigansctt fc
Niantick sagamors & deputy doe, freely & of their ewne accordc,
leave with y e Massachusctt comissioncrs, as pledges for presente
securitie, 4. Indeans, namely, Witowash, Pumanise, Jawashoe,
Wanghwamino, who allso freely consente, and offer them selves
to stay as pledges, till y c said children be brought & delivered
as abovesaid.

7. The comissioners for y e United Collonies doc hereby
promise & agree that, at y e charge of y e United Collonies, y e 4.
Indeans now left as pledges shall be provided for, and y l the 4.
children to be brought & delivered as hostages shall be kepte &
maintained at y e same charge; that they will require Uncass &
his men, with all other Indean sagamors before named, to for-
bear all acts of hostilitie againste y e Narigansctts and Niantick
Indeans for y G future. And further, all y e promises being duly
observed & kept by y e Narigansett & Niantick Indians and their
company, they will at y G end of 2. years restore y e said children
delivered as hostiages, and retaine a firmc peace with y e Nari-
gansets & Nianticke Indeans and their succcssours.

8. It is fully agreed by & bctwixtc y e said parties, y l if any

440 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

hostile attempte be made while this treaty is in hand, or before
notice of this agrcemente (to stay further preparations & direc-
tions) can be given, such attempts & y c consequencts therof
shall on neither parte be accounted a violation of this treaty, nor
a breach of y e peace hear made & concluded.

9. The Narigansets & Niantiek sagamors & deputie hereby
agree & covenante to & with y c comissioners of y e United. Col-
lonies, y l henceforth they will neither give, grante, sell, or in any
mancr alienate, any parte of their countrie, nor any pareell of
laud therin, either to any of y e English or others, without con-
sen te or allowance of y° cohTissioners.

10. Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be
found & discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace
murdered any of y c English, he or they shall be delivered to just
punishmente.

In witness wherof y e parties above named have interchaingablie
subscribed these presents, the day & yeaVabove writen.

John Wintiiuop, President.
Herbert Pelham.
Tho: Pkence.
John Browne.
Geo : Fen wick.
Edwa: Hopkins.
Tiieoth: Eaton.
Steven Goodyeare.
Pessecouss his mark (\/

Meekesano his mark ^ 1>

Witowash his mark C C C

y i the Niantick

Aumsequen his mark ( J deputy.

Abdas his mark ffi
Pummasii his mark C/ ^f ^^
Clttciiamakin his mark ^O £}.

This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of y°
United Collonies and y c sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets

1646.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 441

and Niantick Indeans was made and concluded, Bcnediete
Arnold being interpretonr upon his oath; Scrgante Callicate &
an Indean, his man, being presents, and Josias & Cutshamakin,
tow Indeans aquainted with y° English language, assisting
therin ; who opened & cleared the whole treaty, & every article,
to y e sagamores and deputie there presente.*

And thus was y e warr at this time stayed and pre-
vented.

[269] Anno Bom: 1646.

About y e midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships into
this harbor, in warrlike order; they were found to be men
of warr. The captains name was Crumwell, who had
taken sundrie prizes from y e Spaniards in y e West Indies.
He had a comission from y e Earle of Warwick. He had
abord his vessels aboute 80. lustie men, (but very unruly,)
who, after they came ashore, did so distemper them selves
with drinke as they became like madd-men ; and though
some of them were punished & imprisoned, yet could they
hardly be restrained ; yet in y e ende they became more
moderate & orderly. They continued here aboute a month
or 6. weeks, and then went to y e Massachusets ; in which
time they spente and scattered a great deale of money
among y e people, and yet more sine (I fear) then money,
notwithstanding all y e care & watchfullnes that was used
towards them, to prevente what might be.

In "which time one sadd accidente fell out. A desperate
fellow of y e company fell a quarling with some of his
company. His captine coihanded him to be quiet & sur-
cease his quarelling ; but he would not, but reviled his
captainc with base language, & in y e end halfe drew his
rapier, & intended to rune at his captien ; but he closed
with him, and wrasted his rapier from him, and gave him
a boxe on y e earr ; but he would not give over, but still

* See Hazard, II. 41-44.— Ed.

56

4:12 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.

assaulted his captaine. "Whcrupon lie tooke y e same ra-
pier as it was in y e scaberd, and gave him a blow -with y e
hilts; but it light on his head, & y c smal end of y e bar
of y e rapier hilts peirct his scull, & he dyed a few days
after. But y e captaine was cleared by a counsell of>-\yarr.
This fellow was so desperate a quarcllcr as y e captaine
was fainc many times to chaine him under hatches from
hurting his fellows, as y c company did testifie; and this
was his end.*

This Captaine Thomas Cormuell sett forth another vio-
age to the Westindeas, from the Bay of the Massachusets,
well maned & victuled ; and was out 3. years, and tooke
sundry prises, and returned rich unto the .Massachusets,
and ther dyed the same soiiiere, having gott a fall. from
his horse, in which fall he fell on Ins rapeir hilts, -and so
brused his body as he shortly after dyed therof, with some
other distempers, which brought him into a fcavor. "Some
observed that ther might be somthing of the hand of God
herein ; that as the forenamed man dyed of y e blow he
gave him with y e rapeir hilts, so his owne death was occa-
tioned by a like means.

This year M r . Edward TVmslow went into England,
upon this occation:*] - some discontented persons under y e

* " One Captain Cromwell, about the poorer sort. It fell out, while they
ten years since a common seamnn in were there, that a desperate^ drunken
the Massachusetts," says Wimhrop, fellow, one Voysye, who had been in
II. 263, "had been out with Captain continual quarrels all the voyage, on
Jackson in a man of war, by commis- being reproved by his captain, offered
sion from the Earl of Warwick, divers to draw his mpier at him,"* &e,, &e.
years, and, having a commission of dep- The narrative proceeds to detail the
utaLion from his said captain, had taken circumstances of the death of this man
four or five Spanish vessels, and in at Plymouth, and of the trial of the
some of them great riches ; and being captain by a council of war, which ae-
bound hither with three ships and quitted him. — Ed.
about eighty men, (they were frigates f The Massachusetts government in
of cedar-wood, of about sixty and eighty November of this year made choice of
tons,) by a strong northwest wind they Mr. Winslow, " as a fit man to be em-
were foreed into Plymouth, Divine ployed in our present affairs in Eny land,
Providence so directing for the comfort both in regard of his abilities ol pros-
and help of that town, which was now enee, speech, courage, and-ttrt&'rstaiul-
almost deserted, where they continued ing, as also hying well known to the
about fourteen days or more, and spent commissioners.*' &e. Winthrop, Il-
liberally and gave freely to many of 2S3. He sailed from Boston about tho

1646.]

PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

443

govermente of the Massachusets sought to trouble their
peace, and clisturbc, if not innovate, their govermente,
by laying many [270] scandals upon them ; and intended
to prosecute against them in England, by petitioning &

middle of December. The purpose of
his mission was to answer the com-
plaints made to the Commissioners for
Foreign Plantations by Robert Child
and others, who claimed that many
persons in that colony were denied the
privileges of civil and religious liberty;
and also to reply to the charges made
by Gorton and his associates, who com-
plained of severe treatment from that
government, by imprisonment and ex-
pulsion fromtlieir lands at Shawomet.
On arriving in London, Winslow found
that Gorton, who went to England two
years before, had published an account
of the proceedings against himself and
others in New England, under the title
of " Simplicities Defence against Sev-
en-Headed Policy," &c, &c, Lon-
don, 1646. To this he published a re-
ply, entitled " Hypocricie Unmasked,'*
&c, bearing the same date as the
above. The next year appeared a
tract hearing the name of Major John
Child, broiher of the Robert Child above
named,, entitled "New England's Jo-
nah cast up in London, or a Relation
of the Proceedings of the Court at
Boston in New England against divers
honest and godly Persons," &c, in the
Postscript to which is a notice of Wins-
low's book just named. Winslow an-
swered this the same year, under the
title of "New-England's Salamander,
discovered by an irreligious and scorn-
ful Pamphlet," &c. Hutchinson says
(I. 149, 1st ed.) that Winslow, "by
his prudent management, and the credit
and esteem he was in with many of the
members of Parliament and principal
persons then in power, prevented any
prejudice to the colony from either of
these applications." Gorton and his
associates, however, were reinstated in
their possessions at Shawomet. A full
account of these controversies, which
are not unimportant incidents in the
early history of Massachusetts, will be
found in Winthrop, and in the tracts
above cited.

In the Appendix to " ITypocricie Un-
masked," Winslow gives "A Brief
Narration of the true grounds or cause
of the first Planting of New England";
being a reply to Robert Baylie's " Dis-
suasive from the Errors of the Time,"
published in 1645. This contains the
original of the celebrated tk farewell
discourse" of Robinson, alluded to on
page 50. Winslow dots not call it a
discourse or sermon, but says, " At
their departure from him [Robinson] to
begin the great work of plantation in
New England, among other wholesome
instructions and exhortations, he used
these expressions, or to the same pur-
pose." See Young, pp. 378-408.

While in England, Winslow em-
ployed his interest successfully with
the members of Parliament and others
of quality and wealth for the erection
of a corporation for the propagation of
the Gospel among the Indians of New
England. The Act creating this society
bears date July 27, 1649. The same
year he published a tract entitled " The
Glorious Progress of the Gospel among
the Indians in New England," contain-
ing letters of Eliot and Mayhew.

In 1654, Winslow was appointed one
of three commissioners to determine the
value of the English ships seized and
destroyed by the king of Denmark,
and his original commission from the
Protector is now at Plymouth ; it is
published in Thatcher's History, pp.
99-103. In 1655, he accompanied the
expedition under Admiral Penn and
General Venable against Hispaniola, as
the chief of three commissioners. In
their attack on St. Domingo they were
defeated with great loss. On the pas-
sage between that place and Jamaica
Winslow fell sick, "and died the eighth
day of May, which was about the sixty-
first year of his life." See p. Ill ;
Davis's ed. of the Memorial, pp. 'J5 C J
-261; Hazard, II. 145-150; Belknap,
II. 281-309; Drake's Boston, pp. 316,
317. — Ed.

444:

HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. [BOOK II.

complaining to the Parlemente. Allso Samuell Gorton*
& his company made complaints against them ; so as they
made choyse of M r . Winslow to be their agente, to make
their defence, and gave him comission & instructions for
that end ; in which he so carried him selfe as did well
answer their ends, and cleared them from any blame or
dishonour, to the shame of their adversaries. But by rea-
son of the great alterations in the State, he was detained
longer then was expected ; and afterwards fell into other
imployments their, so as he hath now bene absente this
4. years,t which hath been much to the weakning of this
governiente, without whose consentc he tooke these im-
ployments upon him.

Anno 1647. And AnUQ 1648.

* Our author has not honored this
individual with any further notice. He
resided at Plymouth for a time, and in
1038 was banished from that jurisdic-
tion. Morton devotes a few pages to
him in the Memorial. See Memoirs of
him in Sparks ? s American Biography,
Vol. V., N. S., and in New England
Hist, and Geneal. Register, Vol, IV.
— En.

f This indicates the year in which
our author is now writing, namely,
1650. On page G, he tells us that he
began tins History " about the year
1G30, and so pieced up at times of leis-
ure afterward." That he intended a
continuation of these annals is evident
from the heading of the years 1647 and
1648.— -Ed.

J>

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

No. I.

[PASSENGERS OF TI1E MAYFLOWER.*]

The names of those which came over first, in y e year 1620. and
were by the blessing of God the first beginers and (in a
sort) the foundation of all the Plantations and Colonies in
New-England ; and their families.

M r . John Carver; Kathrine, his wife; Desire Minter; &
2. man-servants, John Rowland, Roger Wilder; William
Latham, a boy ; & a maid servant, & a child y l was put to
him, called Jasper More.

8.

M r . William Brewster; Mary, his wife; with 2. sons,

• whose names were Love fc Wrasling; and a boy was put

6. to him called Richard More; and another of his brothers.

The rest of his childeren were left behind, & came over

afterwards.

M r . Edward Win slow; Elizabeth, his wife ; & 2. men

5. servants, caled Georg Sowle and Elias Story; also a litle

girle was put to him, caled Ellen, the sister of Richard More.

* To the genealogist, tlic value of therefore been had, hitherto, to other

this list of passengers of the May flower, sources for information, and much has

preserved by Governor Bradford at the been left to conjecture. No perfect list

end of his History, cannot be over-csti- has ever been made out. Two names

mated. Prinee made but a partial use in tiiis record (Trevore and Ely) do not

of this interesting Tecord. Taking the appear in Morton's list of signers. They

list of signers to the compact, in the or- arc not included in any of the families,

der in which the names appear in the and appear to have been overlooked by

Memorial, he has given the nutn'Ur of Prinee in estimating the number of pas-

which each family was composed, with- scngers. See pp. 77,90; Prince, I.

out always indicating the individuals S5, 8G. — Ed.
who make up that number. Resort has

448 P

APPENDIX.

2.

William Bradford, and Dorothy, his wife; having but
one child, a sone, left behind, who came afterward.

M r . Isaaek Allerton, and Mary, his wife ; with 3. children,
G. Bartholmew, Remember, & Mary; and a servant boy,
John Hooke.

M r . Samuell Fuller, and a servant, caled William Britten.
His wife was behind, & a child, which came afterwards.

2. John Crakston, aiid his sone, John Crakston.

2. Captin Myles Standish, and Rose, his wife. .

* •^'"Christopher Martin, and his wife, and 2. servants,
Salomon Prower* and John Langemore.

5.

M r . William Midlines, and his wife, and** 2. children, Jo-
seph & Priscila; and a servant, Robart Carter.

M r . William White, and Susana, his wife, and one
sone, caled Resolved, and one borne a ship-bord, caled
Percgrienejf & 2. servants, named William Holbcck &
Edward Thomson.

M r . Steven Hopkins, & Elizabeth, his wife, and 2. chil-
dren, caled Giles, and Constanta, a doughter, both by a
8. former wife; and 2. more by this wife, caled Damaris &
,Oc#aivus;! the last was borne at sea; and 2. servants,
called Edward Doty and Edward Litster.

M r . Richard Warren ; but his wife and children were
lefte behind, and came afterwards.

* Prinee, 1. 80, under date of Decern- their arrival at Cape Cod, and therefore

ber 24, records, from Bradford's pocket- should not be included in the number of

book, the death of Solomon Martin, passengers. — Ed.

being the sixth and last who died that % Ocean us is included in ^ the list of

month. As no such name appears in passengers, and so also is William JJut-

this list of passengers, we must suppose ten, the servant of Samuel Fuller, who

this person is there intended. The died before the arrival at Cape Cod.

name of the master being given to the Only one of these should be enumerated,

servant. — Ed. See pp. 70, 77. — Ed.

f Peregrine White was born after

APPENDIX. 449

John Billinton, and Elen, his wife ; and 2. sones, John &
Francis.

Edward Tillic, and Ann, his wife; and 2. children that
were their cossens, Henery Samson and Humillity Coper.

3. John Tillie, and his wife; and Eelizabetb, their doughter.

Francis Cooke, and his sone John. But his wife & other
children came afterwards.

Thomas Rogers, and Joseph, his sone. His other ehil-
dren came afterwards.

3. Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a sone.

2. John Rigdale, and Alice, his wife.

3.

James Chilton, and his wife, and Mary, their dougter.
They had an other doughter, y l was maried, camp afterward.

3. Edward Fuller, and his wife, and Samuell, their sonne,
3.

John Turner, and 2. sones. He had a doughter came
some years after to Salem, wher she is now living.

Franeis Eaton, and Sarah, his wife, and Samuell, their
sone, a yong child.

Moyses Fleteher, John Goodman, Thomas Williams,
Digerie Preist, Edmond Margeson, Peter Browne, Richard
Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard Gardenar, Gilbart
"Winslow.

John Alden was hired for a cooper, at South-Hampton,
wher the ship victuled ; and being a hopfull yong man,
was much desired, but left to his owne liking to go or
stay when he came here; but he stayed, and maryed here.

John Allerton and Thomas Enlish were both hired, the
later to goe m r of a shalop here, and y e other was reputed as
2. one of y e company, but was to go back (being a seaman)
57

450 APPENDIX.

for the help of others behind. But they both dyed here, be-
fore the shipe returned.

There were allso other 2. seamen hired to stay a year
2. here in the country, William Trevore,* and one Ely. But
when their time was out, they both returned.!

These, bening aboute a hundred sowls,;j: came over in this
first ship ; and began this worke, which God of his goodnes
hath hithertoo blescd; let his holy name have y e praise.

And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see SO. years
compleated since these beginings ; and that the great works
of his providence are to be observed, I have thought it not
unworthy my paines to take a veiw of the decreasings &
increasings of these persons, and such changs as hath pased
over them & theirs, in this thirty years. It may be of some
use to such as come after; but, ho\veverJ\l shall rest in my
owne beuefi te.

I will therfore take them in order as they lye.

M r . Carver and his wife dyed the first year; he in y e
spring, she in y e somer; also, his man Roger and y e litle
boy Jasper dyed before either of them, of y e commone in-
fection. Desire Winter returned to her freinds, & proved
not very well, and dyed in England. His servant boy La-
• tham, after more then 20. years stay in the country, went
into England, and from thence to the Bahamy Hands in y e
West Indies, and ther, with some others, was starved for
want of food. His maid servant maried, & dyed a year or
tow after, here in this place.

His servant, John Howland, maried the doughter of John

Tillic, Elizabeth, and they are both now living, and have

15. 10. children, now all living; and their eldest daughter hath

4. children. And ther 2. daughter, 1. all living : and other

of their children mariagable. So 15. are come of them.

* SeepagesJ22, 209. — Ed. Hopkins should be deducted, which

t See page 77. — Ed. will leave the true number of passen-

j This list adds up 10 i, but Peregrine gers 102. See page 77. — Ed.
White and William Butten or Oceanus

APPENDIX. 451

M r . Brewster lived to very old age; about 80. years he
was when he dyed, having lived some 23. or 24. years here
in y e eountrie ; & though his wife dyed long before, yet she
dyed aged. His sone Wrastle dyed a yonge man unmaried ;

4. his sone Love lived till this year 1650. and dyed, & left
4. children, now living. His doughters which came over
after him are dead, but have left sundry children alive; his
eldst sone is still liveing, and hath 9. or 10. children; one

2. maried, who hath a child or 2.

Richard More his brother dyed the first winter; but he is
maried, and hath 4. or 5. children, all living.

M r . Ed: Winslow his wife dyed the first wioter; and he
2. maried with the widow of M r . White, and hath 2. children
living by her marigable, besids sundry that are dead.

One of his servants dyed, as also the litle girle, soone
8. after the ships arivall. But his man, Georg Sowle, is still
living, and hath 8. ehildre.

* William Bradford his wife dyed soone\after their arivall ;

. and he maried againe ; i and hath 4. children, 3. wherof are
4. . , o > i >

maried.

M r . Allerton his wife dyed with the first, and his servant,
John Hooke. His sone Barth is maried in England, but
I know not how many children he hath. His doughter
■ Remember is rnaried at Salem, & hath 3. or 4. children
living. And his doughter Mary is maried here, & hath 4.
children. Him selfe maried againe with y e doughter of M r .
Brewster, & hath one sone living by her, but she is long
since dead. And he is maried againe, and hath left this
place long agoe. So I account his increase to be S. besids
his sons in England.

■*&*'

M r . Fuller his servant dyed at sea; and after his wife
2. came over, he had tow children by her, which are living and
grown e up to years ; but he dyed some 15. years agoe.$

* Who dyed 9th of May, 165G. — of Bradford is antedated one year.

Prince. — Ed.

The transcriber has put the name f See pages 71, 142,401. — Ed.

of Prince to this note; but the death J See page 314. — Ed.

452 APPENDIX.

John Cralcston dyed in the first mortality ; and about
some 5. or 6. years after, his sone dyed ; having lost him
selfe in y e wodes, his feet became irosen, which put him
into a feavor, of which he dyed.

* Captain Standish his wife dyed in the first sicknes, and
4. lie maried againe, and hath 4. sones liveing, and some are
dead.

M r . Martin, he & all his, dyed in the first infection not
long after the arivall.

M r . Molines, and his wife, his sone, and his servant, dyed

the first' winter. Only his dougter Priseila survied, and

15. maried with John Alden, who are both living, and have

11. children. And their eldest daughter is maried, & hath

five children.!

M r . White and his 2. servants dyed soone after ther land-
ing. His wife maried with M r . Wirrafow (as is before
7. noted). His 2. sons are maried, and Resolved hath 5.
children, Perigrine tow, all living. So their increase

arc 7.

M r . Hopkins and his wife are now both dead, but they
lived above 20. years in this place, and had one sone and
4. doughters borne here. Ther sone became a seaman, &
dyed at Barbadoes ; one daughter dyed here, and 2. are
maried; one of them hath 2. children; & one is yet to
mary. So their increase which still survive are 5. Bat his
sone Giles is maried, and hath 4. children.

5.

-*j

12.

His doughter Constanta is also maried, and hath 12.
children, all of them living, and one of them maried.

* Who dyed 3. of Octob. 1G55. 1G55. But his son William's Table
[If this note is by Bradford, it is not Book says October 3, 1050; and Cap-
written in bis usual hand, and was tain Standish being chosen Assistant
penned subsequently to the text. Prince in 1050 shows that his death must [have
has the following manuscript note in his taken place after 1655]." The part in
own copy of the Memorial, under this brackets is trimmed off, and is supplied
year: " In the list at the e[nd] of Gov- by conjecture. — Ed.]
ernor Bradford[s] MS. folio 'tis writ f See N. E. Memorial, p. 22.—
that Captain Standish died October 3, Prince.

4.

ArPENBix. 453

M r . Richard "Warren lived some 4. or 5. years,* and had
his wife come over to him, by whom he had 2. sons before
he dyed ; and one of them is marycd, and hath 2. children.
So his increase is 4. Bat he had 5. doughters more came
over with his wife, who are all maried, & living, & have
many children.

John Billinton, after he had bene here 10. yers, was cxe-

S. cuted for killing a man; and his eldest sone dyed before

him ; but his 2. sone is alive, and maried, & hath 8. children.

7.

Edward Tillie and his wife both dyed soon after their
arivall; and the girle Humility, their cousen, was sent for
into England, and dyed ther. But the youth Henery Sam-
son is still liveing, and is maried, & hath 7. children.

John Tillie and his wife both dyed a litle after they came
ashore ; and their daughter Elizabeth maried with John
Rowland, and hath issue as is before noted.

*^

Francis Cooke f is still living, a very olde man, and hath
seene his childrens children have children ; after his wife
8.- came over, (with other of his children,) he hath 3. still liv-
ing by her, all maried, and have 5. children ; so their en-
crease is 8. And his sone John, which came over with
him, is maried, and hath 4. chilldren living.

4.

6.

Thomas Rogers dyed in the first sicknes, but his sone
Joseph is still living, and is maried, and hath 6. children.
The rest of Thomas Rogers [children] came over, & are
maried, & have many children.

Thomas Tinker and his wife and sone all dyed in the
first sicknes.

And so did John Rigdale and his wife.

James Chilton and his wife also dyed in the first infec-

* See page 245. — Ed.

f Died the 7ih of April, 1663, above 80. —Prince.

454 APPENDIX.

10,

tion. But their daughter Mary is still living, and hath 9.
children ; and one daughter is maried, & hath a child ; so
their increase is 10.

Edward Fuller and his wife dyed soon after they came
ashore; but their sone Samuell is living, & maried, and
hath 4. children or more.

John Turner and his 2. sones all dyed in the first siknes.
But he hath a daugter still living at Salem, well maried,
and approved of.

Francis Eaton his first wife dyed in the generall sicknes ;
and he maried againe, & his 2. wife dyed, & he maried the 3.
and had by hero, children. One of them is maried, & hath
a child; the other are living, but one of them is an ideote.
He dyed about 16., years agoe. His sone Samuell, who
came over a sucking child, is allso maried, & hath a child.

Moyses Fletcher, Thomas Williams, Digfcrie Preist, John
Goodman, Edmond Margeson, Richard Britteridge, Richard
Clarke. All these dyed, sone after their arivall, in the gen-
erall sicknes that befell. But Digerie Preist had his wife
& children sent hither afterwards, she being M r . Allertons
sister. But the rest left no posteritie here.

Richard Gardinar became a seaman, and dyed in Eng-
land, or at sea.

. Gilbert Winslow, after diverse years aboad here, re-
turned into England, and dyed ther.

Peter Browne maried twise. By his first wife he had 2.
children, who are living, & both of them maried, and the
one of them hath 2. children; by his second wife he had
2. more. He dyed about 16. years since.

Thomas English and John Allerton dyed in the generall
siknes.

John Alden maried with Priscila, M r . Mollines his dough-
ter, and had issue by her as is before related.

APPENDIX.

455

Edward Doty & Edward Litster, the servants of M r .
Hopkins. Litster, after he was at liberty, went to Virginia,
& ther dyed. But Edward Doty by a second wife hath 7.
children, and both he and they are living.

Of these 100. persons which came first over in this first
ship together, the greater halfe dyed in the generall mor-
tality ; and most of them in 2. or three monthes time.* And
for those which snrvicd, though some were ancient & past
procreation, & others left y e place and cuntrie, yet of those
few remaining are sprunge up above 160. persons, in this
30. years, and are now living in this presente year, 1650.
besids many of their children which are dead, and come not
within this account.

And of the old stock (of one & other) ther are yet living
this present year, 1650. nere 30. persons. Let y e Lord have
y e praise, who is the High Preserver of men.

jTwelfe persons liveing of the old stock this present
yeare, 1679.

Two persons liveing that came over in the first shipe
1620, this present yeare, 1690. Resolved White and Mary
Cushman,J the daughter of M r . Allerton.

And John Cooke, the son of Frances Cooke, that came in
the first ship, is still liveing this present yeare, 1694; &
Mary Cushman is still living, this present year, 1698. "

* It appears, on an examination of
this list, that, of the 102 passengers of
the Mayflower who arrived at Cape Cod,
51 died within a fcw months. This
number includes Mrs. Carver, who died
in the early part of the summer, ** with-
in five or six weeks" after her husband,
who died in April. The name of John

Goodman, which is in this list of early
deaths, appears also among those who
shared in the division of laud in 1(5^3-4.
An error therefore exists either in this
list or in the Colony Kecords. — Ed.

f The following memoranda arc in
a later hand. — Ed.

J Onisman in the manuscript. — Ed.

456 APPENDIX.

No. II.

[COMMISSION FOR REGULATING PLANTATIONS.]

Charles by y c grace of God king of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, Defender of y c Faith, &c*

To the most Reve d father in Christ, our wellbeloved & faitb-
full counsellour, William, by devine providence Archbishop
of Counterbery, of all England Primate & Metropolitan ;
Thomas Lord Coventry, Keeper of our Great Scale of Eng-
land ; the most Keverente father in Christ our wellbeloved
and most faithful Counselour, Richard, by devine provi-

■ dence Archbishop of Yorkc, Primate & Metropolitan; our
wellbeloved and most faithfull coussens & Connselours,
Richard, Earle of Portland, our High Treasurer of Kngland;
Henery, Earle of Manchester, Keeper of our Privir Scale ;
Thomas, Earle of Arundalle & Surry, Earle Marshall of Eng-
land ; Edward, Earle of Dorsett, Chamberline of onr most
dear consorte, the Quecne; and our beloved <fc faithfull
Counselours, Francis Lord Cottington, Counseleryf nud Un-
dertreasurour of our Eschequour; S r : Thomas Edmonds,
knight, Treasourcr of our houshould ; S r : Henery Vane,

* See page 320. This document A copy, in Latin, is in Hazard, I. 344

was written on the reverse of folio 201 -347, taken from PownalTs Adminis-

et seq. of the original manuscript, and tration of the Colonies. This may be

for the sake of convenience is trans- the original, of which the othur two are

ferred to this place. A copy of this distinct translations. There is a little

Commission is in Hubbard, pp. 264 discrepancy in the copies, { »s to the

- 2fi8, and Harris, in a note on page names of the dignitaries to w| l0 m this

608 of the new edition of that volume, Commission is addressed. Piuvnall in-

expresses the opinion that this author eludes the name of the Bishop f Lon-

copied it from the Plymouth Church don, which Bradford does nut, all( ] the

Records, where it was recorded by Secre- latter introduces the Earl of Portland,

tary Morton. Harris evidently never who is not embraced in Pownall's list,

compared the two copies. Though jren- Hubbard's Jisl corresponds w nil Brad-

eraliy agreeing in substance, there is ford's, with the exception thai thename

such a want of identity in the language of Sir Henry Vane is omiti^d. See

as to indicate two distinct copies. Mor- Harris's critical note above referred to.

ton copied from Bradford. Hutchinson, — Ed.

I. Appendix 4, copied from Hubbard. f Chancellor? — Ed.

appendix. 457

Knight, controuler of y e same houshould; S r : John Cooke,
Knight, one of our Privie Secretaries ; and Francis Winde-
banck, Knight, another of our Privie Secretaries, Greeting.

Wheras very many of our subjects, & of our late fathers of
beloved memory, our sovereigne lord James, late king of Eng-
land, by means of licence royall, not only with desire of in-
larging y c tpritories of our empire, but cheefly out of a pious
& religious affection, & desire of propagating y c gospell of our
Lord Jesus Christ, with great industrie & expences have caused
to be planted large Collonies of y e English nation, in diverse
parts of y e world altogether unmanured, and voyd of inhabi-
tants, or oecupied of y c barbarous people that have no knowl-
edg of divine worship. We being willing to provid a remedy
for y e tranquillity & quietnes of those people, and being very
confidente of your faith & wisdom, justice & providentc circoni-
spection,'have constituted you y e aforesaid Archbishop of Coun-
terburie,Lord Kecperofy e Great Scale of England, y c Archbisliop
of YorkCj &c. and any 5. or more, of you, our Comissioners ;
and to you, and any 5. or more of yon, \vc_jloe give and coiuite
power for y e govennente & saftie of y c said collonies, drawen,
or which, out of y c English nation into those parts hereafter,
shall be drawnc, to make lawes, constitutions, cc -ordinances,
pertaining ether to y c publick state of these collonies, or y e pri-
vate "profite of them; and concerning y e lands, goods, debts, &
succession in those parts, and how they shall demaine them
selves, towards foraigne princes, and their people, or how they
shall bear them selves towards us, and our subjects, as well in
any foraine parts whatsoever, or on y e seas in those parts, or in
their returne sayling home; or which may pertainc to y c clergie
goverrnente, or to y e cure of soules, among y e people ther living,
and exercising trad in those parts; by designing out congrnente
porcions arising in tithes, oblations, & other things ther, ac-
cording to your sound discretions, in political! & civil 1 causes;
and by haveing y c advise of 2. or o. bishops, for y c setling,
making, & ordering of y c bussincs, for y e designeing of neces-
sary ecclesiastical!, and clargie porcions, which you shall cause
to be called, and taken to you. And to make provission against
y e violation of those laws, constitutions, and ordinances, by
imposing penealties & mulcts, imprisonmente if ther be cause,
and y l y e quality of y° offence doe require it, by deprivation
58

45 S APPENDIX.

of member, or life, to be inflicted. With power allso (onr u?>*
sente being had) to remove, ec displace y e governours or ruler*'
of those collonies, for causes which to you shall seemc lawful'?
and others in their stead to constitute; and require an account' 5
of their rule ec govermente, and whom you shall finde culpabh'?
either by deprivation from their place, or by imposition oi ,fh
mulcte upon y e goods of them in those parts to be levied, <' r
banishmente from those provinces in w ch they have been gove
or otherwise to cashier according to y e quantity of y e offence*
And to constitute judges, & magistrate politicall & civill, f<> r
civill causes and under y e power and forme, which to you •'*
or more of you shall seeme expediente. And judges <5c magi*"
trats ec dignities, to causes Ecclesiastical], and under y e power
ec forme which to you 5. or more of you, with the bishops vice-
gerents (provided by y° Archbishop of Counterbure for y e time
being), shall seeme expediente ; and to ordaine courts, pretoriane
and tribunal], as well ecclesiastical], as civill, of judgment.es J
to detlrmitie of y e formes and maner of procccedings in v"
same; and of appealing from them in matters & causes as well
criminal), as civill, personal), reale, and mixt-e^and to their seats
of justice, what may be equal! & well ordered, and what crimes,
faults, or exessess, of contracts or injuries ought to belonge to
y c Ecelesiasticall courte, and what to y e civill eourte, and seate
of justice.

Provided never y e less, y l the laws, ordinances, & constitu-
tions of this kinde, shall not be put in execution, before our
assent be had therunto in writing under our signet, signed at
least,- and this assente being had, and y c same publikly pro-
claimed in y e provinces in winch they are to be executed, we
will ec comand y l those lawes, ordinances, and constitutions
more to obtaine strength and be observed* shall be inviolably
of all men whom they shall eoncerne.

Notwithstanding it shall be for you, or any 5. or more of yon.
(as is aflorsaid,) allthough those lawes, constitutions, and ordi-
nances shalbe proclaimed with our royall assente, to chainge,
revocke, ec abrogate them, and other new ones, in forme aflor-
said, from time to time frame and make as aflbresaid ; and 1o
new evills arissing, or new dangers, to apply new remedyes as
is fitting, so often as to you it shall seeme expediente. Further-

* A superfluous and comes after " observed " in the manuscript. — Ed.

AITENDIX. 459

more you shall understand that we have constituted you, and
every 5. or more of you, the a fibrosa id Archbishop of Couuter-
buriej Thomas Lord Coventrie, Keeper of y c Great Seale of
England, Richard, Bishop of Yorke, Richard, Earle of Portland,
Henery, Earle of Manchester, Thomas, Earle of Arundale &
Surry, Edward, Earell of Dorsett, Francis Lord Cottinton, S r
Thomas Edmonds/ knighte, S r Henry Vane, knight, S r Fran-
cis Windebanke, knight, f our comissioners to hear, & deter-
mine, according to your sound discretions, all maner of com-
plaints either against those collonies, or their rulers, or govenours,
at y e instance of y e parties greeved, or at their accusation brought
concerning injuries from hence, or from thence, betweene them,
& their members to be moved, and to call y' parties before, you ;
and to the parties or to their procurators, from hence, or from
thence being heard y e full complemente of justice to be exhibted.
Giving unto you, or any 5. or more of you power, y 1 if you shall
find any of y c collonies afibresaid, or any of y e cheefe rulers upon
y e jurisdictions of others by unjust possession, or usurpation, or
one against another making greevanee, or in rebelion against
us, or withdrawing from our aleganee, or qujj comandments, not
obeying, consultation first with us in y l case had, to cause those
colonics, or y e rulers of them, for y e causes afibresaid, or for other
just- causes, either to returne to England, or to comand them to
other places designed, even as according to your sounde dis-
cretions it shall seeme to stand with equitie, 6c justice, or neees-
sitie. Moreover, we doe give unto you, & any 5. or more of you,
power & spetiall comand over all y c charters, leters patents, and
rescripts royall, of y e regions, provinces, ilauds, or lands in for-
aighe parts, granted for raising colonies, to cause them to be
brought before you, & y e same being received, if any thing
surrepticiously or unduly have been obtained, or y l by the
same priviledges, liberties, & prerogatives hurtfull to us, or to
our crowne, or to foraigne princes, have been prejudicially
suffered, or granted; the same being better made knowne unto
you 5. or more of you, to comand them according to y e laws
and customs of England to be revoked, and to doe such other
things, which to y e profite & safgard of y e afibresaid collonies,
and of our subjects residente in y e same, shall be necessary.

* Edwards in the manuscript. — Ed.

j- Sir John Cooke is here omitted in the enumeration. — En.

4G0 APPENDIX,

And therfore we doe eomand you that aboute y e premisses at
days & times, which for these things you shall make provission,
that you be diligente in attendance, as itbecometh you ; giving
in prccepte also, & firmly injoyning, we doe give eomand to all
and singuler checfe rulers of provinces into which y e colonics
adbrcsaid have been drawne, or shall be drawne, & give atcn-
dance upon you, and be observante and obediente unto your
warrants in perill. In testimoney wherof, we have caused these
our letters to be made pattente. "Wittnes our selfe at West-
minster the 2S. day of Aprill, in y e tenth year of our Raigne.
By write from y e privie seale,

Willi ks.
Anno Dom: 1634.

No. III.

Upon the life and death of that godly malron, Mistris Alice
Bradford, wicldow, late deceased on the 27th day of March,
Ann : Dom: 1670, and was interred at Plymouth on the
30th of the same month.*

Heer lyes the shaddow of a blessed mother
In Israel, well knowne to one and other,
Of good decent of holy predecessors;
■ Her father equall was to the confessors
♦ And holy martires, suffered for Christ sake,
Altho hee suffered not at fiery stake,
And shee with him and other in her youth
Left theire owne native country for the truth,f

* These verses on Mrs. Bradford are " Mary Carpenter, sister of 37r.s*. Alice

pasted inside the cover which incloses Bradford, the wife of Governor Jirad-

the original IlisLory of the Governor, ford, being newly entered into the 'J 1st

Mr. Hunter writes That they are a good 'year of her age. She was a godly old

deal decayed or injured; that the last maid, never married." From this Dr.

four lines are not easily read. From Young naturally infers that the maiden

the last line but one, it may be inferred name of Mrs. Bradford was Carpenter,

that Morton was the author. — Ed. Mr. Hunter says: " We do not trace

t In the Plymouth Church Keeurds, families of that name in Basset-Lawe.

under date of March 10-00, 1GG7, is a She might be a half-sister." See

record of the death, at Plymouth, of Young, p. 353 ; Hunter's Founders,

APPENDIX. 46 1

And in succcsse of time she marry cd was
To one whose grace and vertue did surpasse,
I mean good Edward South worth,* whoc not long
Continued in this world the saints amongc.
With him shec lived seven years a wife,
Till death did put a period to his life.
And in some space of time, by Gods good hand,
Shee was brought over into New England,
And in short time the Lord did soe dispose,
That Mr. William Bradford shee did choose
To be her second husband ;f whom to fame
I need not, for it is enough to name
The name of Bradford fresh in memory,
Which smelcs with odoriforus fragraneye.
With him shee lived a wife yeares thirty four,
Till God saw good his time should be noe more
In this sad world, but tookc him hence to heaven,
Ann one thousand six hundred fifty seven.
E'r since that time in widdowhood shee hath
Lived a life in holynes and faith, ^
In reading of Gods word and contemplation,
Which hcalped her to asurance of salvation
Through Gods good sperit workeing with the same,
For ever praised be his holy name.
To about fourscore yeares slice did attainc,
But shec afflicted much with heavy paine ;
As Moses saith, her strength but sorrow was,
. And shee to eternall rest made hast apace.
Shee now with holy Abram hath attained
A good old age. Her life was never stained
With any sin that any one could call
Remarkable, notorious, capitall,
But contrarywisc shee lived soe
As silence might the most mallignant foe
She had, or any other that professe
The waies of Christ and of just rightcousnes.

&c., 2d ed. p. 110. She and her fa- * See pa^e 72. — Ed.

ther may have been of the Scrooby f She came in the Anne, about the

church, and emigrated with it into Hoi- 1st of August, 1G23, and was married

land. She was then seventeen or eigh- to Governor Uradford on the 11th of

teen years of age. — Ed. that month. See pages 71, 142. — En.

462 APPENDIX.

Tis sad to sec our houses disposessd

Of holy saints whose memory is blessd ;

When they decease and closed are in tombe,

Theres few or none that rises in their rome

That's like to them in holines and grace,

Which makes our times looke with so sad a face.

Her glasse is run, her worke is done, and shee

Is happy unto all eternity.

Lett her relations all and every one.

Take her example, doe as shee hath done,

In love to God his waies and one another.

Then they will well improve theire blessed mother

Her holy, blessed, heavenly example,

That gives a gracious presedent soe ample

To them and unto all both one and other

That follow may after this blessed mother.

He multiply noe more words but ab....e

That I dare use concerning her dear...e

Adoe, my loving freind, my aunt, my mother,

Of those that's left I have not sueh another.

INDEX.

A.

Abdas, an Indian, 440.

Acadie, controversy respecting, 401.

Accord Pond, 371.

Acerbecest, sagamore of Wcssaguscus,131.

Aeoughcouso, 373.

Adventurers. See ^Ferchant- Ad venturers.

Ainsworth, Henry, teacher in the church
at Amsterdam, 17.

Alhany, Fort Orange, 234.

Alden, John, undertaker, 227. Assistant,
306, 315, 327, 343, 351, 302, 367. Ar-
rested in Massachusetts, 3 IS. Set at
liberty, 319. Party to a contract, 382,
384. * Settlement with, 400, 402. His
familv, 44 9, 452, 454.

Alden, Kobert, 213.

Alderton, or Allerton, John, seaman on
board the Mayflower, 83, 449, 454.

Allerton, Bartholomew, 44S, 451.

Allcrton, Isaac, 51, 226, 448, 451. As-
sistant, 101. 30G. Mission of, to com-
promise with the adventurers, 210,
212, 280-282, 373. His return, 211.
Second mission of, 221 -233. Agent,
231. His accounts, 232, 248, 28S,
299, 304, 308, 310, 31G. 3C2. En-
gages in trade, 243, 261, 270, 271, 27 G,

291. Third mission of, 244,245. His
conduct, 248, 250, 252, 261, 271, 274,
280, 299 ; as to enlarging and confirming
the patent, 250. Brings over Morton,
250,252. Violates instructions, 255-257.
His wives, 25G, 300, 448, 451. U is fourth
voyage to England, 2G2. His conduct
as 'to the Friendship, 268, 275, 281 -290,
299, 402. Winslow sent to England on
account of his conduct, 268. His con-
duct as to the White Angel, 269-272,
274, 27G, 280, 283, 284, 287 - 2S9,

292, 300, 305, 30S, 331, 402. Heturn
of, 271. Goes to England again, 275.
Comes back, 27G. Discharged, 276,
279, 299. Kumarks on the commission
to, 280-282, 286. Disciplined by the

church, 292. Disregards his bonds, 298,
301. Further notices of, 299, 308. His
troubles, 302, 308, 327. Etlbrts to re-
cover from, on aecount of the White
Angel, 331. Vessel of, wrecked, 3.'i7.
Ganlc of, sold, 365, 379. His iamilv,
448,451,454.

Allcrton, Mary, 256, 448, 451, 455.

Allcrton, Kemember, 44 8, 451.

Alltham, Emanuel, 213.

Ammunition and arms, Indians supplied
with, 235, 23S, 275, 337.

Amsterdam^English church at, 9,1 G, 38.
Contention or* the churches there, 16,38.

Anahaptistry, 387.

Andrews, Richard, adventurer, 213. Un-
dertaker, 227, 229, 232. 246, 258, 280,
2S7, 331. Beaver sent to, 361, 362.365.
Declines giving aid, 345. Complaints
by, 346, 361, 365. Takes land at Scit-
uate, 36S. Settlement with, 379, 4U0
-407.

Andrews, Thomas, adventurer, 213.

Anne, arrival and departure of the, 142,
147,157,179.

Antinomian controversy, 3S7.

Aqnidnett Island, 364. Complaints against
the people of, 3S6. Indian neutrality
with, 432.

Argall, Sir Samuel, 37.

Arminian controversy in the Low Coun-
tries, 20.

Arnold, Benedict, 432. Interpreter, 441.

Arrows, S6, 235. Sent as a challenge, 1 10.

Ashlev, Edward, 255, 257. His patent
and* business, 257 - 262, 267. His char-
acter, 259. At Penobscot, 259, 267, 274,
275. Aided at Plymouth, 260, 267. His
conduct, 261, 267. Supplies to, from
England, 267. His death, 275.

Assistants at Plymouth, "01. 156,306,315,
327, 343, 35l", 362, 367, 377, 384,403,
425,431.

Atwood, John, Assistant, 362. Agent for
Sherley, 377-382. Sherley's letter to,
400, 401. His death, 425.

464

index.

Augusta, Maine, trading-house at, 233.

Aulncv, Moiiiieur d\ captures Penobscot,
•632' Death of, 431.

Aimwcqnon, or Awasequen, Niantick dep-
uty, 436, 440.

Austcrfithl, England, xvi, xvii.

P.

Babson, John J., cited, 247.

Baker, master of the Charity, 157, 169.

lianas, Kdward, settler at Xauset, 426.

Baptism, differences respecting, 3S2, 3S4,
3S7.

I5am. stable, 372.

Parry, John S., hints from, respecting
Bradford's History, v. Referred to, 21.

Pass, Edward, 213. "

Ba*s, fishing for, 267 - 271, 273, 2S0, 2S2,
2S6. See Fishing.

Beauehamp, John, 115, 117,213, 227,229
-232, 246, 2S0, 287, 331. Patent in his
name, 258. Declines giving aid, 345.

. Complaints by, 349,361,365. Beaver
sent to, 361, 362, 365. Takes land at
Scituate, 36S. Freeman's brother-in-
law, 378. Settlement with, 400-407.

Peavcr, obtained at Massachusetts, 105,
10S, 127 ; at Ply month, by Weston, 134.
Sent home, 147, 304, 3J5. Taken by
the Turks, 203. Pought at Kenncheck,
2()t. Payments with, 221, 261. Sent
home bv Amlcv, 207 ; by Winslow and
others, 289, 323, 331, 344-347. Lo«t,
306. Disinclination to send, 344, 346.
Prices of, 346. Sent to Andrews and
Peauehamp, 361, 362,365. Pints and
laws as to the trade in, 3S7.

PelUnglmm, Richard, Deputy- Governor
of Massachusetts, 335. Sends a letter
and questions to Governor Bradford,
386.

Bcstialitv, 3SS-39S.

Pilleriea. See Biffjnkc.

Pillirike, Pilgrims from, 56.

Pillintrton, Elen, 449.

Pillington, Francis, 102, 449, 453.

Billinjrton, John, 1 SI, 4 19. 'Pried and exe-
cuted for murder, 276, 365, 453.

Pillin-ton, John, Jr., 102, 449, 453.

Pillington Sea, 102.

Birchover Lane, 106.

Pishops, downfall of, 6.

Plackston, William, 240.

Plackwell. Sir Francis, voyage of, to Vir-
ginia, 37. Conduct of, 37 -40, 42.

Block Island, 350, 353.

Plo-som, Thomas, 314.

lioat-makin- 159, 160, 170, 204, 211, 258.

Button, Pilgrims visit the harbor of, 104,
2o9. Meeting appointed at, respecting
the Hocking 'affair, 322. Meeting of
commissioners at, in 1645, 431.

Bound Brook, 370.

Bradford, Alice, mother of Governor
Bradford, xviii.

Bradford, Alice, wife of Governor Brad-
ford, -x, xix, 71, 142. Verses on, x, 460.

Bradford, Dorothy, .xix, 44^. 451.

Bradford, John, Major, viii, x, xi.

Bradford, Mercy, daughter of Governor
Bradford, x.

Bradford, llobcrt, xviii.

Bradford, Samuel, x.-

Bradford, Thomas, xviii.

Bradford, "William, grandfather of Gov-
ernor Bradford, xviii.

Bradford, William, father of Governor
Bradford, xviii.

Bradford, William, iii, 8, 51, 226, 227,448,
451 , Editorial Preface to his- History of
Plymouth Plantation, iii. HU^Lettcr-
Pook, iv. Morton's copy of a portion
of his History, iv. SO. Rediscovery of
the History, v. His knowledge of* the
Hebrew language, x, xh\ xviii. Mor-
ton's use of the History, xir. His family,
xviii, 44S, 451, 461.' His death, xviii,
4 61. Fac-simile of his handwriting, xx.
His list of passengers in I ho Mayflower,
74,77,447. HiVPockcM$ook/76, 1)1.
His list of dcntlis, 76, 111, 450. Proba-
bly author of part of Mouvt's Relation,
76, 90. Accompanies an exploring
party, 81, 83. His sicknoss, 92, 101.
ChosenGovcrnor, 101, I5fi, 307, 327,
351. ITTs reply to Weston, l OS; to the.
challenge of the Narrairan>ots, 111. Con-
ceals letters from Weston and Peau-
ehamp, 117. Weston writes again to,
US. In expeditions to buy coYn, 12S,
129. Marries Alice Somlnvortli, 142,
44S, 461. Councillor to Gorges, 149.
Intercedes for Weston, 150, 152. Inter-
cepts letters by Lyford, 17a. Trades for
poods at Monhegan, 2ns. Appoints
agents, 230. Disapproves fishing. 262.
Pndicott's application to, fen- a physician,
264. Ceases to be Governor, 306, 307.
Assistant, 306, 313, 343,362, 425. Com-
plains respecting the settlement at Wind-
sor, 341. Commissioner for settling the
boundary with Massachusetts 370." Re-
plies to Pellinghanrs letter. 3SS. Set-
tlement of partners with, -too, 402, 406.

Bradford, William, Jr.. Deputy-Governor,
viii, x, xi, 1S9.

Brads tree t, Simon, commissioner, 430.

Prercton, William, 148.

Brewer, Thomas, an adventurer, 48, 49,
213.

Brewster, formerly Satuket, '.17.

Hrewster, Pear, 256.

Brewster, Jonathan, respecting settlers
from Dorchester on the Connecticut,
339.

Prcwsicr, Love, 397. 44$, 451.

Brewster, Mary, 447, 451.

Brewster, Patience, 1S9, 362.

INDEX.

4G5

Brewster, William, Elder, xvi, 10, 33, 227,
231,278.447,451. Goes to Holland, 10.
An assistant to John Robinson, 17.
Sent as agent to England, 30. Corrc-
- '■ spondence of John Robinson and, with
Sir Edwin Sandys, 30 ; with Sir John
Wolstcnholme, 33. Reasons for his go-
ing to America, 42, 59. J lis exertions
during the sickness at Plymouth, 91.
Letter to, from Mr. Robinson, 165.
Daughters of, 1G6. Not to administer
the sacraments, 1G7. His religious la-
bors, 1S7, 413. His family, 256, 447,
451. Settlement of partners with, 400
- 402. His death j sketch of his life and
character, 408.

Brewster, Wrestle, 447, 451.

Bridges, master of the Little James, 142.

Britteridgc, Kit-hard, 449, 454.

Brodhead, J. Romeyn, 43, 99, 233.

Brook, Lord, 352.

Brown, John, Assistant, 343, 3G2, 3G7, 377,
384, 408. Commissioner, 430. Signs
a treaty, 440.

Brown's Island, 155.

Browne, Peter, 449.

Browning, Henry, 213.

Brownists, 197.

Butten, William, 7G ; 77, 448, 450, 451.

a

Callicotc, Sergaute, 441.

Calvin, John, 4.

Canterbury, Archbishop of. Sec Laud.

Capawack, Martha's Vineyard, 97, 104.

Cape Ann, patent for, 160, 1GS. Settlers

at, 195. Trouble there, 19G.
Cape Cod, fallen in with by the Pilgrims,

76. Pilgrims put into the harbor of,

77, 80. The name, 77. French ship
wrecked at, 9S. See Provincetown.

Carleton, Sir Dudley, cited as to Brew-
ster, 412.

Cavpenter, Mary, 4 GO.

Carter, Robert, *44S, 452.

Cart-wright, Thomas, his Commentary on
the Proverbs of Solomon, printed by
Brewster, 412.

Carver, John, twice an agent to England,
30-32,43. Deacon, 32. Sabine Stares-
more's letter to, 39. His agreement
with Weston, 43. Letter to, by Robin-
son, 47; by others, 49; by Cnshman,
56. His complaints against Cnshman,
56. At Southampton,". r >9, 60. Robin-
son's letter to, 63. Confidence in, 64.
His wife, 64, 44 7. In the exploring
party in Cape Cod Bay, S3. Chosen
Governor, 90, 99. Detains the May-
flower, 100. His death, 100, 109,45*0,
455. His family, 100, 447, 450, 455.
Weston's letters of complaint to him,
107,114,117.

Carver, Kathrine, 447, 450.

59

Cattle, arrival of, 157, 158, 200, 201, 2GS,
272. Division of, 215, 373. Increased
value of, 302, 366. Sale of Alicrton's,
3G5, 379. Prices of, in 1G3S, 366. Sud-
den depreciation of, 376, 379.

CawsLimsett Neck, 373.

Ceremonies. Sec Church of England.

Charity, arrives at Plymouth, 118, 122,
157,'l5S,236. Its return, 128, 13S, 173.

Charles, the ship, 301.

Charles L, Commission by, for regulating
Plantations, 320, 456.

Charles River, 3GS.

Charlcstown, 96. Sickness at, 277.

Chatham, 97.

Chaunccy, Charles, invited to Plymouth,
382. Differs with Reyuer, 382* Pacts
as to, 384. Answers questions, 392.

Chickatabot, sagamore oi'Naponsett, 325.

Child, John, 443. .

Child, Robert, eomplaints by, against
Massachusetts colony, 443.

Chilton, John, ami family, 449, 453.

Chilton, Mary, 449, 454*

Chinnough, an Indian, 431.

Christinas, at Plymouth, 112.

Church covenant, entered into, 27S.

Church discipline, 197, 198.

Church of England, contention about the
ceremonies and service-book of the, 3,
5, 7, 8. Overthrown, 6, 7. Conformity
to thc r renuired, 8.

Clarke, "pilot of the Mayflower, 55, 83.
Clarke's Island named from, S7.

Clarke, Richard, 449, 454.

Claudia, Block Island, 350, 353.

Clifton, Richard, Rev., xvii, 10.

Coddington, William, facts as to, 278.

Cohassct, or Conahassct, 370, 371.

Collier, Marv, 362.

Collier, William, 201, 213, 30S, 3G2. As-
sistant, 308, 315, S27, 343, 351, 367,
377, 384, 408. Sherley's agent, 377
-382. Confirms the confederation, 423.

Collins, 337.

Colonies of New England, union and con-
federation of the, 416.

Combes, 55.

Commissioners for the Plantations, 320,
456. Winslow's petition to the, 327.

Commissioners nnder the confederation of
1643,418. Authorize the execution of
Miantonimo, 424. Meet at Boston in
1645,431. Decision of, respecting the
Narraganscts, 433. Powers of, doubt-
ed, 435.

Common house at Plymouth, building of
the, SS, 90. Burnt/lOO.

Community of property, 135, 157, 214.

Compact of the Pilgrims, S9. Signers of
the, 90.

Conant, Roger, 169, 196. Not mentioned
by Bradford, 195.

Confederation of the Plantations, in 1G43,
416.

466

•INDEX.

Confession, on exacting;, 390, 390.

Conformity. See Church of England.

Connecticut, trade' on the *> difficulty with
the Dutch, 31 1 , 313. Norton and Stone's
excursion to the, 3:24. Mortality there,
325. Wreck of vessels bound to, 348.
Permission from Pequot Indians to
scrtle at, 349. Indian attack at, 351.
Confederation with, iu 1643, 41G. Sup-
ports Uncas, 433.

Cook, Josiah, settler at Nanset, 426.

Cooke, Francis, 449, 453, 455.

Cooke, John, 449, 453, 455.

Cooper, Humility, 449, 453.

Coppin, Robert, pilot and master-gunner
on board the Mayflower, 83. Deceived,
8G.

Corbitant, hostile, 103. Takes Squanto,
103. Expedition against, 103. Makes
peace, 104.

Corn. See Indian Corn.

Cotton, John, Rev., 279.

Coventry, Thomas, 213.

Cows, price of, in 163S, 36G ; in 1G39-40,
376, 379. See CatUe.

Crabe, Rev. Mr., 58.

Crakston, John, 448, 452.

Crakston, John, Jr., 448, 452.

Cromwell, Thomas, Captain, and his
crew, 441.

Crosc, Daniel, guilty of murder, 362.

Crowninshicld, Edward A., 206.

Cudworth, James, 301.

Cushman, Mary, 455.

Cnshman, Robert, twice an agent to Eng-
land, 30, 31, 43, 44, 47. Letters from, 36,
51, 54, 56, 143, 160. Character of his
negotiations, 45, 48, 50, 60, 62. An-
swers' complaints, 51, 56, 60. Dis-
couraged, and disposed to remain, 54,
70, 72. His sermon at Plymouth, 55.
His letter to Sonthworth, 71. Assistant
in the Mayflower, 72. Passenger in
the Fortune, 105, 114. Returns in the
Fortune, 108, 122. Captured, 110, 122.
Condemns "Weston's colonists, 122. Pa-
tent of Cape Ann in the name of, 168.
Writes to Bradford, 201. His death,
206. Facts as to, 206.

Cushman, Thomas, 201.

Cushnoc, trading-house at, 233.

Cutshamakin, a sagamore, 438, 440, 441.

D.

Damariseovc Islands, 114, 131. Pinnace

wrecked at, in 1624, 156, 188. Goods

bought there, 210.
Dartmouth, Pilgrims at, 68, 78.
Davenport, Lieutenant, 359.
Davidson, William, 409, 410.
Davis, John, Sargent, messenger to Nar-

ragansct Indians, 432.
Davis, John, Judge, S8, 131, 206, 372,

373. On the community of property, 135.

Deane, Charles, vi.

Deaths. See Mortality.

Deer, 105, 137.

Denison, William, 287. Sues Allerton,302.

Dcrmcr, Captain, 95. Cited, 96. Treat-
ment of, by Indians, 97.

D'Ewes, Sir Simonds, cited as to intro-
ducing Episcopacy into New England,
329.

Discovery, arrival of the, 127.

Doan, John, Assistant, 306. Settler at .
Nauset, 426.

Dorchester, migration from, to Windsor,
338, 342.

Dorchester fishing company, 169.

Dotcy, or Dotte, Edward*, S3, 448, 455.
In the exploring party along Cape Cod
Hay, 83.

Drake, Samuel G., 110, 132, 425.

Dudley, Thomas, Governor of Massachu-
setts, 278, 287. Enters into church cov-
enant, 278. His letters respecting Aldcn
and the Kennebec patent, 318. Signer
of the confederation in 1643, 423.

Dutch, difficulty with the, on Connecticut
River, 311,328. Sec New York.

Duxbnry, separated from Plymouth, 303,
372,426.

Earthquake .in 1638, 366.

Easthamr^auset, 97, 103, 362, 426.

Eaton, Francis, and family, 449, 454.

Eaton, Samuel, 449, 454.

Eaton, Sarah, 449, 454.

Eaton, Thcophilus, signer of the confeder-
ation in 1643, 423. Commissioner, 430.
Signs a treaty, 440.

Elders, 4.

Elizabeth, Queen, xv, 4. Favors the An-
glican ritual, 5.

Ellis, George E., Rev., 387.

Ely, seaman in tho Mayflower, 77, 450.

Einbden, 3, 9, 38.

Endicott, John, arrival of, and of the pa-
tent of Massachusetts, 238. His action
as to Merry-Mount, 238, 253. Hi* ap-
plication to Plymouth for a physician,
264. Boundary commissioner, 370.

English, Thomas, a seaman on board tho
Mayflower, 83, 449, 454.

Episcopacy, plan for introducing into New
England, iu 1635, 329. Sec Church of
England.

Episcopius, Simon, Arminian Professor at
Ley den, 21.

Essex, Pilgrims from, 56.

Executions, 276, 362, 365, 398.

Falcon, the ship, 344.
Familism, 387.

INDEX.

467

Farrar, Sir George, 51.

Fast, before leaving Holland, 41. In a
time of drought, 142.

Fells, Mr., 219, 220.

Felt, Joseph b!, Kev., 132, 141, 169, 209.

Fenwiek, George, signer of the confedera-
tion, 423 ; of a treaty, 440. Commis-
sioner, 430.

Fesscndcn, G. M., cited, 95.

Fire-arms and ammunition, Indians sun-
plied with, 235, 238, 275, 337.

Fish, caught, 100, 105, 137. Used for
manure, 100, 105, 142. Sent to Spain,
202, 299.

Fishing, at Damariscove Islands, 1 14, 1 1 5,
15G. By gangs at Plymouth, 137. De-
bate in Parliament respecting, 141. Fa-
tal to Plymouth, 158, 168, 262. Of
Lyford's and Oldham's friends at Cape
Ann, 196. Of Allcrton for bass, 2G7
-271, 273, 2S0,2S2,2S6.

Fitcher, Lieutenant, at Merry-Mount, 23G.

Fletcher, Moses, 449, 454.

Fletcher, Thomas, 201, 202, 213.

Forefathers' Day, SS.

Fort Orange, now Albany, 234,

Fortune, arrival of the, 91, 105, 114, 142.
Its departure, 105, 10S. Freight of the,
108, 110, 118. Captured, 110, 118,122.
Arrives in England, 118, 122.

Fox, John, cited, 3.

Fox-skins, 344.

Frankfort, troubles at, 3.

Freeman, Edmund, Assistant, 367, 377,
384, 408. Brother-in-law of Beau-
champ, 378, 404. Witness to agree-
ment with Sherley, 3S2.

Freeman, Edmund, Jr., 404.

Freeman, James, Be v., 82.

Freeman, John, 404.

Freneh, supply Indians with fire-arms, 235,
238. See Indians.

French discipline, 197.

Fresh River, the Connecticut, 311.

Friendship, arrival of the, 268, 270, 275.
287. Sails, 271. Charged to the gen-
eral account, 280, 379, 402.

Fugitives, rendition of, 420.

Fuiham Library, discovery there of Brad-
ford's History of Plymouth, v. Notice
of, vii.

Fuller, Edward, and family, 449, 454.

Fnlk-r, Samuel, 51, 76, 44S. Physician,
264, 27S, 279, 306. His death, 314, 451.
His family, 449, 451, 454.

G.

Gainsborough, church at, 10, 411.

Galopp, John, 360.

Gardenar, Richard, 449, 454.

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 294-297.

Gardner, Lieutenant, 356.

Geneva, 3, 9.

Gibbons, Major, commands troops. 435.

Geneva Bible, used by the Puritans, 6.

Gibbs, Mr., mate of the Sparrow, 131.

Gibbs, Mr., 228.

Gilson, William, Assistant, 306.

Girling, expedition of, to recover Penob-
scot, 333.

Glover, Bcv. Mr., 343.

Goats, 209, 215, 3GG, 376, 379.

Goffe, Thomas, 213, 22S.

Goodman, John, 449, 454, 455.

Goodycare, Steven, 440.

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 95, 225. Cited,
148. Weston's abuse of, 150. Grant
from, 251. Project for making Gov-
ernor of Xew England, 32S.

Gorges, John, 14S.

Gorges, Kobert, grant to, 148, 1G 8. His
government, 149. Calls Weston to ac-
count, 150; arrests him, 152. Keturns
to England, 154.

Gorton, Samuel, 425, 443, 444.

Gosnold, Bartholomew, names Cape Cod,
77.

Gott, Charles, 2G6.

Governors of Plvmouth, 90, 99, 101, 156,
306, 307, 315,* 327, 343, 351, 302, 367,
425, 431.

Granger, Thomas, 397.

Greene, Itichard, 129.

Greene, William, 11S-120.

Green's Harbor, lands granted at, 303.
Incorporated as Kcxhame, and after-
ward et4fed Marshflcld, 303, 372, 426.

Gregson, Thomas, commissioner, 423, 430.

Gudburn, Peter, 213.

Guiana, proposition among the Pilgrims
to settle in, 27.

H.

Hanson, Captain, 152.

Hanson, Alice, xviii.

Hartford, trade there, 313. Aid from,
against Indians, 428.

llatherly, Timothy, 151, 213, 227. Part-
ner with the Plymouth colony, 246. 253,
2GS, 2S0, 2S2,287. A rrives at Massa-
chusetts, 268, 271. His excuses and
conduct, 269, 271-276. Visits Kcinic-
bee and Penobscot, 274, 275. Ke-
turns to England, 275. Troubled about
the Friendship, 301. Settles at Seituatc,
301,368. His accounts, 302. Assist-
ant, 343, 351, 367, 377, 3S4, 40S.

Hathorne, William, commissioner, 430.

Haynes, John, Governor of Massachusetts,
335.

Heath, Thomas, 213.

Hibbins, William, 401, 403.

Hig^ins, John, settler at Xauset, 426.

Ili<:ginson, Francis, 204. Ordained, 266.

Hilton, Edward, 240.

Hilton, William, 96, 105.

llingham, 36S, 370.

Hobbamok, 103, 114. Expresses fears.

468

INDEX.

112. Jealous of Squanto, 113, 114.
Accompanies the Pilgrims to Massachu-
setts, 1 13. J IU services, 114.

Hohson, Willimn, 213.

Hocking, killed at the Kennebec; the con-
sequences 310.

Holbeck, William, 44S.

Holland, Hubert, 201, 213 %

Holland. See Low Countries.

Holmes, "William, commander of an expe-
dition to Connecticut Kivcr, 313. To
march against the Pequots, 355.

Hookc, John, 44S, 451.

Hooker, Thomas, Itev., 193.

Hopkins, Constanta, 448, 452.

Hopkins, Damans, 44S.

Hopkins, Edward, signer of the confedera-
tion in 1043, 4C3. Commissioner, 430.
Sisrns a treat v, 440.

Hopkins, Elizabeth, 4 IS, 452.

Hopkins, Giles, 44S, 452.

Hopkins, Ocennns, bom at sea, 77, 448,
450.

Hopkins, Stephen, of London, in explor-
ing parties, 81, 83. Visits Massasoit,
102. Assistant, 306, 315, 327, 343. His
. family, 448, 452.

Hostages, required of Indians, 439.

llowhunl, Elizabeth, 450.

Howland, John, 70, 227, 382, 447. Over-
board, 70. In the exploring party along
Cape Cod Bay. S3. Assistant, 300, 315,
327. Hih command on the Kennebec,
317. Settlement of partners with, 400,
402. His family, 447, 450, 453.

Hubbard, William, xv, 41, 62.

Haddleston, John, letter from, 125. Sup-
plies from, 125.

Hudson, Thomas, 213.

Hudson's River, otler to transport the
Pilgrims to the, 42, 43, 4S. Pilgrims
saii" towards, 77 ; and intend settlement
at, 99.

Hunt, Thomas, Captain, the kidnapper,
95,, no.

Hunter, Joseph, Kcv., v, 10, 31, 460. Cor-
respondence with and services rendered
respecting Bradford's History, v. Cited,
xviii, 411.

Hurricane at Plymouth, 337.

Hutchinson, Ann, Mrs., 3S7.

Hutchinson, Francis, 3S6.

Hutchinson, Thomas, xv.

I.

Indian corn, found, 82. Taken and after-
ward paid for, 82, S3, 103. Planted,
100. More cultivated bv the Indians,
102. Obtained in 1 022, 1*29, 130. More
planted by the Pilgrim*, 134, 208.
Trade with, 107, 201, 203. Increased
value of, 302, 360.

Indian graves, 82.

Indians, anticipations of sufferings from

the, by the Pilgrims, 25, 78. First
seen by a party under Stnndish, 81.
Flee and arc followed, SI. Seen around
a grampus, S3, 84. First encounter
with, 35. At Plymouth, 93. Treaty
with, 94. Mortal'itv among the, 95,
102, 110,315,3-25. Kidnapped bv Hunt,

■95, 90. Hostile, 90-98. Their treat-
ment of Dormer, 97. liaise more corn,
102. Expedition against, to revenge the
supposed death of'Sonnnto, 104. Mas-
sacre by, in Virginia, 125, 120. Set-
tlers at Weymouth, servants of, 130.
Conspiracy of, against Weston's com-
pany, 131. Robinson's letter as to kill-
ing, 104. Trade with, on the Kennebec,
233; for wampum, and the effects, 234.
Supplied with ammunition and lire-arms,
and taught the use of them, 235, 238,
275, 337. On Connecticut River, 311,
349. Hocking trades with, on the Ken-
nebec, and is killed, 317,353. Viewed
as a common enemy, 353. Sold into
slavery, 300. Land "reserved for them,
374. General conspiracy of the, 410.
Confederation against them, 416. So-
ciety for propagating the Gospel among
the, 443.

, Long Island, tender themselves

as tributary, 300.

, Massachusetts, voyage to the, 104.

Afraid of the Tarratecns, 104. Second
visit to tWi, 112.

, Mohawk, 358, 430, 433. Peqiiot

Indians go to, 35S, 361. Promise as-
sistance to the Narraganscts, 431.

, Monhigg, 301. Beat the Nar-
raganscts, 423; difficulties between
them settled by commissioners, 429.
See ftJfantonimo.

— — -, Xarragansct, 102, 235. Exempt-
ed from the great mortality, 102, 110.
Challenge the Pilgrims, 110. Reply
to their challenge, 111. Apprehensions
from the, 126. The Little James sent
to, to trade, 155. Quarrel with the Pe-
quots, 349. In friendship wiih Massa-
chusetts, 349. In the assault on the
Pequots, 355, 357. Try to raise a con-
spiracy against the English, 301. Ex-
ecution of murderers of one of the, 302,
305. Conspire against the English,
416. Reatcn by Uncas, 424. Further
hostilities by the, 431. Insult messen-
gers, 432, 433. Warlike preparations
against, 432, 434. Treaty with, 437.

, Xiantic, treaty with", 437, 440.

, Penobscot, 90.

, Peqnot, 311. Mission of. to Mas-
sachusetts, after Stone's death, 349. Mis-
sion to the, 350. Their deception, 351.
Attack the English, 351. Solicit the
Narraganscts to join against the Eng-
lish, 355. Destroyed, 350. Pate of the
survivors, 301, 423.

ljNDEX.

469

Indians, rokanokct, 9G.

, Tjirratceu, 104.

, Wampnnoitg, 94.

Inncmo, an Indian chief, 43G.
Ipswich, 343.

Jackson, Thomas, executed, 3G2.
James, sagamore of Suugus, 325.
James, a physician, 3G4.
Jumes, I., hostility, of, to the Puritans, 9.

Gives Harcourt a patent to settle in

Guiana, 27. His patent to the Virginia

Company, 23. Application to, hy the

Pilgrims, for religions freedom, 28, 29.

Prohibits sale of lire-arms to Indians,

235, 241.
James, the vessel, 337.
Jetfery, Sergeant, 359.
Jennings, Abraham, sells Monhcgan, 154.
Jenny, John, Assistant, 351,3C2, 3G7, 425.

His death, 425.
John, sagamore of Winncsimmet, 325.
Johnson, Francis, Pcv., pastor of a church

at Amsterdam, 17. Blnckwell and, 3S.
Jones, master of the Mayflower,, GS. His

conduct towards the Pilgrims, 79, 92, 99,

100.
Jones, arrival of, in the Discovery, 127.

K.

Kean, Robert, 213.

Kennebec, patent of, 221, 232, 244, 250,
251, 290, 316. Trade on the, 233, 2C0,
261, 274, 291, 317, 353. Patent of, cited,
31 G. Quarrel with Hocking at the, 317,
341 ; conference proposed, 321. Agree-
ment respecting trade at, 3GG.

King, William, 73.

Knight, Eliza, 213.

Knight, John, 213.

Knowles, Mylcs, 213.

L.

Laconin grant, 154.

La Have, in Acadia, 332.

Land, for garden lots, 88. Allotment of,
for one year, in 1G23, 134 ; the next year,
for continuance, 167. Division of, in 1 627.
215. Granted at Green's Harbor, 303. '

Langemore, John, 448, 452.

Langrumc, master of a ship, 344, 346.

Latham, William, 447, 450.

La Tour, French governor, 292, 332,431.

Laud, William, Archbishop, 32S. His pur-
pose of introducing Episcopacy into
New England, 329. Opposes "Wins-
low's petition to the Lords Commis-
sioners, 329. Questions YV'inslow, 329.

Lcvcrett, Thomas, patent to, 258.

Levctt, Christopher, voyage of, 149, 153.

Lcydcn, removal of the Pilgrims to, 17.

University at, 17, 21. The congrega-
tion in peace at, 18. Arminian contro-
versy at, 20. Reasons and causes of
removal from, 22. Pilgrims leave, 58,
59. Weston's remarks as to, 11G, 118.
Hinderances to the coming of those that
remain, 15S, 1C5, 1G6, 179, 205, 207,
230; measures for bringing them over,
227, 232. Arrivals from, 245 - 249, 2C3.

Lincoln, Elizabeth, Countess of, 41.

Ling, John, 213.

Litster, Edward, 4 IS, 455.

Little Harbor, settlement at, bv Thomp-
son, 149, 154.

Little James, arrival of the, 142. Pate of
the, 155, 156, IS8, 202.

Locusts, 315.

London. Sec Plague.

Low Countries, churches and rePgious
toleration in the, 10. Pilgrims move
to the, 10-15, 411 ; reasons and eati>os
of their removal, 22. Marriages in the,
101.

Lucas, Samuel, one of the owners of
Clark's Island, 87.

Ludlow, Mr., 359. Arrests Indians, 427.

Lyford, John, 157, 1G0, 109, 213. Facts
"as to, 171, 173, 192. Letters of, inter-
cepted, 173. His wife, 192.

Lyon, arrival of the, 248, 304. Wrecked
and lost, 305, 308.

~-J M.

Machias, trading-house at, attacked, 292,

328.
Malabar, Cape, 77.
Manamoick, Chatham, 97.
Manoanscnssct, or Scussett. 231. 3^.
Manomct, Sandwich, Billington ar, 103.

Pinnace built there, 221 .*L>2G. Hurri-
cane at, 337. See Sandwich.
Marburg, 3.

Margeson, Edmond, 449, 454.
Marriages, 101. First at Plymouth, 101.

Hy magistrates, 330.
Marshfield, settled and incorporated, 303,

372, 42C.
Martha's Vineyard, 97, 104.
Martin, Christopher, part taken by, in re-
lation to the voyage, 5G, 57, "f>2, 72.

Governor in the Mayflower, 72, 448.

His alleged arbitrary conduct, 72, 73.

His family, 448, 451.*
Martin, Solomon, 44S.
Martyr, Peter, 13G.
Mary, Queen, persecutions and flight of

Reformers in the time of, 3. Her death,

410.
Mary nnd Anne, the ship, 365.
Mary and John, the vessel, 307.
Mason, John, Captain, and the Pcquots,

35G, 359. Commands troops to defend

Uncas, 435.
Mason and Gorges, 154, 328.

470

INDEX.

Massachusetts, 97. Pilgrims' first visit to,
104,209. Arrival of Endicott and the
patent, 238; of Pilgrims from Leyden
and others, 245, 267. Gardiner's charges
against, 29G. Emigration to, 302. Im-
prisons Alden, 318. Complaints against,
in England, 327. Consulted as to the
recovering of Penobscot, 333 - 33G. Ap-
plies to i'lymouth for aid against the
Peqnots, 352. Controversy as to the
southern boundary of, 3G8. Mission of,
to Plymouth, respecting uneleanncss
and Familism, 3SG. Payment to, by An-
drews, 401, 404. Confederation with, in
1G43, 41G. Consultation with magis-
trates and elders of, respecting hostili-
ties by the Narragansets, 432. Men to
be furnished by, 433. Cromwell and
his crew at, 441, 442.

Massasoit, visits Plymouth, 94. Treaty
with, 94. His residence, 94, 102. Em-
bassy to, 102. Sends word respecting
Billington, 103. Takes shelter under
the Pilgrims, 111. Visit to, in his sick-
ness, 131. Reveals a conspiracy against
Weymouth, 131.

Mastcrson, Pit-hard, 39, 314.

Mather, Cotton, sketch of Bradford by,
xvi.

Mather, Richard, 337.

Matianuck, 339.

M;iv, Dorothy, xix.

Mayflower. 54, 56, GS, 246. Hired, 58.
Perilous voyage of the, 75, 77. List of
passengers in the, 74, 77, 100, 447.
Deaths" and births onboard, 75-77, 92,
100. Place of anchorage of the, 81.
Sails to Plymouth, SS. Character of
the crew, 92. Remains nearly five
months, 99. Pilgrims live on board
the, 100. Deaths among the crew, 100.
Returns without freight, 99, 109. See^
Jones.

Meadows at Plymouth, 21G.

Meekasano, a Narraganset sachem, 43G,
440.

Merchant adventnrers, agreement with the,
42, 57, 62. Early negotiations, 43. Dis-
agreement, 54, Gl, 79. Weston's re-
marks as to the, 114, 119. Fit out the
Paragon, 138. Paction among them,
157, 158, 165, 1G6 ; respecting Lvford,
193. Broken up, 196, 199. Complaints
and propositions from some of them,
with the answers, 197. Compromise
with, 210, 211, 214, 221-238, 373.
Names of, 213.

Merry-Mount, 237-243, 253. See Morton*

Miantoniino, chief of the Narragansets,
captured and killed by Uncas, 424.

Middleboronudi, 97.

Millsop, Thomas, 213.

Mink-skins, 344.

Mintcr, Desire. 447, 450.

Mitchell, Jonathan, 337.

Mixano, a Narragansct saehem, 436, 440.

Monhegan, 154. Goods bought at, 208.

Mononotto, an Indian sachem, and his
wife, 3G0.

More, Ellen, 447, 451.

More, Jasper, 44 7, 450.

More, Richard, 447, 451.

Morrcll, William, Rev., accompanies Gor-
ges, 154.

Mortality of the Pilgrims, 7G, 84,88, 91,
100, 109, 314, 455. Of the Indians, 95,

v 102, 110,315,325.

Morton, George, 48. Arrival jof, with his
family, 142. Death of, 189.

Morton" George, one of the purchasers of
Clark's Island, 87.

Morton, Nathaniel, Secretary, his copy of
a portion of Bradford's History, xiv, 80.
Passenger in the Anne, 142. Verses
possibly by him, 460.

Morton, "Thomas, 131. His arrival and
conduct at Mount Wollaston, 230-242.
Arrested and sent to England, 242. The
return and treatment of, 252. Re-sent
to England, 253. His return, character,
and. end, 254. His New English Ca-
naan, 254. His complaints against New
England, 329.

Mott, Thomas, 213.

Mount Wollaston, 236. Carousals at,
237, 253.

Mourt's Relation, 7G, 90, 99.

Mullins, Josepli, 448, 452.

Mnllins, Priscilla, 448, 452, 454.

Mullins, William, a Pilgrim, 62, 448, 452.

Munisscs, the island, 350.

Muscoiifrus Patent, 258.

Mystic Port, attack on, 356.

N.

Nacata, 373.

Naernsehatct, 373.

Namaskct, 97.

Namskeket Creek, 219, 295.

Nantasket, or Natascoe. 195, 263, 267.

Naumkeag, 1 G9, 240. Sec Salem,

Naunton, Sir Robert, befriends the Pil-
grims, 29.

Nauset, Eastham, 97, 103. Settlement of,
362,426.

Newbald, Eria., 213.

New-comers, 14G. Agreements with, 147,
157, 179, 249.

New England, patent for, 44. Grant to
the Plymouth colonists by the President
and Council of, 107, 138, 250. Patent
of, denounced, as monopolizing the fish-
eries, 141. Grant by the company to
Gorges, 148. Complaints against, 327.
Project of making Gorges the Governor
and introducing Episcopacy, 329. Con-
federation of the colonies of, in 1G43, 417.

New Haven, confederation with, against

JNDEX.

471

Indians, 41 G. Indian outrages at, 427.
Support Uncas, 433.

Ncw-townc, 319, 335, .342.

New York, oilers to the Pilgrims to re-
move to, 42, 43, 48. Dutch deputations
from, 222, 233, Oil. Bark trading there
seized, 323.

No-JMan's-Lnnd, 97.

Norton, Captain, 324.

Norton, lie v. John, 343.

Nottinghamshire, church of Pilgrims in,
9, JO.

Novatians, 5.

0.

Office, fines for refusing, 30G.

Old Comers, 372, 42G.

Oldham, John, claim of, 143, 1G0. At
Cape Ann, 169, 195. Ilis career, 172.
Expelled, 1S2. Returns, 189. Beaten
oft', 190. Ilis end, 190, 196, 350. Had
the charge of Morton, 24 2. Murderers
of, go to the Pequots, 350.

Orange, Fort, 234.

Ossameqiiine, an Indian chief, 43S.

Otter-skins, l'OS, 228, 304, 315, 323, 331,
344, 346, 347.

Oxford, Bishop of. Sec Wilherforce.

Paddy, William, 332.

Pamet Hiver in Truro, 82.

Pampiamett, an Indian, 431.

Paragon, bought and sent out by John
Peircc, 138-140.

Partridge, Kalph, discusses baptism with
Chauncey, 3S3. Pacts as to, 3S3. An-
swers questions, 391.

Pascataway, difficulty with Hocking from,
at Kennebec, 317, 321.

Tassaconaway, an Indian chief, 43S.

Passengers in the Mayflower, 447.

Pastors, 4.

Patrick, Captain, 359.

Patucket River, 372.

Patuxct, Plymouth, 97.

Peach, Arthur, executed for murder, 3G2.

Peircc, William, 140, 155, 24G. Master of
the Paraxon, 140; of the Anne, 142;
of the Charity, 157, 169, 173, ISO. Re-
turns from Enrope, 190. Captain of the
Lyon, 248. Various voyages by, 267.
Involved by Allcrton, 302. Bring??
goods and passengers in the Lyon, 304.
Wrecked at Virginia, 305, 307, 308,
348. Carries Indians to the West In-
dies, 360.

Pelham, Herbert, 440.

Temaquid, 332, 33G.

Pemberton, John, 173.

Penington, William, 213.

Penobscot, 9G. Trading at, 25S, 279, 291.

Ashley at, 274,291. Twice robbed by
the French, 293, 328, 332. Girltng's
expedition to recover, 333.

Perkins, William, cited, 6,

l'errin, William, 213.

Persecutions, 1. Of Puritans in the North
of England, 3, S. See Mary.

Pesseeus.s, Narragausct sachem, 430, 439,
440.

Peters, Hugh, witness to the settlement
with the partners, 400-403, 400.

Pickering, Edward, 47-49, 110-118.

Pierce, John, 02. Charter taken in the
name of, 107, 123, 13S. Weston remarks
on, 119. Condemns Weston's company,
123. Fits out the Paragon, 136. ( >biaius
another patent, 13S: reruns it, 140.

Pilgrims, used the Geneva JJible. 0. 1\a m
a separate church, 9. Their cow-muit,
9. John Kobiu.-on, pastor, 10. l'« r*c-
cuted, 10, Resolve to* go to the J,«>w
Countries, 10. Their tir>t attempt |>re-
vented, 12. Imprisoned, 12. Their
second cmbarkaiiou, 13. Arrive in
Holland, 14, 15. Pate of their \%i\c<
and children left behind, 14. lle-ml: uj
the persecution, 15. Their maum r of
living in Holland, 16, 19, 22, 4 15. Ke-
move toLcydcn, 17. Their inninul l«>\e,
18. Their credit with the Dutch. 19.
Ileasons and causes for their removal
from Holland, 22. Discussion among
the, as totroing to America, 21 : to
Guiana orvirginia, 27. Conclude lor
Virginia, 28. Application by, A>r in e-
dom in religion, 2S. Scud a-jinw t*i
England, 29,30, 43, 44, 4$. 'J la ir cui •
rcspondciicc with the Virginia Com-
pany and with their agents, 3D. Ke-
ligious principles of the, 34. (ms.iin a
patent from the Virginia Company, i<».
Keep a fast, 41. Arrangements !ur
leaving Holland, 42. Their agreement
with Weston and the merchant adven-
turers, 42, 45, 57. l)3scour;iL:e::icnl- of
the, 44, 47, 57, Gl, 09, 72. We-ton's con-
duct towards them, 45, 4 S, 50. 50, 57, 01,
72. Correspondence of, wiih Carver .:ud
Cushman, 49. Conduct of their ul'< nts
4 9, 51, 5G, 57. Provi>ioiH for their \ov-
age, 50, 57, 72. Vcsm'K lor the, 5S.
Keep a fast, 5S. Accompanied to Ihlft-
Havcn, 53.' At Southampton, 59. to,
72. Letter of, to the merchant ad\en-
turcrs, 61. Obliged to sell provision*,
63. Kobinson's parting lencr to, 01.
Choose a governor and a«gi>tani>* for
the voyage OS, 72. Sail, OS. I'ut Uuk
t\viec/6S, G9, 72. Dismiss the Speed-
well, 69. Part of the eomp.un. hfi,
69, 70. Sail again, 74. Vuyniic 75.
List of the, in the MaUl.mvr, 74. H7.
Mortality among the. 70. $4, SS 91. I'*),
109, 314", 455. Register of the deaths,
76, 91. Descry Capo Cod, 76. Tuck

472

INDEX.

for Huron's Paver, 77. Number of, 77,
450. Tut hack to Cape Coil harbor, 77,
8U. Thank-giving of thc,7S. Dis-
eourairiug prospeets, 7S. Nearest set-
tlements to the, 78. Treatment of, by
the master of ihc 3 lay flower, 79, 92, 99.
First excursion of the, under Miles
StaudMi, 81. Their first sight of In-
dians, 81. Find a kettle, 82; Indian
corn, 82, 103. At Famct Bivcr, 82.
lie turn, 82. Second expedition, 82.
Find wigwams, S3; Indian implements,
S3 ; more corn nud beans, S3. Third
expedition of the, under Captain Stan-
dish, S3. Alarmed by wolves, 84. First
encounter of, with Indians, 85. At
Clark's Island, 87. The day celebrated
as the anniversary of the lauding, 8S.
Build, 63, 90. Fortify, SS, 111, 12G.
Lay out house-lots 8S. The compact
of the, and the occasion of it, 89. Mur-
muring among the, 89, 90. Choose
.lolin Carver Governor, 90, 99. Receive
Sauioset, 93 ; with other Indians, 94 ;
Spnuto, 94 5 Massasoit, 94. Treaty
of. with Massasoit, 94. Charge against
their captain, 99. Additions to the, 10G,
1H\ 11G. 118, 124, 142, 143, 214, 245
-2ii, 2G3. Patent for, from the Ply-
mouth Company, 107, 133. 'Weston
ai\i-i> to break od' the joint-stock, 117,
11". Tlair harvest in 1G22, 12G. Their
phirv of worship, 120. Lots of land as-
sise. 1 amou u r the, 134. Letters to, from
the adventurers, 137. Agreement o\
with new-comers, 147, 157. Hinder
anees to the coming of others from Lev-
den, 158, 1G5, 1GG, 179, 2U5, 207, 230.
Peplies to charges against, 161. Their
compromise with the adventurers, 213,
221 - 232. Trade with New Netherlands,
222. Measures for bringing from Ley-
den, 227, 232. Arrival of, from Lcvdcn,
2 4 > - 2 1 9 . Lo nge vi ty of the, 414* 455.
Number of thej' in 1G20, 450, 455; in
1630, 455; in 1G79, 455. Posterity of
the, in 1G50, 455. See Plymouth.

Pinehon, 339. ^

Pla-ue. in London, 204, 205, 345.

Plantations, commission for regulating,
32(>, 45G.

Pliny, K,S.

Plymouth, England, Pilgrims put into,
* "** J - Departure from, 74, 7 7.

Plymouth L'ompanv, 28. First grant of
the. 1 US.

Plymouth harbor, explored, S3,-S7. Pil-
jrriin-* arrive in, 88.

Plymouth. New L:i.;laiul, occasion and
inducements for senlinir. 1. Pilirrims
arrive and laml at, 88, 99. 109. House
for common u-e built and burned, 88,
9n, 99. Other buildings at, 88, 90
Artillery planted on the hill at, 88, 12G.
Savages appear at, 93. Visit to, by

.V

Samoscf, 93; by other Indians, 94.
Smianto there, 94. The name, 96, 97.
Dormer cited rejecting, 9G. , Preparu-
tion at, for winter, 105. Arrival of the
Fortune, 106. Scarcity of provisous at,
110, 11G, 118, 121, 12*4-127, 13G, 145.
Challenged by the Narraganscts, 110.
"Military arrangements at, 111. Im-
paled, 112. Christmas at, 112. Shal-
lop arrives at, from Damariscovc Islands,
114, 118. Arrival of the Charity, and
Swan, US- 123; of the Sparrow, 120
-122, 124; of friends from Lcyden,
123. Treatment there of Weston's
company, 123. Obtain provisions at
the eastward, 125. Fort at, 126. Ar-
rival of the Discovery, 127. Weston's
visit to, 133. Arrival of Francis West,
141 ; of the Anne and the Little James,
142; of Gorges, 149. Fire at, 151.
Faction at, 157, 172. Arrival of Ly-
ford and Winslow in the Charity, 157.
lieply to objections to, 1G1. Lyford
and "Oldham's withdrawal from the
church, 175, 181. Want of u ministry
at, 187. Smith's remarks on, in 1624,
189. Dutch deputations to, 222, 233.
Contributions and action at, in respect
to Morton and Merry-mount, 240. Ar-
rivals at, from Lcvdcn, 245-249, 2G3 ;
of Pvalfc Smith, 2G3. Juryat,27G. > Mur-
der and execution at, 27G. Invitation
to the church at, 277. Cotton's advice
to consult the church at, 279. Accounts
charged against, 282, 288-290. 302, 308,
310, 331 , 343, 344. 347, 377, 380. Pros-
perity of, 302. Scattering of the inhabit-
ants of, 302-304, 372, 425. Dismissions
from, to Duxbnry, 303, 372, 3S4, 426 ; to
Marshficld, 303, 384, 42G. Winslow
chosen Governor, 306. Fines for declin-
ing to be Governor or Assistant, 30G ;
time of electing them, 307. Sickness at,

Vjn 1G34, 314. Complaints by, as to the
killing of Hocking on tlic Kennebec,
318,321. Settlement with the partners
in England, 323, 373. Bark of, seized
at the Dutch plantation, 323. Com-
plaints against, at the Council Board in
Kngland, 327. Project of, to recover
Penobscot, 333, 353. Hurricane at, 337.
Difficulty with Dorchester settlers at
Windsor, 33S. Efforts to procure a min-
ister for, 343. Trade at, with a Dutch
vessel, 344. A r csscls wrecked there,

* 34S. John Keyncr minister, 351. Move-
ments of, in the Pcquot war, 352. Dis-
misses Shcrlcy from the agency, 3G2.
Jurisdiction of, 3G4. Prosperity, 3G5.
Prison built, 3G6. Controversy with
Massachusetts as to the boundary, 3G8.
Various townships in. 372. Settlement
of, with Shcrlcy and the other partners,
377, 400. Valuation' taken at, 37S.
Discussion there with Chaunccy, 3S2.

INDEX.

4 r»T

^Wickednesses at, 3S4, 307. Confedera-
tion with, in 1643,41G. Deliberations as
to a removal from, 425. Aids Uneas
against the Narragauscts, 432. Crom-
well and his crew at, 441. Sec Pilgrims.
Pocock, John, 213.
Point Care, 77.
Point Peril, 373.
Pokanoket, 94.

Poliander, John, Professor, 21.
Pory, John, 127.

Powder, sold to Indians, 33G. See Ammu-
nition*
Powows, 93.
Poynton, Daniel, 213.
Pratt, Phiuchas, 131.
Prayers, remarks on, 514.
Preist, Digeric, 449, 454.
Trcnee, Thomas, Undertaker, 227, Gov-
ernor, 307, 315,319,302. Assistant, 327,
343, 351, 367, 377, 384, 408. Sent to
Massachusetts for aid against Penob-
scot, 335. Orthography of the word,
362. Pacts as to/302. "His wives and
family, 189, 302, 40 i. Settlement of
Sherlcv and others with 400, 402. One
of the first settlers at Nausct, 42G. Signs
a treaty, 440.
Prince, Thomas, iv. His memorandum
respecting Bradford's History, viii, xi;
his use of it, xv, 31. Cited, 47, 59, 09,
78, 247, 307, 447, 452. Cites Governor
Bradford's Pocket-Book, 70.
Property, community of, 135, 157, 214.
Providence, Indian neutrality with, 432^
Proyincctown harbor, Pilgrims at, 77, /W
Mayflower's anchorage at, 81, 109. Ex-
ploring parties sent out from, 81 -88.
Mayflower sails from, 88.
Provisions, scarcity of, at Plymonth, 110,

116, 118, 121, 124-127, 136. 145.
Prower, Salomon, 448, 452.
Pumham, an Indian sagamore, 438.
Pummunish, or Pummash, 431, 440.
Purchasers, or old comers, of Plymouth,

31*2.
Puritans, the name, 5. Sec Pilgrims.

Q.

Quakers, 278,279,300,301.
Quarlcs, William, 213.

11.

Pasdall, Mr., at Mount Wollaston, 230.

Pasiercs, Isaac de, 126, 223, 233.

Payner, John, Pev., 351. Hitlers from
Channccy, respecting baptism, 382. An-
swers Be'llingham's questions, 3S9.

Razillai, commander of Acadia, 332.

Bchoboth, 372. Forces at, 434.

Rendition of fugitives, 421.

60

Pcvcll, John, 213.

Pexhamc, called Marshficld, 303.

Reynolds, 55. Captain of the Speedwell,
OS. Puts back twice, OS, 09. Master
of the Charitv, 122.

Bigdale, John and Alice, 449, 453.

Bigges, Sergeant, 359,

Pobinson, Abraham, 247.

Pobinson, Andrew, 24 7.

Pobinson, Isaac, 104, 247.

Pobinson, John, Hew, 10, 107,411. Goes
to Holland, 10; to Leyden, 17. His
ministry and character, 17. Books writ-
ten by, 20. Hi-> intercut in the Armiu-
ian controversy, 20. Disputes wirh Poli-
ander, 21. Correspondence of, with Sir
Edwin Sandys, 30; with Sir John
Wolstenholmc, 33. Preaches a Past
Sermon, 41. Tarries at Lcydc.i. 42.
Expects to follow the Pilgrims, 42, H4,
144. His farewell discourse and prav< r<,
59, 00. His parting letter to Carver,
03; to the whole company, 04. Loca-
tion of his church in England, 71.
Censured, 72. Kept back, 158, 105,
179, 187, 197,205. Last letters from,
103. His death, 205. His widow, 24 7.

Pobinson, Marcy, or Mercy, 104.
Pogers, Joseph, 449, 453.
Pogcrs, Thomas, 449, 453.
Rogers, Mr., at Plymouth, 243.
Rookes, Newman, 2 13.

S.

Sabbath. See Sunday.
Sagadahoc, shipwreck at, 210.
Salem, or Naumkcag, 169, 240. Set Mors
at, 195. Arrivals at, 245, 248, 263, 26 I.
Mortality at, 203. Vi>itcd by Doctor
Puller, 2*64. Ordination at, 260.

Salisbury, Mr., a chiiuigeoii, 132.

Salt-making, 159, 100, 170,

Samosct, visits PIvmouih, 93.

Samson, Henry, 4*49, 453.

Sanders, John, chief over Weston's colo-
ny, 129.

Sandwich, 372. Sec Manoind.

Sandys, Sir Edwin, 29, 30. Letter from,
30.* Treasurer and Governor of the
Virginia Company, 37.

Sassacus, sachem of the Pequots, 35S, 360,
361.

Satuket, 97.

Savage, James, referred to, 24S, 425.
Cited, 312.

Saybrook, Indian attack on, 352.

Say, Lord, 318,352.

Scituate, 307, 309-372, 42G. Boundary
commissioners meet at, 370.

Scrooby, church at, 10, 71, 4 1 1, 401.

Seussctt, in Sandwich, 234, 34S.

Scekonk, 372. Rendezvous at, 434.

Self-accusation, 390, 396.

Seneca, on liberty, 167.

474

INDEX.

Servants, transported to Yirginia, 236.
Rendition of, 4:M.

Sharpe, Samuel, 213.

Shawomet, Gorton at, 443.

Sherlev, James, 1S7, 159, 201, 207,213,
227 - U30, 370. Factor, 229. A part-
ner with the undertakers, 24 G, 25$, 280.
Writes, 246, 247, 255, 270. On a patent
from the Council of New England, 250.
His conduct, 255, 259. Writes by Hath-
crly, 209. His accounts with the Ply-
mouth colony, 2S1, 239. Keeps Allcr-
tou's commission, 281. Sends over a
new accountant, 292. Cited as to the
purchase of the White Angel hy Allcr-
ton, 300, 308 ; loss of the Lyon, 308.
Brief letters of, in 1034,315." Contro-
versy with, in settling accounts, 330.
His letter, 331 ; after shipments in 103G,
344. On the plague, 345. Disagree-
ments between Andrews, Pcnuehamp,
and, 346, 301. Dismissed from the
agency, 3G2, 3GG, 374. Takes land at
Sritnate, 303. Settlement with, 374,
377, 400.

Ship-carpenter, 1G0, 170,204, 211.

Sho.mau, Indian sagamore, 4,33.

Sliues 244.

Simile, Abraham, 154, 336.

Shtirtlcir". Nathaniel ISradstrcct, v, 423.

Sd.Mc, Mr., 220.

Skclum, Samuel, 264. Ordained, 2GG.

Many, .John. 95.

Smaller, John, settler at Xausct, 420.

Sm.ill-pox among the Indians on the Con-
necticut, 325. \^

.Smith, Francis, 432.

Smith, John, OS, 95. Cited, 68, 69, 99.
Karnes Cape James, 77- Writings and
map by, 96, 369. On the cargo of the
Fortune, 110. On Plymouth in. l'G24, 1S9.

Smith, John, Rev., and his church at
Amsterdam, 9, 16, 411.

Smith, Kalfe, Pcv., 263, 27S. Visits
lioston respecting the Hocking affair,
.322. Ke-igus his ministry, 351.

Smith, Sir Thomas, 37.

Snow, Nicholas, settler at Nausct, 42G.

Society for propagating the Gospel among
the Indians, 443.

Socrates, cited, 2.

Sodomy, 38S-39S.

Sokanokc, an Indian sagamore, 43S.

Southampton, arrangement at, for the
vovage, 56. The Pilgrims at, 59, 60, 62,
TO', 71.

Souther, Nathaniel, 382.

Southworth, Alice, 71, 142, 4G0, 461.

South worth, Edward, facts as to, 71, 461.
Cushman's letter to, 71.

Southworth, Robert, 71.

So warns, 94.

Sowansctt lliver, 373.

Sowlc, George, 447, 451.

Spain, truce between the United Provinces

and, 22. Pears from, hy the Pilgrims,
in relation to Guiana, 27, 23.

Spaniards, sufferings of, 136.

Sparrow, arrival of the, at Plymouth, 120
-122. Boat from the, 124, 131.

Speedwell, 53. Puts baek twice, 6S, 69.
Dismissed, 69-71.

Squanto, or Ti>quuntnm, history of, 93, 90.
His valuable services, 95, 100. Dcrmcr
and, 98. In an embassy to Massasoit,
102. Taken by Corhitant, 103. Ex-
pedition to revenge the supposed mur-
der of, 104. In a voyage to the Massa-
chusetts, 104. Information from, as to
heaver, 108. Jealous of Hobbamok,
113, 114. In a second excursion to
Massachusetts, 113. Double-dealing of,
113. His influence over the Indians,
113. In peril from Massasoit, 114. To
be notified against Weston's colony,
122. His death, 128,

Standish, Alexander, 164.

Standish, Miles, Captain, 81, 220, 227.
In an excursion up the Cape, 81. In
the third expedition, 83. Jlis exertions
during the sickness at Plymouth, 91.
In ancxpedition to Massachusetts Bay,
10t, 209 ; to buy corn, 123. Vi-its and
relieves Weston's colonists, 132, 104.
Pacts respecting, 164, ISO, 384. At lite
affray at Cape Ann, 196. Sent to Eng-
land; 203, 373. Pctnrns, 205, 210.
Arrests Morton at Merry-Mount, 241.
Assistant, 300, 315, 327," 351, 362, 307,
377. Sent to Massachusetts, to procure
Alden's release, 318; with Girling, to
recover Penobscot, 333 ; to Massachu-
setts, for co-operation, 335. Disposed to
go to England, 375. Settlement of part-
ners with, 400. Commands troops at
Pelioboth, 435. His family, 44 S. His
death, 452.

Standish, Kosc, 44S.

Stanton, Thomas, Indian interpreter, 359.

Staresmorc, Sabine, 30. His letter to
Carver, 39.

Stmnings,Iiiehard,exccutedforinurder,362.

Stone, Captain, influences the Governor
of the Dutch plantation, 323. His end,
324. Mission of Pequot Indians alter
the murder of, 349.

Stool-ball, 112.

Story, Elias, 447, 451.

Stoughton, Israel, boundary commission-
er, 370.

Strasbnrg, 3.

Sturgs, Thomas, 403. /

Sumner, George, 205. *

Sunday, at Clark's Island, 87.

Swan,* arrival of the, at Plymouth, 118.
Kemains, 121, 12S.

T.

Talbott, Moses, shot at Kennebec, 317.

INDEX.

475

Talbut, the ship, 24 G.

Taunton, 372.

Toucher.*, 4.

Thaehcr, James, 300, 301.

Thatcher, Anthony, shipwrecked, 337.

Thomas, William", 3S2. Assistant, 3S4,
40S.

Thompson, David, at the month of the
Piscataqna, 140, 154, 203. In Boston
Harbor, 154, 20S. Buys goods at Mon-
hegan, 208.

Thompson's Island, depositions as to, 20S.

Thomson, Edward, 443.

Thorned, Thomas, 213.

Thornhill, Matthew, 213.

Thornton, J. Wingatc, edits the patent for
Cape Ann, 1GS.

Tilden, Joseph, 213.

Tillcy, Ann, 449, 453.

Tillcy, Edward, in exploring parties, 81,
83.* His family, 449, 453.

Tillcy, Elizahetli, 449, 450, 453.

Tillcy, John, in the exploring party along
Cape Cod Bay, 83. His*" family, 449,
453.

Tinker, Thomas, and family, 449, 453.

Tirrcy, Arthur, 403.

Toleration, want of, under James the
Eirst, 9. In the Low Countries, 10.
Application for, to James the .First, hy
the Pilgrims, 28, 29.

Trade, 20S, 211, 220, 22G. With the
Dutch, 223, 225, 233. With the Indians
on the Kcnnehec, 233, 2G0, 353 ; and
elsewhere; the effects, 234. Bv Afcjer-
ton, 243, 255, 25S, 201, 291. At fci-
chias, 292. On Connecticut River, 311.
Hocking's, attempt at the Kennebec,
317, 353. With a Dutch vessel at Ply-
mouth, 344. Wiih the French, 353.
Neglected, 3G6. With Kennebec, farmed
out, 3GG.

Trask, Captain, 359.

Trevorc, William, scamnn in the May-
flower, 77, 122, 447, 450. Deposition
of, 209.

Truce, between Spain and the United
Provinces. 22.

Trnmhall. William, 29S.

Tuckers Terra ur, 77.

Turkeys, wild, 105.

Turks take prizes, 203.

Turner, John, 54, 55. His familv, 449,
454.

U.

Uncas, sachem of the Monhcgan Indians,
361,423. Conquers Narragansets, 424,
42S. Kills Miantonimo, 424, 42S.
Commissioners pacify lhe Xarragansets'
hostility to, 427. liencwal of hostili-
ties against, 431 . Aid to, 431, 433, 434.

Uncawav, 427. Aid sent to, 428.

Undcrhill, Captain, 35G.

Undertakers, 373.

Union of the Colonics of New England,
410,439.

V.

Vane, Sir Harry, 352, 360, 45G.

Van jMctcrcn, Emanuel, 9.

Tenable, General, 443.

Verazzano, 350.

Vincent, P., 35G.

Vines, Richard, 284, 292.

Virginia, proposition among the Pilgrims
to settle in, 27, 2$. Application for re-
ligious toleration in, 28. UlackwelTs
voyage to, 37. Vessels at Plymouth,
for and from, 115, 1 18, 123, 127, 151, 153,
190, 217, 305. Massacre iliere bv In-
dians, 125, 126. Vessel for, wrecked
near Cape Cod, 217. Servants trans-
ported to, 23G.

Virginia Company, 28. Application nf
the Pilgrims to' the, 28-30. 3G; their
correspondence, 30. Pactions in the,
36. Patent from the, 40, 89.

W.

Walloons, 20.

Wampum, value of, 234.

Ward, Thomas, 213.

Warham, John, removes from Dorchesier
to Windsor. 338.

Warren, Pichard, of London, S3, 44$, 453.
In the exploring party along Cape Cod
Bay, 83. His death, 245, 453.

Warren, II. I., or So wains, residence of
Massasoit, 94.

Warwick Patent, 3 G9.

Water, New England, first drunk by
Stand ish's part}*, 81.

Water-fowl, 105.

Watson, Edward, at Clark's Inland, 87.

Watson, Elkanah, one of the owners of
Clark's Island, 87.

Waugliwamino, 439.

Wectowish, or Witowash, an Indian, 431,
440.

Wcewashcookc, 43S.

Weld, Thomas, opposed to Ann Hutchin-
son, 337. Takes part in the settlement
with the partners, 400-403, 406.

West, Francis, Admiral of Xew England,
141, 149. Counsellor to Gorges, 14J.

Weston, Andrew, 120.

Weston, Thomas, 41. His proffers, 41.
Agreement with him, 42, 45, 57, lnS,
109. His visit to Leydcn, 42, 43. Dol-^
not adhere to the conditions, 45, 47, 50,
61, 72, 107, 10S. His letters h> Gov-
ernor Carver, 107, 114, 117. Answer
to, 103. Sends a ship to tiali at Darnn-
ri^cove Islands, 114. 115, 131; and iu
visit Plymouth, 114, 115. His fair
promises; violates them, 115-121. His

476

INDEX.

letter to Governor Bradford, US. Sells
his interest, IKS- 122. Proposes to
settle adventurers near Plymouth, 119.
His remarks on the letter of Pickering
ami Greene, 120. Character of lii-s com-
pany, 122, 123, 128, 130, 153. Obtains
a patent, 124. J 1 1=5 visit niul misfor-
tunes, 133. Obtains beaver at Ply-
mouth, 134. Called to account by GoV-
ges, 150. Arrest of, 152. His end, 153.

Wevmouth, 119, 371. Character of Wes-
ton's colony there, 119, 122, 123, 128,
130, 153; conduct of the colonists of,
at Plymouth, 124. Want of provis-
ions at, 129, 130. Execution at, 131.
Indian conspiracy against, 131. Stand-
ish's visit to, 132. End of the colony,
132, 1C4. Gorges's purpose to settle at,
14S| 149.

White, John, Rev., 169,213.

White, Peregrine, 101, 448, 450, 452.

White, Resolved, 44S, 452, 455.

White, Eooer, 20f>.

White, Susannah, 101, 448, 451, 452.

White, William, 101, 448, 451, 452.

White Angel, the vessel, 268-272, 27G,

. 2S0, 283^, 237, 300, 30S, 327, 330, 331,
347,379, 402.

Wi_nvams, discovered, S2, 83.

Wilberfurcc, Samuel, Rishop, History of
the Protestant Episcopal Church in
America by, v. His courtesies respect-
ing Bradford's Manuscript History, vii.

Wilder, Roger, 447, 450.

Wilkinson, Ed., master of the Falcon, 345,
346. .

Willett, Thomas, facts as to, 2G0. Agent
at Penobscot, 332.

William and Francis, the vessel, 306.

Williams, Roger, account of, 310. Paci-
fies Indians, 3(54. Gives notice of hos-
tilities, 432.

Williams, Thomas, 449, 454.

Willson, Mr., surgeon, 360.

Wilson, John, enters into church cove-
nant, 278.

Wincoh, Jacob, patent taken in the name
of, 41.

Windsor, settlement of, 314, 328. Diffi-
culty with the Dorchester settlers at,
338. See Connecticut.

Winncsimmet, sickness at, 325.

Winslow, Edward, 51, 227, 231, 27S.
Cited on Robinson's farewell discourse,
59. In the exploring party in Cape Cod
Bay, 83. Death of his wife, 101. Mar-
ried again, 101. Visits Massasoit, 102.
Writes to England, 105. His Good
Ncwes from New-England, 111. Notices
of. 111. Sent to En-land, 147. From
England, 157, 190. Patent of Cape Ann
in the name of, 108. Factor, 202. His
voyage to Kennebec, 204. Trades for

goods at Monhcgan, SOS. Secures a
freight of salt, 262. Sent to England,
268, 271 . Returns with goods, 280, 30G.
Governor, 3()G, 307, 343, 367, 425. As-
sistant, 315, 327. 351, 362,377,384,408,
431. Despatched to England in 1G34,
322,327, 343. Arrested and imprisoned,
330,332,375. His return, 344. Com-
missioner on the boundary, ,370, 372.
Disapproves Sherlcy's proposition for a
settlement, 374. Settlement with, 400,
403, 40G. Confirms the confederation
oflG43, 423. Governor,/! 2 5- Commis-
sioner, 430. Sent to England to answer
complaints by Child and ethers, 442.
Various tracts written by, 443. Ser-
vices rendered by, 443. His family, 447,
451,452.

Winslow, Elizabeth, 101, 447, 451.

Winslow, Gilbert, 449, 454.

Winslow, Josias, 292, 293. Accountant,
347, 378, 3S0.

Winslow, Susannah, 101.

Winthrop, John, Governor, 253, 2S7, 319.
Cited respecting Thomas Morton, 253.
Consulted respecting liillington the mur-
derer, 277. Recommends a fan and
church-gathering, 277. His treatment of
Sir Christopher Gardiner-, 295, 29G.
Consulted about the Hocking affair,
321. Cited as to Winslow'i petition to
the commissioners, 328. His letter
after the reception of Pcquent Indians,
349 ; in relation to aid from Plymouth
against them, 352 *, after attack on
them, 35 S. On the murder of a Narra-
ganset Indian, 364. Does not approve
Sherlcy's proposition for a settlement,
375. Opposed to Ann Hntchinson, 337.
Andrews's release sent to, 400. Signer
of the confederation, 423; of a treaty
with Indians, 440. Cited as to Captain
Cromwell, 442.

Winthrop, John, Jr., 352.

Witnesses, 390, 39G.

Witowash, a Narragansct sachem, 43G,
439, 440.

Wollaston, Captain, and his plantation, 235.

Wolstenholmc, Sir John, 33, 35, 37.
Women, labor in the field, 135. -
Wright, Richard, 213.

Y.

Yarmouth, 373.

Yeardley, Sir George, 37.

Yonge, Joseph, 365.

Young, Alexander, Rev., iv, ix, xiv, 17,

28, 31, 69, 80. On the authorship of

Mourt's Relation, 76.

Z.

Ziska, John, 19.

NOTE.

Page 131, note f. The citations here made are not from Pratt's narrative
direct, but from Felt's Ecclesiastical History, which is referred to at the foot of
the note. X copy of Pratt's narrative was used by Mr. Felt while preparing
his book.

Page 141, note *. The date of Captain Squib's commission should be
Nov. 22d.

Page 315. The Assistants for 1634 are taken, as will be seen, from Mor-
ton's Memorial ; but the names her\^do not wholly agree with those given in
the Old Colony Records. Allerton's name there appears, while the names of
Standish and Collier do not.

Page 377, note *. For " Edward Freeman," read "Edmund Freeman."

Ed.

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